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centrated in his brother's youngested in the art of song. But nobody son, a sweet little boy named Reginald, who has read Miss Burney's record to whom he wrote when absent every of her servitude need seek the day, and of whose liking for Agnes he dimmer reflection in these pages was apparently jealous—his passionate love for this child presenting the only with any hope of further insight. pleasing feature in his domestic char. The tragedy of that simple, formal, acter. To Lady Brougham he never innocent, unhappy Court is deep spoke, and the situation of this poor enough to bear a more powerful lady in her own house appeared to touch ; but that is not to be found Agnes very pitiable ; for though she

here. was not capable of guiding it, a kind word from her distinguished husband

It is difficult in literature, as in would have been dearly appreciated anything else, to forget at this by her. *Ah,' she said, with a moment the existence of that deep sigh, he was not always cross, troublesome aud restless companbut was

very fascinating.' Lord ion to whom fate and propinquity, Brougham seemed worn out and and that close kindred of mixed irritable when he appeared at dinner. races which Ireland tries to ignore, His intense studies and hard work

has bound us. We have laid aside probably caused his morose manners. Although he was the benefactor of for another time a very interesting his own family, no female member and valuable little book, Indusof it seemed to love him but his trial Ireland'; but here are the neglected wife.”

two handsome volumes, just pubNothing could well be sadder lished, by Mr O'Neill Daunt, one than this glimpse of the lonely of the survivors of O'Connell's band self-consuming life sinking morose- of moral-force repealers, to which ly among the clouds.

we must direct the reader's attenThe reader will not, we think, tion. Here surely is an opportumuch care for Mrs Papendiek's ac- nity of studying the Union and its count of the Court of George III. consequences through the eyes of and Queen Charlotte ! —a frank and an Irish Nationalist and repealer. simple servants’-hall history of the But alas for our disappointment ! exalted gods and goddesses which Little does Mr Daunt's book dekings and queens appear to their serve its title. We expect a conlackeys.

There is little interest nected and proportioned account in its monotonous records, except, of the events of the century. We indeed, when the excellent person find Mr Daunt's views of the who writes comes across some of Union, a very lengthy account of the musical celebrities of the time, some of the incidents in O'Conbeing herself a musician, and apt in nell's career, obsolete scandals her house at Kew or Windsor to against Orangemen, elaborate rereceive now and then stray nota- futations of forgotten newspaper bilities of this kind, German or paragraphs, a dissertation on ihe otherwise, who were always hang- evils of the late Irish Church, and ing on about the dull but tuneful very little beside. The history of Court. Mrs Papendiek was herself the book explains its composition. more than half-German, and learn- New and comprehensive as

1 Court and Private Life in the Time of Queen Charlotte. Being the Journals of Mrs Papendiek, Bedchamber-woman to her Majesty. London : Richard Bentley & Son. 1887.

2 Eighty-Five Years of Irish History—1800-1885. By William Joseph O'Neill Daunt. 2 vols. crown 8vo. London: Ward & Downey.

title sounds, it is nothing more promote the interests of the Land than the republication, with a League. I had hoped that Mr Parnew title, a new preface, and nell, the leader of the movement, two or three new chapters, of a

would have strongly and sternly dework which originally appeared in offences to Almighty God, injurious

nounced the outrages as horrible 1845, immediately after O'Con- to the cause he advocated, and unnell's trial, under the more appro- speakably disgraceful to the character priate name of Ireland and her of the country. He certainly proAgitators,' and was republished nounced them to be unnecessary, but under the same name in 1867, in this gentle condemnation did not prethe crisis of the attack on the vent their frequent repetition." Irish Church. Mr O'Neill Daunt But the reason of the republicais no doubt free to republish his tion of the book is not to be found works under any title he pleases, in such a passage as this, but in but it would be well that either the accounts of the rebellion of in the introduction or elsewhere 1798 and the Union. Mr Daunt he should give some idea of their believes that he has in Mr Gladhistory.

stone an illustrious convert to the Mr Daunt of course writes as a Nationalist views of those transstrong Nationalist, though by no actions, and restates those views means as a Parnellite. His book, with the most laudable explicithowever, has not always been ness :quite brought up to date. It is amusing, for example, to find such deliberately provoked in order to give

“ The rebellion (of 1798] ... was a passage as the following over- England a pretext for filling Ireland looked :

with troops to crush out popular op“Mr Gladstone seized the moment Union is the offspring of conjoined

position to the Union.

The of our helpless prostration to add fifty- fraud and force. The Governtwo per cent to our previous taxes: ment goaded the people to rebellion which friendly achievement consti

in order that the popular strength tutes, I presume, his claim to the might be paralysed by civil war and enthusiastic confidence so warmly expressed by some of his Irish ad. its attendant horrors, so as to enable

Mr Pitt to force the legislative Union mirers.” 1

on a prostrate and divided people. ... Upon the subject of the Land The tranquillity of the country just League agitation and its outrages, Pitt's designs against Ireland. . . . To he writes as a worthy disciple of exasperate the friends of reform not O'Connell :

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only by an insolent rejection of their

claims, but also by a shameless perse“ The agitation, based on an un- verance in the practice of parliamentdoubted grievance and professing to ary corruption, became a settled part rescue the aggrieved from their op- of the policy of the Government. It pressors, was unhappily accompanied was likewise resolved to exasperate by a multitude of crimes. For many the Catholics. It was not difficult months the newspapers contained a for an able and unscrupulous Minister black record of constantly recurring to embroil this kingdom in a civil war, murders, cruel mutilations of cattle, and the results of which might facilitate destruction of property. I inferred his favourite scheme of a Union. .. from my conversations with peasants How completely he [Lord Fitzwilliam] that the perpetrators of these out- fell into the trap laid by Pitt ; how rages believed that their crimes would thoroughly he credited the sincerity

i Vol. i. p. 311.

2 Vol. ii. p. 213.

No

of Pitt's insincere declarations in fa- more baleful nearer home. vour of the Catholics! . . . Pitt had wonder that Mr Daunt, if he no other intention than driving the believes this, should speak of Catholics to desperation by disap- Pitt's infernal

policy" and pointing the hopes thus treacherously excited... A rebellion was just

" series of demoniac crimes.” No what Pitt wanted. It was 'not wonder that Mr Gladstone, if he infatuation [by which Mr Pitt was has accepted this view, has blosled), except so far as infatuation somed into all the exuberant consists in deliberate and systematic flowers of epithet that have lately wickedness. To provoke rebellion

graced his utterances. was the object of Pitt's policy; and

But is this the case which Unionthe exasperation of the Catholics, excited by political disappointment, con

ists have to meet ? Can it be postributed to the success of that pol- sible that this is the position of icy. . . : A rebellion was deemed a Mr Gladstone? Mr Gladstone has useful means of laying waste the never explicitly stated it, but there strength of this kingdom."

are various indications that he

adopts it. The charge is no new This is the Nationalist view of one: it forms part of the “ terrible history. These are the frightful proofs and citations" in O'Connell's charges which Nationalist writers great Dublin speech of 1843, which lightly, and as matter of course, Mr Gladstone in this Magazine bring against the Irish and English challenged Lord Brabourne to conGovernments. It is not merely fute. It is pointed at by the ex-alleged that those Governments treme violence of Mr Gladstone's were severe or even ferocious in language, and still more definitely suppressing fancied or real rebel- by his remark to Major Saurderlion. It is not merely stated that son, “It was Pitt who led up to they applied corrupt arguments the rebellion.” Mr Daunt, at all to corrupt politicians. They are events, is fully satisfied that he charged with something far blacker has the assent of Mr Gladstone to than cruelty or bribery. They are his thesis. But still it is hardly charged with having pursued for credible. Are sane Englishmen years a particular course of policy really being asked to frame their for the express purpose of creating present policy on the hypothesis a rebellion which should devastate that “the pilot who weathered the and destroy the country intrusted storm," the statesman who for to their care, for no other reason seventeen years possessed the enthan the covetousness, malignant thusiastic confidence of a country hatred, and petty spite of Mr in which party almost vanished, Pitt. It may be remembered that was a monster of such unspeakable the horrors of the French Revolu- wickedness as the charge supposes ? tion, and all the wars and troubles Are they to believe that their own that followed, were attributed in grandfathers were so blinded or so their time to the gold of Pitt. We corrupted as to accept and indorse laugh at the foreign invention of a such iniquity with cordiality and convenient enemy on whom all almost unbroken unanimity?' Was harm can be fathered; but the it ignorance or was it depravity fiction, if not less ridiculous, is that, more than a generation after

i Vol. i. pp. 14-25. ? Interjected in the gallant member's speech on the Government of Irelard Bill, 12th April 1886.

Mr Pitt's death, led a political which Mr O'Connell or Mr Daunt opponent to say, as his deliberate brings forward to support so terjudgment of the conduct of Mr rible an accusation, is that the Pitt to Ireland

Government were for a year be

fore the outbreak of the rebellion "It is only just to his memory to in possession of information with say, that he formed a scheme of policy so grand and so simple, so righteous regard to the Ulster leaders. and so humane, that it would alone On the strength of this, it is said entitle him to a high place among that the Government might at any statesmen"?1

moment have arrested and conDoes the charge need anything victed the leaders; and they are more than the plain naked state- accused of having cherished and ment which Mr Daunt has given nursed the rebellion as a means of it to refute itself and to destroy forwarding their fiendish machinaall faith in the historical trust- tions against the Irish nation. But worthiness of any man who can the Government were absolutely put forward or believe such a helpless in the matter. Traitors monstrosity ? But the case does there were in plenty, and the Govnot rest there. If the charge is ernment had full secret informaold, the reply is old too. Mr ticn of what was planning. But Daunt adds nothing to the case respect for their own lives made made by O'Connell in the House the informers, one and all, decline of Commons in 1834. We need to give evidence in open court on add litile to the reply made in any terms whatever. The choice that debate by Sir Robert Peel, of the Government was therefore and hitherto accepted as final by limited. Sometimes they arrested, all Englishmen. Putting aside all on comparatively trivial charges, knowledge of Mr Pitt and of the men such as Orr and O'Connor British nation, and assuming that men whom they knew then, and Mr Pitt was the monster of cal- the world knows now, to have culating wickedness which the been deeply engaged in treasoncharge supposes, and that Ireland, able practices. In these cases except for his deliberate and in- they were attacked for having tentional efforts, would have re- created disaffection, and endeavmained quiet, peaceable, and loyal, oured by their tyranny to make would he have chosen the a rebellion explode. time to stimulate a serious rebel- At other times they were conlion a moment when the national strained to wait better evidence existence of Great Britain was and the progress of events. For in the most urgent danger from such conduct they are now accused France? Is it to be supposed that of having sought to nurse and enhe who could wait a dozen years courage rebellion. to wreak vengeance for a slight Both charges are equally unwrought on him by the Irish Par- true. We know from the State liament in 1785, would not wait a papers to which Mr Froude has single year to get his hands free had access—as we might safely from the death-struggle in which have assumed even without evihis country was involved ?

dence—that Lord Camden's strong But let us examine on what the desire was to arrest and bring to charge is based.

The only fact open trial all the leaders of treason,

as

1 Macaulay, Lise of Pitt. Works, vol. vii. p. 397.

as

and that he was only deterred by fied magistrates and undisciplined the certain impossibility of pro- Irish troops, no doubt, became ducing evidence sufficient to obtain savage in their alarm, and the convictions. 1

burden of their outrages fell not This is not a time to enter upon upon responsible and guilty leaders, the more detailed charges which but on ignorant peasantry. But are made against the British and wherever the sin and the shame Irish Governments. Men whom of the Rebellion and the Union Wolfe Tone had long before de- may fall, it is not on Mr Pitt or scribed the most profligate the British Government. Whoassemblage of scoundrels he ever ever have occasion to cast dust on set eyes on, pathetically attribute their heads, it is not the British this seduction to the gold of Pitt. nation. Their conduct through Men who assert the sacred right the severest possible ordeal disof rebellion are never tired of played humanity and moderation, whining if attempts to rouse the which no other Government or horrors of civil war not nation would have equalled. This treated with rose-water. The is not a time, neither is Mr very loudness of their complaint Daunt's book occasion is sufficient proof of this confi- should choose to justify this view dence in the magnanimity and at length; but we could not pass good intentions of the Govern- unrefuted an accusation so damnment. Subordinate officials may ing to the whole character of our have been fierce and rough; terri- nation and its public men.

were

an

we

1 Froude, English in Ireland (new ed.), vol. iii. pp. 204, 332, 401.

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