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take some power from the poor, | of the law, in favour of the rich, and give it to the rich; some of which stretches have, by degrees, brought the country into its present deplorable state.

that power, which the whole body of poor-rate payers possess, in the management of the affairs of the parish. But, observe, that in the granting or withholding relief to a poor person, the whole body of the parishioners have not the

But, there is here, and there is in no law that has yet been passed, any thing to take the power out of the hands of the Magistrate. This is the security, and

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smallest power, even supposing the only security, for the poor.

them to be unanimous. A Vestry may do certain things in the way of raising the money, and as to the manner of relieving the poor; but the Vestry has no power to refuse relief.

Vestries may, in certain cases, control the Overseers; may restrain them from giving relief; but, after all, the Magistrate has the power of commanding the relief to be given; and, if it were not for this power in the Magistrate, horrible, indeed, would be the situation of the poor: there

would have been rebellion in

England long and long ago. The first thing for a poor person to do, is to go to the Overseer of the

STURGES BOURNE'S Bill altered the law as to voting at Vestries. Before this law, every person who paid towards the poor rates had a vote in the vestry, whether he paid little or much; STURGES BOURNE'S Bill introduced a principle, tending to establish an parish: if he refuse to relieve, or aristocracy of wealth. Now, if a if he give inadequate relief, the man be rated at less than fifty poor person is to go to the Magispounds a year, he has only one trate; that is to say, to any Mavote; if rated at fifty pounds, he gistrate in the district, or in the has two votes; and if rated at County, as the case may be. It more than fifty, another vote for is the business of the Magistrate every twenty-five pounds of ad- to summon the Overseer, to inditional rating, until he comes to quire into the circumstances, and six votes; so that one man may to order relief, if necessary. But, have six votes, and another man suppose the Magistrate will not only one vote. Nothing was ever do his duty. This is a very more unjust than this; but, it is rible supposition, and I hope, that only one more of those stretches few cases of the kind have ever


occurred. I wish not to believe ing, for that they would not. In short, they knew very well, that they could not live in the country, unless there were the usual mode of relieving the poor.

that it ever can be necessary for any one to know how to go to work to bring a Magistrate to justice for so infamous a breach of his oath. I will not, therefore, take up more room with this matter at present, especially as I intend, in my second Number of the "Poor Man's Friend," to enter véry fully into this matter.

To me it seems the most astonishing thing in the world, that any man in England can talk about the people starving! When we all know, that every inch of land, every brick and tile in a Aye, to be sure, the poor-rates, house; that all is pledged by the here are the sure means of re-law, to prevent the people from lief; and how there can be any suffering from want. Every man difficulty, such as Mr. FITTON of common sense knows that the speaks of, it is beyond my capa- field, for instance, which he calls city to discover. This I know, his, is only his upon certain conthat, when lawyer SCARLETT had ditions; and that one of those his Bill before the House of Com-conditions is this; namely, that mons, which Bill 1 trod upon, and he shall continue to pay money to destroyed, just as we do serpent's the Overseer of the Poor, in oreggs; when that memorable off-der that the said Overseer may spring of the wisdom of lawyer take care that no person in the SCARLETT, favoured as it was by parish may suffer from want. CASTLEREAGH, was before the This is a condition attached to House, petitions were coming every man's tenure and every posting up from the farmers, beseeching the Honourable House not to attempt to pass lawyer Scarlett's Bill, which Bill contemplated putting an end to the poor-rates, to a very extensive degree, at any rate. The farmers were frightened out of their houses and land? and, if there They said, that if law-be any starving people in the yer SCARLETT got the law passed, country as long as this law is in he must go and carry on the farm-existence, then the laws are set


man's land. What do people mean, then, by saying, that there are starving Weavers, and starving Spinners, and starving Labourers? How are there to be any starving people, as long as this law remains, and as long as there are

at defiance, and we are living in ticular class of persons; a thing, a state of Tyranny: for Tyranny that no government ever did beis that state of things, in which fore, and a thing which no wise men are, when they are compelled government ever did, or ever will to obey those, who, themselves, do. But, the fact is, that, before set the law at defiance. a government can come to think of such miserable tricks as this, it must be nearly "done up." It can have no firm and natural resources to rely on. It is, like an insolvent tradesman, driven to all sorts of tricks; and its calculations are not, how it shall collect taxes and how it shall pay its way; but, how it shall get along, with all the usual forms, and with very little of the reality, of either receipts or payments.

Taking this view of the matter, we see, at once, how monstrous it is, for any Town or any County to call upon the Government to grant, out of the general taxes, money for affording that relief which ought to come out of the Parochial Assessments. To mention such a thing, to think of such a thing, seems to say, that we have come to that pass, that the settled law of the land is no

longer to be attended to. To propose such a measure is not only impudent, but it is foolish in the extreme. It would be just as reasonable and as right for the government to take money out of the taxes to assist private persons, or partnerships, whose affairs are going wrong; and, monstrous as the thought of this is, PITT actually did it in the case of BoYD and BENFIELD. Indeed, it was in part, done in 1793 and 1811, in the Exchequer Bill Loans to merchants and manufacturers. This was not an absolute gift; there was repayment; but, it was an employment of the public wealth for the benefit of a par-" preferable to throwing the whole

Those who talk of " government grants" to relieve the people; those who talk thus, like a silly, dull, pompous fellow of the name of TAYLOR, who is editor of the Manchester Guardian, and who, in his paper of the 1st of July last, is so obliging as to tell us, almost in so many words, that he "is a gentleman and a man of honour"; this fellow, who was Wood's 'negotiator with COLQUITT and BARRIE, and who knew, by instinct, that Wood had never said what' hundreds of persons can swear they heard him say; those who, like this great conceited ass, talk about " a government grant" being

"of the population upon the poor- "we consider the subject, the “rates, and breaking down their "more decidedly we are con"independence"; those who, like "vinced that a contribution from this great, sappy-headed fellow," the public funds is less objectalk thus, with all the unconcern "tionable than the system of asimaginable; these people never "sessments in aid would be found, stop to think of the consequence "if carried to an extent sufficient of the attempt to put their advice" to meet the difficulty." into-execution. This Taylor says, Oh! "the more WE consider"! "There have, during the past A pretty fellow to "consider" ! "week, been various observations And thus, without more ceremony, "in the London papers respect- to settle the matter, that a grant "ing the call which has been from the general taxes is better, "made on government, to come is "less objectionable than the "forward with a grant of public "money for the relief of the des❝titute poor in the manufacturing "districts; and it seems to be al"most generally admitted, that "unless commercial affairs very "speedily and decidedly improve, "some such measure must be

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system of assessments in aid.” There is a fellow for you! There is a conceited ass! He thinks that he has found out something better, or less bad, than the poorrates, which have existed three hundred years! This fellow is a pretty "WE" to settle a matter like this; and to determine, that the safe, sure, efficient, and allpervading mode of relief is a bad mode. Here we have a pretty fair specimen of the capacity and the character of the "best public

adopted. The proposition, of "course, is not free from objec❝tions; and its details would ob"viously require attentive consi"deration and great care, both in "order to secure the most effec"tive and economical adminis-" instructor." To the follies, the "tration of the fund, and to pre- lies, the slanders, and the praises, "vent its being applied as the put forth by this "Instructor," "poor-rates have been in some of the country owes no small part of "the agricultural counties; and its present miseries. It is the "as there is no little danger of taxes, and the paper-money, and "their being in this manufacturing the consequent Corn Bills that "one, in part payment of the "wages of labour. But the more

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produce the mischief; but you never hear the asses of the "In

structor" call for a removal of remove from an idiot, talks of a these causes. Oh, no! that "remedy from a repeal of the would not suit them. The Corn Usury-laws!" A pretty instructor! Bill is the fruit of the taxes, the Then he talks of the Corn-laws. taxes the fruit of the paper-system; | Aye, here is something to be sure; and, put an end to the paper-but, what a pretty fellow this must system, and, in a month, this be, to complain of the Corn-laws very TAYLOR comes for a bite (which are made for the benefit of from those poor-rates which he the landlords), and, in the very now thinks" objectionable." same breath, call for grants out of The "INSTRUCTOR" depends the taxes, the only effect of which on the paper-system, mind that would be to ease the poor-rates, and this the monster, stupid as it which those landlords have to pay. is, perceives from instinct. The The landlords are sometimes printers are suffering as well as laughed at, as foolish fellows; the weavers. It is said, that 1,500 but, it is only by those who do are now out of employment in the not know them. When I call WEN alone; and, there is no them "Jolterheads," I do not doubt, that the sale of newspapers mean that they are unknowing in has already fallen off very much. their own interests, as far as reThe Stamp-office could tell a lates to grasping and holding fast. pretty tale about this matter! They are, in this respect, clever What, then, would sappy-headed as foxes or monkeys. They, above "man-of-honour," TAYLOR, have all men, are for "government a grant of public money for the grants;" for, this would keep the printers out of employ? Would poor away from the rates; that is he have a grant for the purpose of to say, away from the purses of upholding the "manufacture" of the landlords. It is curious to see broad sheets? Why not? Par- the tricks that they are playing ticularly as this is "the best possi-off, in order to obtain such grants. ble public instructor!" Surely In Scotland they are setting the we ought to have a grant for this poor to meet and to petition on purpose! What a pity it is, that the subject; they are thrusting "gentleman and man of ho- these forward, in order to get nour" should be such a ninny! from out of the taxes that relief which ought to come out of the pockets of the landlords. This is

This stupid beast, TAYLOR, who really does seem to be only one

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