men

welfare of the people, of the masses, of the poor, who will always be the first thought of by all but mere trading and routine politicians.

Siècle, the Patrie, the Constitutionnel, and other | again warmly discussed, and, to promote success, liberal and republican journals. It contained many were withdrawn; thus to ensure Lamartine and Beranger, as representing lit- voting with more unanimity. The discussions erature, to Frenchmen the highest of arts; were hot and furious. In some, Ledru Rollin Arago in science; Garnier Pages, Wolowsky, and his friends were struck off amid loud apSay, and other political economists; Marie, plause; while at others, Lamartine experienced Cremieux, Dupont, lawyers; several eminent the same fate. Still, this eminent citizen was generals; two or three ex-Radical deputies; the best received of any; for all knew him sinSchmit, author of Cathéchisme des Ouvriers, an cere, animated by deep love of his country, full opponent of Louis Blanc, and others of note. of the true spirit, not of demagoguy, but of deParis, on the day preceding Easter Sunday-mocracy, and anxious, above all, for the real the grand electoral day of the Republic-presented a strange, an unusual aspect. The walls were covered with professions de foi- the newspapers were but columns of names, with notes upon them-every man talked of but one thing, and that was how to find out 34 names which would satisfy his conscience. I had many opportunities of seeing how this duty puzzled its performers. Many found with ease a dozen names, by taking the moderate section of the Provisional Government; but after that the prodigious mass of candidates sorely troubled them. I know many men who pored nearly the whole day over the sheet of paper. They were quiet stay-at-home men; they were bourgeoise; they were workmen; they were ex-nobles; but none of them clubbish; some scarcely ever read the papers, and though they wished in the crisis to do their duty, it appeared to weigh upon them. It will be a curious statement to make, but at the earnest request of several persons I made out their list for them. They knew my opinions; they believed that my avocations made me cognisant of the character of most of the candidates, and they took my word for the rest. I may say with truth, that, had my list for Paris been accepted, I believe, that while the Republic would not have suffered, so neither would there have been any fear either of Socialism or anarchy.

Some of the warmest Republicans I know, while they admitted even Ledru Rollin, Albert, and Flocon, voted against Louis Blanc, whom every moderate person now began to call the labor-disorganiser. I am nowise surprised at this, as I believe no man could know his theory and not reject it. Ignorance, envy of all above them, idleness, the wish for the unskilful to be equally rewarded with the skilful, dislike of talent, mediocrity, dislike of the rich― such were the motives which actuated those who voted for this clever young man, who, ten years later, might probably have been fit for the legislator of a great country.

The clubs, on Saturday night, were most thickly attended, despite the evening being one of the most disagreeable I ever remember to have witnessed. In these, the candidatures were

But not only did the Paris elections occupy our attention: the departmental affairs came also in for a fair share of notice. Nearly every province had its committee in Paris, while central clubs, connected with certain of the journals, made up lists which they forwarded for acceptance. In this way innumerable central candidates were added to the local ones. Amongst these were a vast number of editors, sub-editors, contributors to the newspapers, &c., such as Clement Thomas, of the National; Mallefille, Girardin, Weill, of the Presse; Ribeyrolles, Esquiros, Gouacte, of the Reforme; Xavier Durrieu, of the Courrier Français. These, with others, appeared several times in the same lists; and as many of them will, in all probability, be elected twice over, the country will be put to the trouble of a large number of second elections.

Of the means used to force candidates on the provinces, employed chiefly by the commissaries and emissaries of Rollin and his party — in general chosen from the violent ex-conspirators of the old reign- and which remind one of the acts of the old proconsuls, not a great deal need be said. Still I may remark, that the cir culars of Ledru Rollin, the course pursued by his prefects, the Destitution Co., maires, and other officers, the proclamations of the commissaries, had in general quite a contrary effect from what was expected. The dictatorship was in a great measure rejected, and the cause of moderate, solid, and reasonable republicanism gained largely in consequence.

That the Royalists or Carlists did their most to promote reaction, I am aware. This party can never get rid of the illusion that Henry V. is the chosen of heaven - the anointed of the Lord, who must reign ultimately and great hopes were raised in their bosoms by the fall of Louis Philippe. That the Republic is a state of transition from the Orleans dynasty to the elder branch, is a delusion which very generally prevails, and the result is twofold. The sensible, the calm and patient Royalists remain quiet, let

things take their course, and, for the present, are very good Republicans, and live in hope of the future. The second party- who love them-their condition, that it is not wonderful that the selves, who wait for the return of the Bourbons, because they, the Royalist gentry, will then bask in court favor too impatient to wait, address themselves at once to conspiring. Under all Governments, they have been the same. But now they spend money, push forward their candidates, and even in La Vendee threaten civil war.

we thus have a grand total of 100,000 men, who meet nightly to discuss the prospects and destinies of their country. The loss inflicted on industry and trade by these nightly meetings must be immense. The Maire of Paris thought it such a serious matter, that he issued an address dissuading the people from too often attending such assemblies, as tending to no good purpose, and being often a loss of time, which could be much more profitably employed. There was certainly much truth in this, as it is scarcely conceivable how a workman can labor all day, and afterwards take a part in political proceedings till midnight, or perhaps until morning. Not only must he be physically worn out with fatigue, but his mind being filled with agitating sensations, he will be prevented from giving proper attention to his ordinary duties. The address was, however, of no avail; and that every man should have his particular club, is as necessary to him, under existing circumstances, as that he should be lodged and fed.

So many clubs have been formed, that Paris | supposing each contains about 1,000 members, every evening seems divided into thousands of groups, all met to discuss the momentous affairs of the state. Should you have occasion to seek a friend, you go in vain in search of him to the café which has been his usual resort for the last twenty years, or to the snug little room where he used to spend the evening in communing with himself. On making inquiry for him, you are only met with a look of surprise, which seems to disclose the inutility of your visit, and to ask you in return, how you can imagine that a citoyen can be anywhere else than at his club? Is it possible that he can be supping café noir combined with eau de vie, or playing dominoes, while the mighty questions of the state are being discussed? No; he is a better patriot. He is at that moment at the tribune questioning and cross-questioning the worthy citoyen, who has come forward as a candidate to represent the interests of la belle France in her National Assembly. All amusements, and the pleasing relaxations of life, are forgotten. He has entered a new career, he has become a statesman. All his former conversation about balls, concerts, the opera, &c., are for ever banished, and politics alone is the field in which he breaks a lance. A club is thus formed. Three or four friends meet together in the little chambre garnie of one of their number. Propositions are made, secconded, and unanimously carried. A president and secretary are appointed. A popular name is fixed upon, such as the "Alliance," the "Union," the "Democratical," &c. A second meeting is appointed for a couple of days after, and the rush of adherents is so great, that the chambre garnie cannot contain the half of them. Another place is now sought for, such as a school-room, hay-loft, or, in truth, any building which will afford them sufficient space to meet in, and the whole affair is set in active motion. It is now that the elements of discord appear, and it is found, that out of the hundreds who have thus been promiscuously mixed together, scarcely two are of like opinion. Confusion and disturbances of all kinds follow each other, and it is perhaps proposed, that as nothing practical can be attained, the club be dissolved, and that every one should carry his doctrines wherever he shall think proper. Thus, two, three, or four new clubs spring up out of the original one, and each of these being strongly reinforced, it becomes in its turn the parent of many fresh ones. For instance, the club des Artistes, which was originally a very small one, has broken into eight parts, every one of which now far outnumbers the original parent. If we take the number of clubs at Paris to amount to one hundred, we shall certainly be within the mark; and

But if the men have their clubs, why, under the equal rule of a Republic, should not the women have theirs also? To sit at the men's clubs, and to be nothing more than silent spectators, was not sufficient for the French female Republicans, and boldly emancipating themselves from such thraldom, they established clubs for themselves. The reasons which they gave for acting thus independently were at least plausible. They said, that the men at their clubs talked of nothing but of their rights and duties, never seeming for a moment to take into consideration that they were only speaking and acting for the one-half of mankind. On their part, the women declared that they had both an equal right to say in the affairs of their country, and that they considered, with a little practice, they would become as good legislators as the males. Clubs of women were thus formed: a lady president and secretary were appointed, a newspaper advocating their interests, and principally conducted by women, was established, and the "voice of women" was loudly heard, both through their own sweet lips, and by means of their journal, which characteristically took that significant title. The French women count amongst their most zealous advocates, Miss Knight, the Quakeress, who came to Paris on purpose to assist them in organising their new society. Miss Knight, if we were rightly informed, never in her own country appeared as an orator; however, in Paris, she fairly broke the ice, and made a little speech which was immensely applauded. Her particular religious doctrines, although not much relished by her French co-disciples, were passed over without

orator then makes his profession de foi, and on its conclusion, he declares that, should any one think it necessary to put any questions to him, he is ready and willing to answer them.

Prompt advantage is taken of this liberty, and the candidate undergoes as searching an examination as if he were under the hands of Queen's councillors.

comment; her sincerity, and the exertions and to listen to what is about to be said. The which she had made for the cause, reconciling them to these little eccentricities. While speaking of the women's club, we may notice a memorable seance in which Madame George Sand was proposed, and unanimously approved of as a member of the National Convention. More polite than the men, they did not cite the fair candidate before them to answer questions, but at once taking it for granted that she was a good citizen and a Republican, they sent her the minute of their approval. The fair and talented authoress, far from accepting with pleasure and gratitude the intended honor thus conveyed to her, wrote a letter to the Reforme, in which she stated that her conviction was, that the whole affair was little better than a joke. Still more, she told the ladies of the club, that not having the honor of being acquainted with them, she would feel much obliged if they would in future attend to their own affairs, and not give themselves any concern about a stranger. Thus, if the club of the women wants to be represented in the Convention, they must look out for some one else. Notwithstanding the antipathy of Madame Sand, the meetings of the ladies are by no means to be entirely despised. One thing which we can say in their favor is, that they are conducted in the most orderly manner, and are productive of none of those scenes which are subversive of all sense and order, and which daily take place in the Parisian male clubs. In describing one of these scenes, we may be said to describe them all, as the routine is always

It is astonishing, indeed, to perceive how well. the audience seem to understand the great questions of the day. Their demands are made in the most clear and distinct manner. Their confidence is unbounded, and no storm of disapprobation will cause them to give up their point. Difficult, indeed, must it be for the candidate to answer all their questions. A shoemaker asks him a question about leather, a grocer about sugar, a teacher about education, a social economist about divorce. Each of these questions causes roars of laughter. Each is perfectly understood by the interrogator; and should the candidate not answer "categorically," the question is again put, and explanations demanded. The citizen Wolewski, badgered by these and like questions for nearly two hours, at last fairly gave in, declaring that although he would do his best to inform himself on all the questions on which he might be called to vote, if returned to the National Assembly, still he had never pretended to be a "walking encyclopædia." This frank admission was received with roars of applause. Cries of Vote! vote!" resounded from all sides, and the citizen Wolewski was unanimousthe same, and the only variety is, that some evenly declared a fit and proper person to represent ings are more stormy than others. The club- their interests in the Convention. room is a large hall, with an erection at the extreme end, called the tribune A few seats are placed all around this, but to arrive at one of them is a happiness that must never be expected; so that the great majority of the audience content themselves with bare standing room. At eight o'clock the president ascends the tribune, and endeavours to command silence, by violently sounding his bell. This being but of little avail, he ceases, and the noise and confusion continue as before. At length he endeavours to make himself heard, and declares that he will immediately dissolve the assembly, unless immediate quiet takes place. All, however, is in vain. At length an agitation is perceived near the door, and cries are heard to give place to a gentleman who is elbowing his way with difficulty through the crowd. This is one of the candidates, and his presence at the tribune in a manner produces silence. The president's bell is now heard; those who are fortunate enough to have seats are ordered to sit down, and those who have not, are told to avoid moving about, to take off their hats,

The scene of M. Coquerel, the Protestant minister's rejection, was curious. From the first it was evident that he had not a shadow of a chance. Although his splendid oratorical powers caused him to be listened to for a few moments, such was but transient. He was soon met with cries of "No sermon," "Don't preach," so the orator was obliged to stop short, and declare himself ready for the "interpellations." These came thick and fast, and politics and religion were strangely mingled together. The confusion was awful; the president sounded his bell, and called for silence in a voice of thunder. “Gentlemen,” said he, "we shall never come to an end, if we enter into the wide field of theological discussion. I am willing that every citizen should question Pasteur Coquerel on political matters, but let us leave religious questions aside for the present."

Here he was interrupted by a tall man, with an immense black beard and moustachios, who roared out, "Pasteur Coquerel, what is your opinion with regard to the law of divorce?"