Greece and the distant coasts of the Euxine in the time of Xenophon. Yet a considerable time appears to have been required to bring the writings even of the most popular authors into general circulation; and the disciples of distinguished philosophers-Hermodorus, for example, a scholar of Plato-are described as making profit by being the first to transport copies of their masters' lectures into distant localities.

For the present, we take our leave of the

Colonel, with special thanks for the abundant and agreeable intelligence respecting Herodotus and his historical predecessors which chapters 3, 4, 5, and 6 of this volume contain. He has done ample justice to the Herodotean muses; we hope that he will not shatter his quill by an unavailing tilt against the kτîμa és act of the son of Olorus.

THE interest awakened by the article in our last Number upon the "Notes and Emendations" on the text of Shakspeare, though great, can hardly be said to have exceeded our expectations. The evidence on that occasion adduced, incontestably proved that for 200 years an invaluable collection of genuine annotations on the works of the great dramatist, from the pen, too, of one "having authority," had been lying unknown and unheeded till accident had brought them to light. Though the startling assertion was, at the time, received, as it naturally might, with distrust, no one, whose opinion on such a subject is of the slightest value, now hesitates to admit that the majority of the MS. emendations in the old folio edition of 1632 must be considered as restorations to the purity of the original text.

In the work now under consideration we have a revelation of a still more astounding character to make-one that probably, in the estimation of our classical readers, will be deemed more interesting than any that has been made for ages past.

Before us, as we write, lies, not merely the transcript, but an actual fac-simile of the original papyrus leaves on which, in characters as legible as when they were penned, are recorded the principal portions of the orations of Hyperides in defence of Lycophron and Euxenippus, as they were written by the orator himself some two-and-twenty centuries ago! Enclosed in one of the wooden sepulchral boxes frequently met with in ancient tombs, this precious papyrus roll had slumbered in a cave at Gournou, probably from the days when Alexander, wresting Egypt from the Persians,

Copies of this work (price one Guinea) may be obtained, by application to Mr. ARDEN, 27, Cavendish Square, London. It was originally published by subscription: we believe a few copies are yet procurable, but the lithographic stones upon which the fac-similes were engraved, have been destroyed.

marked out the foundations of the metropolis which still bears his name. In its dark receptacle, the grave, possibly, of its last possessor, this production of a Grecian scribe remained untouched during the disastrous reign of Cleopatra. The conquests of Octavius-the spoliations of the Saracens-and all the strange vicissitudes that Egypt has undergone under the Caliphs and subsequent dynasties, have taken place since human hands entombed this memorial of the eloquence of the great rival of Demosthenes. It now serves, like the treasures buried at the destruction of Pompeii, to reveal incidents and facts that could never have been deduced from other sources.

In the month of January 1847 Mr. Arden, travelling with his family up the valley of the Nile, arrived at Luxor, and there engaged the services of some Arabs to search for antiquities amid the ruins, during his further progress to Western Thebes. The proceeds of these investigations were some mummies, two ancient funereal boats, several scarabæi, and various papyrus MSS. At Gournou, however, this gentleman first heard of his greatest prize. The Arabs who had discovered it, shrewdly set a high price upon the relic, and Mr. Arden finally purchased it for the sum of 350 piastres. The appearance of the roll was almost perfect, it was evidently genuine, and in its original state, the beautiful character of the handwriting being perceptible in consequence of a few portions of the outer folds having been broken off. The scroll has been carefully unfolded, the separate leaves (sixteen in number) have been mounted on a frame, and fac-similes of each lithographed. These fac-similes, marvellously executed, are presented side by side with the decyphered text; -an admirable plan, since it enables us to form our own opinion as to the probable accuracy of the restorations where these have been found indispensable. For the very careful manner in which Mr. Babington has acquitted himself

proof, merely to prejudice his client. He proceeds to argue the extreme improbability of the main accusation, by insisting that Lycophron could not by any possibility have made the alleged overtures to the wife of Charippus, as she was proceeding in the marriageprocession; because, had he done so, the husband, and the company in attendance, must have heard them, and, in that case, would infallibly have chastised the delinquent. "Kai γὰρ οὗτος ἠκολούθει διὰ τὸ χήραν ἐκδίδοσθαι αυτήν· εἶτ ̓ ἐγὼ εἰς τοῦτο ἀπονοίας ἦλθον ὥστε ἄλλων τὲ τοσούτων ἀνθρώπων συνακολουθούντων καὶ Διωξίππου καὶ Εὐφραίου τοῦ προσγυμναστούν ἀυτοῦ, οἳ των Ελλήνων ὁμολογουμένως ἰσχυρότα τοί εισιν, ουκ ᾐσκυνόμην τοιούτους λόγους λέγων περὶ γυναικὸς ἐλευθέρας πάντων ἀκουόντων, ουδ' ἐδιδίειν μὴ παραχρῆμα ἀπολῶμαι ἀπαγόμενος ; τίς γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχετο τοιαυτα περὶ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀδελ φῆς ἀκούων οἷα μέ οὗτοι ἀιτιῶνται ειρηκέναι ; ἆρ' ουκ ἂν ἀπέκτεινε τὸν λέγοντα ;” and it cannot be denied that there is considerable plausibility in the observation.

Hyperides insists upon the absurdity of the whole charge, when the unquestionably high reputation of Lycophron is taken into account; and, in conclusion, calls Theophilus as a witness to character.

The oration in favour of Euxenippus is, with the exception of a few letters, perfect: it is comprised in thirty-two beautifully written columns, and is entitled, in uncials, both at the commencement and end, Ὑπὲρ Ευξενίππου εἰσαγγελίας ἀπολογία πρὸς Πολύευκτον. There are in existence a few fragments of two speeches delivered against Polyeuctus, and also portions of a third, entitled Tepi Tou HoλVEUKTOV σTраTηyev, but the one before us, is wholly distinct from these three.

Euxenippus was a wealthy citizen of Athens, and, at the period of this trial, had probably passed the meridian of life. A daughter of his had married one Philocles, of whom history has preserved nothing but what is contained in this oration.

The charge against him is that of having falsely reported an oracular dream, which he had been commissioned by the state to wait for in the temple of Amphiaraus, the subject on which the divine opinion was sought being the legality of the occupation of certain lands, alleged to have been dedicated to the hero Amphiaraus, and, at the time, in the possession of the tribes Hippothoontis and Acamantis.

The following is a brief sketch of the history of this affair:-After the battle of Charoneia (B.c. 338), amongst the territory restored to the Athenians by Philip were certain lands in

Probably his fellow-wrestler. The word does not occur in any other writer.

Oropus. These were divided by lot among the ten tribes; after which, doubts were expressed as to the legality of the occupation by the two tribes above named, of a certain mountain that had fallen to their share. To decide this weighty point, Euxenippus and two others were deputed to sleep in the temple of Amphiaraus at Oropus, and there to await an oracular solution to the difficulty. Euxenippus reported that the ground was sacred, and should be restored. Polyenetus thereupon proposed a decree in accordance with this dream, and further suggested that the other eight tribes should make up the loss.

According to Hyperides, this proposition was both inconsistent and absurd; for “ if the mountain really belonged to the two tribes, it ought never to have been alienated, as Polyeuctus had proposed: if, on the other hand, it did not appertain to them, then he should not have proposed that the other eight tribes should make up the loss, for they should have been only too glad to have restored the land without being amerced in a heavy fine as a punishment for their sacrilege." However illogical this reasoning, it was nevertheless adopted by the dicasts, who condemned Polyeuctus to pay a fine of twenty-five drachms, without any reference to Euxenippus. Polyeuctus, thereupon enraged, and concluding that he had been wilfully misled by the report of Euxenippus, now charges him with having been in collusion with certain Athenians, and expresses more than a suspicion that a handsome sum had been to him in hand paid, in order to enable him to see the vision in the temple at Oropus, besides alleging many other minor matters of accusation.

ΤΟ

Hyperides dwells much on the informality of the indictment:-"Où чýpiμa," says he, “ ἐχρῆν σε πρὸς τὸ ἐνύπνιον γράφειν, ἀλλ ̓ (ὁπὲρ ὁ πρότερος ἐμοῦ λέγων εἶπεν) εἰς Δελφοὺς πέμψαντα πυθέσθαι παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν ἀλήθειαν· σὺ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐποίησας, ψήφισμα δὲ ἀντοτελὲς ἔγραψας κατά δυοῖν φυλᾶιν οὐ μόνον ἀδικώτατον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐναντίον αὐτὸ ἑαυτῷ· δι ̓ ὅπερ ἥλως παρανόμων, οὐ δι' Εὐξένιππον· ἐξετάσωμεν δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ τουτονὶ τὸν τρόπον.” The orator further proceeds, towards the close of his address, to argue against the extreme inconsistency of the allegations. "The truth," he adds, "is clear enough. Polyeuctus was actuated by a spirit of revenge. He had, upon a former occasion, brought forward an ill-advised motion for the restoration of the lands to Amphiaraus. This was so loosely drawn up, that it was at once rejected, and the mover fined, the veracity of Euxenippus not having been questioned by

that decision. But was it a reason because the business had been mismanaged by Polyeuctus, that Euxenippus forsooth was to be

condemned for it? Then, with regard to Olympias, it was utterly untrue that Euxenippus, as had been contended, was connected in any way, either with her or with her party in Athens. Hyperides subsequently takes occasion to shew that the Athenians had no right to complain of Olympias, for at Dodona, in the Molossian dominions of Olympias, they had themselves decorated the shrine of Dione.

He treats with contempt the charges affecting the private life of Euxenippus; maintains, moreover, that, not being an orator (Twp, but simply idirns), he is not amenable to a law exclusively framed against orators; strongly exhorts the dicasts to pay particular regard to the precise enactments relating to eiσayyeλiai, and, above all, not to be influenced by any of the exaggerated reports concerning the wealth of Euxenippus; reminding them, by citing several recent instances, how prone the Athenian courts were, and ought on all occasions to be, to protect the property of the citizens. It is more than probable, from several expressions made use of in the course of this address, that the bulk of the property of Euxenippus consisted of silver mines.

From the names of persons and events cited in this oration, we have no difficulty in fixing its date at about the 333d or 332d year before the Christian æra.

Many curious facts, as we have already observed, are deducible from these orations, which throw considerable light upon subjects connected with Athenian history, ceremonies, and rites, previously obscure. They prove, among other matters, the power, influence, and confidence of the Macedonian party at this time existing in Athens; and we also learn some new details respecting the laws regulating the management of the mines belonging to the state. The critical reader will note, probably with some surprise, the occurrence in these speeches of several words and expressions not similarly employed in any other Attic writer. For instance, in the exordium of the oration for Lycophron, we have this remarkable expression :—τοιοῦτο γὰρ ἔστι τὸ ἄριστον τουτουῒ πράγparos (This, indeed, is the best part of the business), or, to use the ironical but more colloquial phrase, "The best of the joke is."

The word προσγυμνάστης, which is most probably correctly rendered by fellow-wrestler, is not to be found in any lexicon; nor is the word προσκατέμνειν, both of which occur in the oration for Lycophron. Again, the following expressions :ὡς ἐξ ἀναπογράφων μετάλλων πεπλουτήκασι—ψήφισμα αὐτοτελὲς ἔγραψας τίνας οὖν κέκρικα καὶ εἰς αγῶνα καθέστακα-αἱ καινοτομίαι πρότερον ἐκλελειμμέναι—ὡς πρότερον τοὺς ὁριστὰς τοὺς πεντήκοντα ἐξελόντας αυτὸ τῷ Oε@ Kaì áþорiσavras-are singular, and are hardly to be met with in any other writer.

We must, in conclusion, express the warmest eulogium upon the acumen and industry displayed by Mr. Babington in editing this invaluable papyrus; a labour which, by its result, unquestionably proves him to be entitled to take the highest rank among the classic scholars of the day.

It so happened that MM. Böckh and Sauppe had, unknown to Mr. Babington, already edited, in Germany, the Harrisian MS. discovered at Thebes, previously to its being printed at Cambridge: Mr. Babington's researches and observations thereupon are, consequently, in every respect independent of those of the German commentators. The light that has been thrown upon this interesting subject is due entirely to him, and to the patient manner in which his researches have been instituted. Of the forty-nine columns comprising the two orations brought home by Mr. Arden, the majority are more or less mutilated: from many of these several entire consecutive words are frequently missing. These defects have been supplied with wonderful felicity and ingenuity; so much so, indeed, that, on perusing the passages in question, we cannot hesitate to admit that the readings suggested by Mr. Babington restore the original version.

To the honour of the University of Cambridge be it known that the Syndics of the Pitt Press liberally determined to defray the expenses of that portion of the work executed at that institution. It is almost needless to add, that the typography is perfect, and that the fac-similes of the several pages of the ancient MS. are executed with a fidelity that leaves nothing to be desired.

Ir is not often that two authors successfully unite in detailing their travels, their reflections, and their deductions on the things seen during

their peregrinations, but Messrs. Mossman and Banister seem to concur on every subject. Although the subject of Australia, with its gold

and its wool, and with its host of immigrants, has had innumerable commentators, the present work is very readable. It commences with a sketch of the geography of the country of Australia, the interior of which "is a desert, a second Sahara; by geologists considered the recently upheaved bed of a portion of the Indian Archipelago, with scarcely an oasis upon it to furnish nourishment for the subsistence of its aboriginal inhabitants." We soon come, however, to the discovery of the precious metal, that "great fact" having been proclaimed seven months before our travellers arrived, and the pilot-boat pushed off for them from Shortland Bluff.

THE NEWS OF THE GOLD FINDINGS.

Next, she covered it from the sight of the free emigrants until they had grown sufficient food upon the land, where, in a state of nature, there was so little for the support of civilised man; and until they had established laws, and were ruled by an efficient government, to prevent the crime and anarchy which have invariably accompanied the goldseekers in other lands. The few brief chapters which compose the history of these colonies thus inform us how the shackled felon has become the instrument of human progress, in clearing the way for the corn grower and sheep-feeder; how, in their turn, they have furnished food for the gold-digger, who now travels comfortably along the convict-made roads in New South Wales, and partakes of the lavish abundance provided by the free settler, even amongst the mountains and valleys which yield the spontaneous treasure. These providential circumstances, and this succession of events, had shed their benign influence over the doings of the gold-seekers. Well fed and well clad, with the gold easily attainable, they had nothing to grumble at; for the greater part of them were men who respected a constitutional government with a potent executive. And although the arm of the latter was weak, yet it was sufficient to preserve order amongst them, in a community whose moral strength was its greatest protection. Hence, instead of bloodshed and anarchy disturbing the labours of these gold-diggers, a spirit of unanimity and confidence reigned amongst them. Instead of robbery and murder being frequent, as in California, their persons and property at the mines were as safe as in the well-disciplined towns.

As to "the shield of Minerva," the authors give her greater power than was attributed to her of old, for they consign to her a vast island, a fifth continent, of but recent discovery. Throughout the book there are occasional touches of the grandiloquent style.

THE EFFECTS OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERY OF GOLD.

This plethora of riches threatened the destruction of the former staple products of the colony, wool and tallow. Like some concealed stream of lava bursting from its volcanic caverns through the mountain-crater, and devastating the plains below, this production of the sterile crags was consuming the labour which had been employed in working out the pastoral wealth of the colony, and would seriously check the sources of two valuable exports. The flocks and herds which had hitherto furnished the colonists with abundance of food and clothing, and whose surplus yield of wool and tallow had paid for their foreign luxuries and necessaries, were upon the eve of being deserted for this new source of gain. The fleece, which materially assisted every man, woman, and child in the colony to purchase annually from seven to eight pounds' value of British manufactures, was growing to waste for want of hands to

clip it from the sheep's back. The shearing sheds were threatened with desertion, and the boiling-pots were standing empty and fireless; whilst the crops of grain were reaped at the enormous sacrifice of one acre being given for securing another. The consequence of this unexpected revolution in the labour-market of the colony was a rise in the wages of every description of servant and workman, which threatened to ruin the employers, especially the woolgrowers and graziers, who were offering fifty and sixty pounds a-year to their shepherds and stockmen, if they would remain with them. Mechanics and day-labourers were not to be had in the towns to proceed with building, and like operations. In many instances, where the master's" occupation was gone," where his workmen took their departure for the gold-fields, he was obliged to follow himself. Men from all classes of the community had been smitten with the fever; doctors, lawyers, and even clergymen were among the throng who had gone off to the diggings; so that the towns were almost deserted by their male adult population.

and like operations. In

It is impossible to convey an adequate idea of the impressions this astounding intelligence had upon our ship's company, crew and passengers. A kind of hysterical affec tion seized every man and woman on board. Some almost cried with delight; and every one gave way to the most unbounded enthusiasm at their good luck upon arriving in the colony at such an opportune period for the advancement of their fortunes. The only serious man amongst us was the captain, who had been informed by the pilot that the sailors were running away from the ships in harbour, so that one-half of them had been deserted by their crews; and those ships that could manage to proceed to sea sailed without their full complement of men; while the sailors were refusing twenty pounds a-month for the run to England in the wool-ships, which now left the harbour with freights of gold equal in value to their usual cargoes of tallow and wool.

The workers in the gold land are not flattered. Australia, our authors affirm, is the El Dorado, the real El Dorado, and California must admit that her mines are surpassed by those of Australia; that Britain's sun is not set, but still "possesses within her dominions an inexhaustible store of the coveted metal; that which makes man mad, by inducing him to abandon the basis of his true interest, viz. industry, for that which fevers him." There is then a philippic against the prevalent avarice of the day among, "our boasted Saxon race," but nothing is advanced that has much claim to novelty.

The united authors give the following expla nation of a word certainly not well understood in England.

THE BUSHI.

The term "bush," as it is used in Australia, is indiscriminately applied to all descriptions of uncleared land, or to any spot away from a settlement, as a person in England would speak of the country when they are out of town. The general character of the bush we were at this time journeying through was typical of a great portion of the pastoral lands of Victoria. It consisted of undulating open forest-land, which has often been compared, without exaggeration, to the ordinary park-scenery of an English domain; the only difference which strikes the eye forcibly being the dead half-burnt trees lying about. To bring it home tothe comprehension of a Londoner, these open forestlands have very much the appearance of Hyde Park and Kensington Gardens, presenting natural open glades like the east end of the former, and frequently gladdening the eyes of the thirsty traveller with a glimpse of such small sheets of water as the Serpentine, to which the colonists