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** In an extract from the preface to Instructive Selections, by the same writer in our last No. the word "most" was inserted by mistake p.629, col. 1. line 8 from the bottom.

CLIX. PUBLIC CHARACTERS of 1802, 1803, 8vo. boards.

THE

HE characters contained in this volume are Lord AucklandDr. Jenner-The Goldsmids-Dr. Vincent- Lord Macartney-Lord Harrington Archdeacon Paley Admiral Roddam-Sir Richard Hill, Bart.-Rev. Rowland Hill-Dr. John Law (Bp. of Elphin)-Dr. George Hill-Admiral Sir Roger Curtis, Bart. --Dr. Thornton-Major General Ira Allen-Mr. Thomas Jones, of Cambridge-Dr. Trotter-Rev. Richard Polwhele Mr. Harris, of Covent Garden-Mr. Christopher Anstey Mr. William Gifford-Professor CarJyle Mr. Henry Mackenzie-Dr. Busby Mrs. Billington-Mr. WilJiam Hutton-Dr. William Thom son Sir William Ouseley Sir Francis Burdett-Mr. James WattMr. John Palmer, late of the post office-Lord Minto.

The following circumstance in the history of Lord Macartney ought to be generally known, as it reflects the highest honour upon his lordship's

character.

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"In January, 1786, he arrived in England. And the accounts of his services were so satisfactory to the East India Company, and to all who had in this country, any interest in East India affairs, or any controul over them, that he was again requested to return to administer the chief authority in India. He, however, again declined to accept of this office. Of the additions to his fortune from the emoluments and advantages of his official situation at Madras, he gave an account upon oath, by which it appeared, that even Cicero returned not from Cilicia

with purer hands. He had acquired nothing but what fairly arose out of his salary, and from allowances authorized by the court of directors. An example of such abstinence in a place of great trust and high command, was not defrauded of its due praise, It was consigned to remembrance in the records of the transactions of the court of directors. And, a pension of 1,5001. sterling a year was bestowed to reward equally the important services which this illustrious nobleman had rendered to the company, and his great pecuniary moderation. A pension of 5001. a year was, likewise, granted, to reward the services of his friend and secretary, the late Sir George Staunton." p. 81-$3,

In reading the account of Admiral Roddam, we were highly gratified with the repeated instances of his bravery and fortitude, and we are persuaded our readers will participate with us in perusing the following ex tracts.

"Captain Roddam served in the Greyhound frigate in Holland, under Commodore Mitchell: he was after wards ordered to join Admiral Watson at Louisburgh, and was by him stationed at New York three years, from whence he returned to England in 1751, and on the 30th of January, 1753, was commissioned for the Bris tol guardship, of 50 guns, at Ply mouth, where he served about a year, and in 1755 he was appointed to the Greenwich, also a 50 gun ship, sailed to the West Indies, and was upon the Jamaica station till 1757. At this period, being on a cruize off Hispaniola, on the 16th of March, early in the morning, plying off Cape Cabroon, the Greenwich fell in with four French line of battle ships, two frigates, and a storeship, which the officers and crew of the Greenwich all fully supposed and asserted were merchantmen convoyed by two frigates; but Captain Roddam s otherwise, and, though late, convinc ed his ship's company of their mis take, as they proved to be the Ton nant, of 84 guns, commanded by Ad miral Bofromont; the Desauncene, of 74, Captain Blonal; the Diades, 74, Captain Rosele; l'Eveille, of 6, Captain Merville; Inflexible, of th and the Savage and Le Bronne fi gates, with a twenty gun storeship

This squadron being to windward sent one of the frigates to reconnoitre, which Captain Roddam perceiving, and finding there could be no chance to escape, used every manœuvre to draw her toward the Greenwich. This ship being painted in the manner of the French, he hoped to decoy the frigate, for which he had prepared men to board, with an intention of sending her imme diately to Admiral Townshend at Jamaica, with intelligence of the situation and number of the enemy; but the French frigate soon discover ing the Greenwich to be a twodecked ship, made great exertion to shelter herself amidst the French squadron. The Diadem first began Gring at nine o'clock, and from that hour till nine at night the Greenwich was incessantly attacked by one or other of the fleet. Captain Roddam again prepared to board the l'Eveille, a 64, being the best sailing ship; but several of the enemy renewing the action at the same time, the Greenwich became so much injured in her rigging, that she was quite unmanageable, which compelled Captain Roddam to relinquish his hopes of boarding. He then called his ship's company together, and told them he had done all in his power to preserve his majesty's ship, but if any of them could point out the French admiral's ship the Tonnant, he thought the Greenwich could yet divert her an hour or two. The officers (of whom the present Admiral Sir Jaines Wallace, then a lieutenant, was one) and the whole ship's company answered, They must obey their captain; but they had been unceasingly shot at for twelve hours, and supported an action they believed longer than any ship had ever before sus• tained.'

"At half after nine at night, it being the opinion of all the officers that Captain Roddam had done every thing that could be done for his majesty's service, and that engaging any further could only tend to sacrificing the men; the sixty-four gun ship being then within hail, and the others close a stern of her, Captain Roddam. ordered the colours to be struck the French ship, l'Eveille, presently hailed Captain Roddam to hoist out a boat and go on board the sixtyfour, which he repeatedly refused to do; and finding his interpreter had

said "every thing being cut away

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they could not get a boat out,' instead of saying, Captain Roddam 'would not,' he himself hailed, and enquiring if any one on board the 'Eveille spoke English, he was replied to by a voice he knew, a Mr. Giddy, a Danish officer, who had served in the preceding war with Captain Norris in the Prince Fre derick. Captain Roddam then told Mr. Giddy he would not go on board the French man of war in his own boat, but must be sent for, which, if not complied with, he would hoist the British colours immediately and defend his ship as long as she could swim. The French lieutenant then went on board the Greenwich, and found the men all at their quarters, with lighted matches in their hands, and the greatest order prevailing throughout the ship (of which under like circumstances there had never been a precedent), and which seeming to alarm and surprise the French lieutenant, Captain Roddam told him, He had there seen a garrison capitulate to a very superior force, and ready to renew the fight if the French had not done as he required.' Captain Roddam was then taken on board the l'Eveille, Captain Merville, who instead of sending for his own bedding, gave him that night one of the ship's company's cradles, with a dirty rug, which seemed to have been employed in the lust office for many a poor mariner in the French ship; and Captain Roddam's anxious mind not having allowed him to think of dressing when he struck (which was at that time an invariable custom of the French), he was of course next morning extremely black and dirty, with torn shoes and tattered habiliments, damaged by splinters during the long action; and although he had so feelingly urged and solicited kind treatment for his officers and men, yet had he the painful reflection to know, that all except the lieutenants were put among the foremast men; his purser's clothes were taken off his back, and his steward was kept waiting on the poop without victuals ten hours; every place was broken open and ransacked, though the French lieutenant (who had the key of the bureau, &c.) had given his word of honour to the contrary; and the whole crew of the Greenwich were without food. Capt.

Roddam insisted upon being carried to the French admiral, that he might complain of ill treatment, and was at last summoned to his presence in the uncomfortable habiliments mentioned, and in such a condition, as would have caused a British victor to have blushed at in a prisoner of the meanest rank. Monsieur Bofromont and his countrymen were sparing of every thing but civil speeches, which could neither clothe nor feed Britain's brave tars. Captain Roddam told the admiral that Captain Merville and his officers had acted in so cruel and improper a way in every respect, that they ought to be broke. He was asked what had induced him to hold so unequal a contest, and to refuse to hoist his boat out? he answered, that having very lately heard that an English man of war had been taken by a French line of battle ship and a frigate, and that the captain had been compelled to carry his sword in his own boat to the frigate; but that such a disgrace could not have happened to him, for his sword so required should only have been delivered through the body of the person demanding it in a manner so degrading and insulting. Himself and his brave ship's company were taken to Hispaniola, where the governor gave him leave to see his people every day, which after some time was refused by the sentinels on duty. His men enquired with much anxious solicitude if their captain was murdered, as they well knew he would not desert them while he lived; but receiving no satisfactory answer, they seized the guard, armed themselves and sallied forth, demanding their captain, which obliged the governor to send for Captain Roddam and entreat him to quell his men. The captain answered, That being a ⚫ prisoner on parole he had no right to command, and his unfortunate shipmates had been so ill treated by the • Intendant (then present), that had his situation been otherwise than it was he would certainly have headed them.' The governor again desired him to appease his men: to which he answered, He believed he could ⚫ still exercise his influence, pro⚫vided he was promised proper treatment for them, and permission to himself to visit them every day.' On his joining his brave crew they gave three cheers, saying, Now he

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was once more their leader, he knew what he could do. His reply referred them to their own knowledge of the great force then at the Cape; but the men still persisting, he added, 'He certainly had no right to command, being like them a prisoner, and had given his parole and word of honour to the governor, therefore if they did not return to their prison he had nothing more to do with them.' Upon this they immediately obeyed, and during the remainder of their stay were much better treated. About two months after they were all embarked with their captain and officers for Jamaica, except one lieutenant, who died at the Cape, and one who remained there, having been wounded: some deserters from other men of war were also put on board the cartel with them; and these deserters dreading the issue of their trials when they should arrive at Jamaica, they induced some of the crew who had belonged to the Greenwich to consent to put them on shore at Port Morant (which is too frequently done in car. tels), as the sailors think the landing there prevents their being sent to men of war, and consequently gives them liberty; but Captain Roddam overhearing a lieutenant recommending them to be cautious, went upon deck, expressed his determination not to suffer them to go to any other port, and ordered them to be put on board men of war; to which they submitted in quietness. Upon his arrival at Jamaica, Captain Roddam was tried by a court-martial, in Port Royal harbour. When the court presented the sentence to Admiral Coates, commander in chief, he immediately complimented Captain Roddam, by giving him the minutes of the court, with a request that he would print them, as reflecting great credit on the service, and the British flag; it was accordingly printed at Kingston, in Jamaica.' p. 136-142.

From the life of the Rev. Mr. Polwhele, we present to our readers the following extract, containing an account of Mr. Polwhele's attack upon Dr. Hawker, Vicar of Charles, Plymouth.

"Mr. Polwhele has also figured a little in theological controversy, against the Rev. Dr. Hawker, a beneficed clergyman of Plymouth. The doctor, it seems, gave offence to our

author by preaching at several churches during an excursion into the west of Cornwall, in 1779, where his talents as an orator brought him many hearers. This circumstance, in addition to his high Calvinistical sentiments, procured him the honour of a warm expostulatory letter from the Vicar of Manaccan, who charged him both with want of orthodoxy and regularity. It does not appear, however, that the Doctor preached in fields, barns, or meetinghouses; and as to his doctrinal sentiments, it would require some considerable skill to prove them at variance with the articles and homilies of the church. If he exhibited zeal in his tour into Cornwall, and took the advantage of his popularity to preach in season and out of sea'son,' we are humbly of opinion that he is more worthy of commendation than of censure: he encroached not upon any man's field of action, and it has not been proved that he intruded into Mr. Polwhele's Parish.

"Dr. Hawker replied in a temperate and truly Christian manner: the Cornish vicar rejoined in a more severe tone than before; and we are sorry to add, that the dispute at length became personal.

6

Mr. Polwhele has since published a pamphlet, which we cannot but disapprove as a very unseasonable performance, entitled, Anecdotes of Methodism,' selected from the long-forgotten work of Dr. Lavington, Bishop of Exeter. No good is likely to be done by such publications, which seem more calculated to make sceptics and libertines than serious Christians." p. 265, 266.

CLX. REMARKS on the Design and Formation of the Articles of the Church of England, intended to illustrate their true Meaning: A Sermon preached before the University of Oxford, at St. Mary's, on Sunday, February 14, 1802. By WILLIAM Lord Bishop of BANGOR.

AFTER referring to some of the methods which have been proposed for expounding the Articles, his Lordship proceeds.

"But if reference to the sense of the imposers be neither just in itself, VOL. I.

nor practicable, the sense of the compilers, when obtained, will perhaps be thought to be of authority little inferior. If this be allowed, still the method in itself will not be less preposterous, whilst the manner in which it has been frequently practised is open to more objections: for the reference has been most often made, not to the compilers collectively taken, but partially to individuals; to a Cranmer, to a Jewel, to a Ridley, to a Hooper, or to a Nowell: and again, not so much to the actual language of their writings, as to such of their known tenets as have best coincided with the sentiments of those who make the reference.

"Now, although the study of these divines, or of others their contemporaries, will no doubt be attended with many advantages, as it regards the general topics under consideration, and more particularly in the explication and correct meaning of the terms of theology then in use; yet that neither general references to their religious tenets, nor indeed to their actual language, will afford the kind of assistance thus expected from them, will I trust be made evident in the course of these remarks. For the present I will observe only, what is well known, that the Articles were not compiled and completed from the personal opinions of one or two individuals, but were offered for the approbation of convocation, from the aggregate judgment and repeated corrections of many of the most learned divines of the time; and again, that the opinions of these divines individually, taken in their full latitude, are obviously inconsistent one with the other; and therefore, compared and brought together in the interpretation of an Article, would afford no uniform or consistent sense."

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otherwise appear obscure, or doubt ful.

"Such a procedure, carried on with caution, and an impartiality unembarrassed with antecedent opinions and prejudices, will, it may be supposed, lead to the true sense in the contemplation of those who composed these Articles; and this doubt less will be that of the imposers, and the only sense, in which they are now to be understood and subscribed." p. 8, 9.

The Bishop introduces his own sentiments by a consideration of the different opinions maintained by those who were employed in the formation of the Articles, and argues thus:

"It was natural to suppose, that a temperate discussion of these topics would have a tendency, from mutual explanations and reciprocal forbearance, to induce an approximation of opinions, which would not admit of a closer union. And whilst the extreme positions only of each were found to be irreconcileable with those of the other, it became the dictate of piety and prudence in each to acquiesce in terms, which, if they did not fulfil the wishes of all, afforded yet no positive ground of objection to any.

"Thus the concession required from individuals was not that which gives up to others an opinion against conviction, a concession of tenets, of the truth of which they were assured: the concession was simply in appreciating the value and importance of those tenets: more obviously, a forbearance shewn in not insisting upon those propositions as fundamental points of doctrine, which did not appear to themselves necessarily such, and which to others might not appear to be in themselves just; a forbearance productive of the most desirable ends, mutual edification in procuring a general consent upon the more important topics, and mutual peace in avoiding to excite unnecessary diversities of opinion upon others less essential to true religion.

"To express the doctrines thus agreed upon in terms pointing to the Scriptural authorities on which they rested, would certainly be to meet the approbation of all parties, to whom it afforded at once a statement and a proof.

"In some cases, moreover, it might

be expedient to adopt the language of Scripture, and even the exact letter, with a strict and cautious regard not to afford occasion for discussions, which might weaken, or endanger the unanimity so much to be desired.

"Such evidently appears to have been the origin, and such the actual complexion of the Confession comprised in the Articles of our Church; the true scope and design of which will not, I conceive, be correctly apprehended in any other view than that of one drawn up and adjusted with an intention to comprehend the assent of all, rather than to exclude that of any who concurred in the necessity of a reformation; to comprehend, not generally by a purposed ambiguity of language and an equivocal use of terms, but upon the plain and only justifiable condition, expressed in the royal injunctions of a later reign, that the meaning of each Article be taken only in the literal and grammatical sense'." p. 13-15.

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This is illustrated by examples, the first of which is on the third Article, from which the Bishop proceeds to the definition of justification, the remarks on which are here subjoined.

"In the Articles published in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the definition of justification, and the cause and the means of procuring this benefit, are precisely stated; the nature of it is explained to be the being accounted righteous before God; the sole cause of it, the merits of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; the means whereby we obtain it, faith; and we are then referred for more full instruction to the Homily.

"Now it is evident here, that al though it was thought safe to enlarge upon the Article of Edward the Sixth, by a more explicit account of the subject, and to reject good works as a meritorious cause, yet it was still a matter of caution, that the real interest, and influence which good works have in our justification, should be passed over in silence. They, good works, in the Homily (on Salvation) referred to, are indeed said to be necessary; but by a prudent and judicious forbearance the question is still left open for the decision of each party, whether, in the opinion of the Calvinist, they are

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