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320 Cong.... Ist Sess.
The Tariff-Mr. Jones, of Pennsylvania.

Ho. OF REPs. did not ask for a change of the tariff, but only a ever since the passage of the act of 1846; and I upon our domestic manufactures at the highest modification of the mode of appraisement, with proceed to do it.

revenue point, and the only incidental protection out changing the ad valorem or revenue standard. The exigency that arose at the last session of that is asked is just that accidental protection I will come to that though in good time, and satisfy Congress was just this: the tariff is ad valorem and which may result from that standard.' That is the gentleman that I would do it again, and often, the price of iron had fallen so low that thirty per what we mean by incidental protection, and that upon the position I have taken and now occupy. I cent. was actually far below the revenue standard. is the only protection for which the Democratic will read the gentleman the substance of a resolu. I could prove to the satisfaction of any man, that party of my district now contends. tion presently, drawn by my own hand in 1846, en my proposition, made at the last session of Con Mr. Chairman, representing in part the Comdorsing the principles of the tariff of 1846, with a gress, would have increased our revenue consider. monwealth of Pennsylvania, I say that upon this proviso that we would favor such a modification of ably. If it could have been shown that my prop platform, in my opinion, her Democracy now its details from time to time as the exigencies of osition was going to check the revenue, or io go stand, and, I will add, upon which the iron and the country might require consistently with those beyond the revenue standard, I would have aban manufacturing interests of my State will be comprinciples; I offered a resolution at the last session doned it at once. I tell the gentleman from New pelled to stand. I believe, also, that in order to of Congress precisely consistent with that, and I | York, (Mr. Brooks,] that if he is apprehensive of secure stability, and to give us the greatest amount am ready to offer one at any future time, when the accumulation of a surplus revenue, let the tariff of incidental protection, consistent with the prinneeded, because I do not believe in the perma remain where it is upon iron at this day; and so ciples of the Democratic party, the country is disnency of a revenue standard. Sometimes it is too far as that article is concerned he will soon find his posed to give this system their support, or at least high, sometimes too low.

fears to be groundless. If you look for revenue acquiescence. This position, sir, is ad valorem I have already stated that I am opposed to open- | from the present tariff on iron, it will be like call against specific duties; a tariff for revenue against ing the question at this time, but I shall vote for || ing spirits from the vasty deep; it will not come. protection. No man pretends to doubt, I prethe amendment of the honorable gentleman from Under the ad valorem system, and the present high sume, now that a tariff strictly construed is a lax. Tennessee, (Mr. Jones,) because ever since the prices of iron, if these prices continue the duty It is nothing but indirect laxation, or taxation passage of the tariff of 1846, I have always stood will soon reach a prohibitory point, and the iron upon consumption. I was very glad to hear my by the ad valorem system. I shall vote, however, interests of the country do not want that. All honorable friend from South Carolina (Mr. WOODagainst the resolution as amended, because I am they have ever asked of this Government is to give WARD) state the other day that he regarded a horiopposed to the opening of the question at this time. them a fixed system; stability is all they need now, zontal tariff as a perfect farce.

The tariff of 1846 was passed in the month of and they will get along very well. Some of them, Now, Mr. Chairman, I would like any gentleJuly of that year. There was a Democratic con it is true, are clamorous for protection; but a ma man who undertakes to discuss this tariff question, vention held in the county of Berks, which is in jority of them have learned that stability, on almost to tell me how he can adjust a tariff for revenue on my district, in the month of September, 1846. At any iolerable system, is best for their interests, and a horizontal scale. The gentleman (Mr. Woodthat convention, I drew a resolution which was that too high prices are just as ruinous as too low. WARD) showed most conclusively, in his speech, unanimously adopted by that convention, and I The proposition which I submitted four months that if you adopt a tariff for revenue, you must wish to read that resolution in order to show the ago to this House, was based upon the resolution place the duty on some articles at five, some at position we then took, and also to show that all which I have read, that the tariff ought to be modi. ten, and some at twenty or thirty per cent. A our acts, from that day to this, have been perfectly fied, from time to time, according to the exigencies horizontal tariff would produce no revenue on consistent with that position; and I wish to read of the country, that is, the exigencies of revenue. some articles. it more especially because we are not understood It was then expedient to offer such a resolution; But, Mr. Chairman, I have further to remark on upon this question. I say that the position of the but now it would be inexpedient, because, at that this subject, that, in my opinion, such a tariff as I Pennsylvania Democracy on the tariff question is time the duty was far below the revenue standard,

have described must end in free trade. I want to not only founded upon sound Democratic princi- | and now it is above it.

be distinctly understood upon this question, beples, but that it is perfectly consistent with the This, then, Mr. Chairman, is the position of the cause I was pleased the other day to hear the Baltimore platform and with Democratic doctrine Democracy of my district. The iron interests, honorable gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. generally, it is the interest perhaps of some to irrespective of party, are gradually making up WOODWARD) define his idea, or give his definition misunderstand us, but it is my duty, to the extent | their minds to abandon all hope of direct protec of free trade. If I understood him correctly, he of my ability, to see that we are not misunder- tion. They are coming to the conclusion, especi said the day would come when the imports into stood any longer by the country. The resolution | ally since ihe last election, that the Democratic this country would not bear any duty at all, bepassed in September, 1846, was in substance as party is the party of the country; that its policy cause ourown manufacturing productions would be follows:

and principles will rule this country; and that, furnished so cheap that they could come into comResolved, That we approve of the principles of the tariff | although they may not get what they want accord petition with any produced in the world. Now, I of 1846, with such modifications of its details, consistenting to their own views, they can get something believe this position to be correct, and I give it my with those principles, from time to time, as the exigencies like stability; and a faithful adherence by the cordial approval. In that view, I am a prospective of the country may require.

Democratic party to their own system will, in my free-trader, and a progressive one, too, in that ratio. Now, sir, what is meant by the principles of opinion, soon secure their acquiescence. The iron I am willing to be a free-trader out and out, as soon the tariff of 1846? What I understand to be the || interest is fast coming to the conclusion now, that as we arrive at that point. I firmly believe it will principles of the tariff of 1846 are, first, that it if it were possible for the Whig party to carry a be reached. And I will say further, that I not shall have a revenue standard, and shall be adjust- | protective iariff in this Congress, or in any subse only concur with him in this view, but the Demed with revenue for its primary object. This is quent one, it would not stand. It would be re ocratic party of Pennsylvania also concur in these one of its principles, and I, for one, have never pealed, perhaps, the very next Congress. There | views. To illustrate this, I will show, before I been willing, and have never proposed, to depart is no stability in it. It is founded on the supposi- || conclude, that there has been progress in Pennsylfrom that standard since its adoption. Another tion that we must have special legislation for the vania on this question, and in that direction. They principle of the tariff of 1846 is, that the duties interests of one State. And who could


that believe that this matter will end in free trade. They shall be ad valorem. Now, sir, from the day the legislation of this nation should be adapted to are willing to be free-traders, when we shall have when that tariff passed, in 1846, to this day, I have the peculiar interests of one State, at the expense arrived at that point when the imports into this never seen a resolution passed by the democracy | of others? If the Wbig party could control this country will not bear duties. of the State of Pennsylvania, which I have the General Government, or had power to adopt this So far, then, we agree upon principle. Where, honor in part to represent, proposing to change policy and to carry it out, it might answer very then, is the difference between what are miscalled either its ad valorem or revenue features. If that well for them. Bui this is not likely to happen; tariff Democrats and free-traders? It is a distincbe our true position, then I wish to know wherein for the Democratic party can never so far depart tion without a difference. Our position is identiwe are inconsistent? Starting upon this ground from their general principles, as to give protection cal, if only properly understood. We agree upon and upon these principles, the only open point to the peculiar interests of a single State which a tariff for revenue, upon the ad valorem principle, with us was this: that we would ask for a modifi may be at war with the interests of other States. and we agree upon the question of progressive cation of the details of the tariff whenever the ex Our manufacturing interests must look, therefore, free-tradeism. Where, then, is the difference? It igencies of the country required it. And in an to the policy and principles of the Democratic does not exist. A tariff Democrat is a misnomer. swer to the honorable gentleman from Ohio (Mr. || party, and take their chances on the platform of The next question is as to the adjustment or CARTTER) I say, that four months ago there was equality with the other great interests of the discrimination of this tariff. The Baltimore platjust such an exigency, in our judgment, and I country:

form has laid down a principle for the Democratic moved for the modification, not of its principles, In this view their only chance is incidental pro- party, that no one interest shall be fostered at the but of one of its details. . Now there is no such tection. A good deal has been said about this expense of another. I subscribe to that principle. exigency, and I am opposed to all change of its incidental protection; but it seems to me that so I shall ask for discrimination in any tariff, but I details at this time. That is my position; and it far as the tariff question is concerned, the distinc- shall not ask for a discrimination in favor of any is perfectly plain, at least to me. On making this tion between incidental and accidental is scarcely | article beyond the revenue standard, nor shall I motion, you will remember, sir, that it was then perceptible, especially if the fluctuations of trade ask it at the expense of any other interest. That ruled out of order, and consequently I had no op are called accidents. If I understand incidental is what I understand by the Baltimore platform. portunity of being heard. If I had, I should then protection, it means a contingency dependent upon You must not protect, in any way, or foster, any have taken the same ground I take now. But I another contingency; that is to say, that an ad one interest of the country at the exper.se of anwas not heard, and, except to the Committee of valorem duty tariff, rising and falling, protects the other. Ways and Means, of which I have the honor to article incidentally to that extent. Revenue is the The question now under discussion is, how shall be a member, my position was not understood. | object, protection the incident.

you adjust the duties to reduce the revenue and An opportunity is now afforded me to place the I will state precisely the ground occupied by the || avoid a surplus? I agree with some of the gentleDemocratic party of my own district, as I under Democratic party of my district on this subject of men who have preceded me upon this subject, and stand it, in its true position on this question of the incidental protection. We take the ground of the the very moment there is an accumulation of surtariff-the position which it has always occupied revenue standard. Put your revenue standard ! plus revenue in the Treasury, and there is no mode

320 Cong....) st Sess.

The Tariff-Mr. Jones, of Pennsylvania.

Ho. or Reps.

all very true.

of disposing of it in a proper and legitimate man cannot make a tariff by any invention of man Mr. JONES. I did not in this discussion proner except by a reduction of the duties, I will go which can remain permanent. It must change ac pose to go into all the details of all possible conany length to secure that reduction. That is, as I cording to the circumstances which may arise, and tingencies that might arise out of a modification of understand it, all that is asked. And while I am all you can do is to establish settled principles by the tariff. I have no objection--although I do not opposed at this present time to any reduction of which to guide yourselves in running on with this understand the gentleman's proposition exactlythe tariff of 1846, as being fraught, in my opinion, progressive sendency to free trade, and I do sol to repeat my views in general terms. with nothing but mischiet, I will say now, that in emply believe that this progression will not only Mr. CŁINGMAN, (interrupting.) If the gen. one year from this time, after we have all the light, l be the highest indication of the success of our tleman will allow me a single word further. I all the information, and all the statistics we want manufactures, but of the greatness, the growth, have no doubt, if there were some one article - when we have had time to deliberate upon the and glory of our country.

which everybody consumed, it would make no proper mode of reduction—I will most cheerfully I wish, Mr. Chairman, to say, in connection difference if you put the tax upon that article. concur in such a reduction.

with this subject, that the point of difference be But I wish to direct 'the gentleman's attention to I have no hesitation now in expressing my own tween myself and some gentlemen upon this floor the difficulty in practice in carrying out any such views to the House of the proper mode of reduc- l is, that I make a discrimination in favor of manu general principle as he lays down. For example, tion. In the first place, the principle I set out factures; so I do, but I am in favor of our manu you cannot take any one article, manufactured in with is, that we ought to have an economical ad factures against that which we do not produce, and this country, that everybody will buy alike. Here ministration of the General Government. I sub which is not indigenous to our soil. Is not this will be the difficulty of carrying out his principles. scribe to that principle, and, as a member of the Democratic? I would like any gentleman to tell I would like to have the gentleman go a little into Committee of Ways and Means, I will vote for a me where I shall go to find a better Democratic detail, and show me how the principle is to be carreduction in the next fiscal year of $6,000,000 of doctrine. Does it make any difference, taking the ried out. I can well understand how, if you tax the current expenditure. The proposition of the tariff as a tax, whether a man pays two dollars everything, everybody will contribute; but if you gentleman from New York (Mr. Brooks) is to re duty on one article, and nothing on another, or select an article manufactured in this country alone, duce the income or revenue of the Government, pays one dollar on each? None at all, provided and impose a duty upon that, then, of course, the with a view of meeting only the expenses of the boih articles enter alike into general consumption. manufacturers, as they do not buy that article, Government, economically administered. I con Does it make any difference whether you lay the pay no part of the duty; but upon the other hand cur in this, and, as I have just remarked, I will burdens of the Government on one article of gen they get a benefit in the shape of protection, and vote in the Committee of Ways and Means, and eral consumption, or on two? I can see none. If a bounty in the high prices.' It seems to me that in the Housę, to reduce the annual appropriation | that position be correct, then it makes no difference they have no right to ask us to relieve them altofor defraying the current expenses of the Govern whether your tariff is laid upon articles of manu

gether. ment for the next fiscal year $6,000,000, which facture or not, provided it is laid upon articles of Mr. JONES, (resuming.) I thought I stated will reduce the whole amount to $40,000,000. 1 general consumption entering into all classes of distinctly, in my proposition, that I expected notham willing to meet that contingency now by ap. society.

ing perfect in this world—at least, I never found plying this surplus revenue to the cancellation of If articles of manufacture are articles of general | it—and if I intimated that any tariff could be adthe national debt, so far as it can be done. This consumption, and if it is your object by this indi- || justed with equal justice to every man in the Union, will dispose of a portion of it. In the next place, rect mode of taxation to distribuie the burdens of 1 certainly meant no such thing. All that we can if, after this, it be found that we have a surplus in the Government equally upon all, by laying these do in the adjustment of the details of the tariff is, the Treasury, and no employment for it, I will duties upon manufactures, you will reach that to get as near the point as we possibly can. That agree to a reduction of the tariff of 1846, first by || point as nearly as is practicable. Call it, then, a some men will not be equally taxed with others is an extension of the free list. In order to under iax, and that'tax it laid upon manufactures at

In adjusting the tariff upon conBland this, I suppose myself to be two years hence the revenue standard; then make a free list, and sumption, he who consumes the most pays the —for that will be soon enough—with ihe national what is the effect? Why, sir, do not you reap the mosi taxes. That is all I mean to say now, withdebt paid as far as it can be done with the surplus benefits on every article that is introduced into the out going into details, because I am not prepared revenue now on hand, and such as shall accrue in country free-every article, I mean, of raw mate to argue that question at this time, and I may upon the mean time, and the administration of the Gov. rial? Every such article that is placed upon the another occasion go into the details of it. All that ernment of the United States reduced to the most free list is manufactured in this country, and enters we can do is to aim as near that point as we poseconomical point practicable, and that we are into the general consumption of the whole coun sibly can, and if the gentleman will suggest somestarting out now to reduce the revenue of the Gov- try; and is not this fair? Take, for instance, the thing better, I will be willing to join him. I may ernment to meet only the actual wants of such articles of tea and coffee; they are not produced in say, however, that he is mistaken in saying manueconomical administration. I repeat, then, that I || this country, but they come here free of duty; they facturers are not consumers; but I concede it is would first extend the free list; I would, in the are diffused all over the country, and every man par not so much a question of principle, as it is one of next place, levy a duty upon all articles which we takes of the benefit of them as free articles. Is not expediency, consistent with principle. manufacture at the revenue, the highest revenue that equal ? Is it not just? Why, sir, the only pos Now, Mr. Chairman, I believe I have gone over standard. That would make a beginning. I sible discrimination it can make is in favor of the the points, and I do not wish to occupy any time would place a duty on these articles at the highest poor and the laboring classes, against the rich and in repeating them. I have stated them, as a matrevenue standard-no higher and no lower. That Those who are best able to bear the burdens of tax ter of course--as general principles--and I can do is Democratic doctrine; that is a revenue tariff ation. But I am talking of this principle as con nothing else in one hour. When I am called upon and what next? Why, I would then make all sistent with the principles of the Democratic party to define the position of my party at home, in my articles of foreign growth or foreign production, -a discrimination in favor of a free list! Why, | district, upon the prospective reduction of the which are consumed by the masses, (excluding a sir, I would be willing to meet any Democrat upon whole tariff system, and occupying one half or certain class of luxuries,) and which we do not that argument, because it is as clear to my mind two thirds of ihe time in defending the positions I manufacture in this country, free of all duty, or, if as anything can be. I ask any Democrat to meet lake, it is utterly impossible for me to go into any that would take off too much revenue, I would re me with the Baltimore platform before him, or any argument in exposition of my views upon the des duce it down to the lowest compatible point. I position the Democratic Party of the country has tails of this tariff. Therefore'pass that hy, upon believe I agree with the gentleman from New York ever taken, and show me that ihere is any injustice general principles; but I repeat, that when the time [Mr. Brooks] in regard to extending this free list, or inequality, or any taxing of one interest of the comes, we stand ready to adjust the duties of this or in reducing the duties on this species of pro country at the expense of another by extending tariff, upon the revenue standard, on all that we ductions just to the point required to pay the ex your free list, and placing a tariff at the revenue manufacture or produce, and consequently to expenses of the Government, economically admin | standard upon your manufactured articles. tend the free list, and reduce the duties upon those istered.

Now, sir, taking that position, what next? articles which we do not produce, lo such a point These are precisely my views upon this subject, || Why, Mr. Chairman, we shall then begin to re as may come within the requisites of the Governand I believe they embody the views of most of my duce the revenue standard, and then according to ment, io meet ils economical expenditures; and if Democratic constituents, or those of the Demo the position of the gentleman from South Carolina, that produces a surplus revenue, then we go one cratic party generally in Pennsylvania. That is (Mr. WOODWARD,) we shall, in a period of time, step further, and reduce below the revenue point, the doctrine of the Baltimore platform, and it is the which he perhaps sees in the distance, arrive at free and so continue from time to time, progressively, principle embodied in the lariff of 1846. There is trade.

until we are brought to entire free trade. That where the Democrats of Pennsylvania place them Mr. CLINGMAN. I wish to see if I under was the position I was endeavoring lo explain, so selves; and we are willing to stand upon those stand the gentleman's proposition. His principle, as to be understood. principles with you. We only ask that when a if I apprehend him arighi, is, that the duty shall Now, I have something to say in relation to the modification of the tariff of 1846 shall come, that be imposed upon those articles which are manu position which the State of Pennsylvania has ocyou will place the highest revenue standard upon factured in this country. For example, to illus- cupied in relation to those views, ever since the such articles as are manufactured in this coun trate my views, salt is an article of general con tariff of 1846 was passed. I have already stated try.

sumption. If you impose a duty upon salt, it that the resolution I read was adopted in 1846. I agree with the honorable gentleman from South appears that the sale makers of this country would However, before I touch upon that subject, I Carolina (Mr. WOODWARD) in another point- || pay no part of that duty, because they would sell wish to say one word in relation to the effect this that no tariff can be made a permanent one. There and not buy. I would like to know of the gen course will produce upon the country. I have is no such thing as making it permanent, because tleman whether, if you impose duties upon arti- | already stated that the effect of this will be, in the the circumstances or causes which regulate it are ticles manufactured in this country alone, you will first instance, to throw the burden upon the richer subject to the laws of trade, and it is not in the not thereby relieve the manufacturer from all share | classes, and to relieve the poorer and laboring power of human legislation to make it permanent in supporting the Government; and I should like classes. But there is one clase it will not relieve, unless that legislation can be made to regulate also to know how he would work out his policy in | and that is the corporations and monopolies of the the laws of supply and demand. Otherwise you practice?

country, and consequently I cannot satisfy those

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honorable gentlemen who are in favor of exempt. Only convince us that we are wrong, and Penn an approval of its principles. In 1844 the honor. ing railroad iron, and making it free of duty-for sylvania will follow the right.

able Mr. McKay, of North Carolina, chairman of I am at issue with them-or if they cannot agree How is it on the question of the distribution of the Committee of Ways and Means, offered to with me, and go upon principle, convince me I am the proceeds of the public lands? Precisely the Pennsylvania forty per cent. on iron; she declined wrong, and I will abandon the point. I say the De same. Pennsylvania is sound upon that question it, however, because she feared the change might mocratic party is against such a course. You cannot -as sound as any portion of the Democracy of not work well; she was not then prepared for it. discriminate by making railroad iron free of duty, the country. How is she upon the execution of | In 1846 a bill was passed establishing ad valorems, unless you lay down the principle that it is proper the fugitive slave law? When the country was and putting the duties on iron at thirty per cent. and right to discriminate in favor of corporations supposed to be in danger, did not Pennsylvania This was passed without the vote of Pennsylvania, and monopolies, because that is the tendency of it. come to the rescue, and sustain, not the South, but excepting the vote of the Hon. David Wilmot, for I have been astonished to see that gentlemen, who the Constitution? She was called, at the North, | precisely the same reasons. have been talking about the principles of this tariff, a dough-face.

I now again refer to the resolution adopted by and apprehending that I was departing from them, She has been called a follower of southern doc the Democratic convention of Berks county, in are in favor of making railroad iron free. Now, I trines. Sir, she recognizes the doctrine of No : September, 1846, to show you that, in principle, want those gentlemen to tell me how they are to North, no South; but the Constitution and the Union; she was right then, and only wanted time to carry resist this issue. If you are in favor of repealing the Constitution just as our fathers made it, en it out. Now, sir, observe her progress: she was the duties on railroad' iron, then you are in favor forced and interpreted by the principles of strict silent on the subject, asking no modification for of discriminating favorably to corporations and construction. She has always loved and admired four years. Towards the close of the first session monopolies. If, upon the other hand, you argue southern constitutional doctrines; not because they of this Congress, I offered an amendment not to with me that such a course is for the benefit of the are southern, but because in general they are sound change a single principle of the act; but finding whole country, then you are in favor of aiding in her judgment; but she has, never lacked the that in consequence of the very cheap rates of internal improvements at the expense of Govern- | nerve to forbear to follow when she believed them iron that the duties had fallen far below ihe revenue ment. It will not do to say that in taking off to be wrong.

standard, my object was to change the mode of thirty per cent. in favor of railroad iron indirectly I well remember when no'man within the limits | appraisement so as to bring it up to that standard. you are not thereby giving thirty per cent. to cor- of this broad Union, occupied a larger share of her could I have obtained a hearing, I would then porations out of the funds of the Government. affections than the distinguished Senator from have stated just what I state to-day, that PennThere is no distinction at all that I can see, con South Carolina, now gone to his grave. And yet, sylvania will stand by the tariff of 1846, in princisequently in voting to discriminate in favor of rail when he took a position in 1832 which she re ple-preserving ad valorems with the revenue standroad iron, and making it duty free, the effect of it garded as dangerous and unwise, she ceased to ard; but on our own manufactures we ask you to irresistibly is, that you either discriminate in favor follow him on that question, although she never keep the duties up to the revenue standardnot to of corporations, or you are in favor of taking the ceased to honor, to love, and to admire him. go beyond it, nor fall behind it. If this produces money out of the Treasury for disbursing it in It is upon the Constitution that she desires to a surplus revenue, pay off the national debt. If a favor of internal improvements. I am opposed to stand, recognizing no higher law in the adminis- surplus still remains, extend your free list on artiboth. tration of the Government.

cles not produced or manufactured here; and in Mr. Chairman, the Commonwealth of Pennsyl- i I cannot speak for the whole State, which I have doing so confine it to articles of general consumpvania, or at least the Democratic party in it, have the honor in part only to represent, except so far tion by the masses, (omitting luxuries as falling always advanced on sound principles. We have as my own opinions go of her position; but I think within the exception to this rule.) If this fails, often been told that we are unsound. I say that I understand her pretty well, and I can speak with then reduce below the revenue standard on your we have always shown ourselves willing to ad confident assurance, at least for my own district, | manufactures, until, in the process of time, you vance, and I can prove it by the records. How is

when I say that they repudiate the doctrine of reach absolute free trade-if you prefer it—and by it on the bank question? Who created that bank? Prigg vs. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, as this gradual, progressive reduction, you will find, Was it the Democratic party of Pennsylvania ? well as that other famous decision, in which a when the time comes, your manufacturer will be Sir, it was the creature of this General Govern United States Bank is declared to be constitutional, able to bid defiance to the world; and all this can ment. If it be unconstitutional to have a national or rather perfectly consistent with the spirit of that be secured in the adjustment of a revenue ad vabank, you are responsible for it, and not the State instrument-falling within the powers not granted lorem tariff. of Pennsylvania. Not only that, sir, but it has expressly, but which in that case were held to be I should have stated these facts at the last sesbeen our misfortune to have your very erroneous necessary for carrying out those that expressly sion could I have had a hearing. My views were legislation located in our State. When you crea were granted

just the same then as now; accordingly, as I have ted a national bank of thirty-six millions of dol The tone of public sentiment in Pennsylvania, already answered the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. lars, you planted it in my State, and then turned in my opinion, is against both of these decisions. CartTER,] I moved to modify then, because the round and found fault with us because we had it They hold them to be wrong, and will hail the duty had fallen far below the revenue standard. there. Why, sir, it was yeur error, and not ours; || day with pleasure when the Supreme Court shall Now, sir, I am opposed to modification at this all the political heresies that have ever got into the deem it expedient to reverse them; professionally, session, because although the duty is now too State

of Pennsylvania, have come from this Gen- as a member of that court, I respect the decisions; high, I have no faith in its staying there. In six eral Government; and that State learned all her as a representative, desirous of faithfully express- months it may be down again; but if it continues heresies in your school. Now, on the bank ques- ing the sentiments of my constituents, which, in up, I would most certainly favor reduction until tion we have advanced, and come to occupy a true this particular, are in consonance with my own you come down to the revenue standard. My position upon it. We agree that a national bank judgment, I repudiate them as unsound and un position then is, that an ad valorem tariff Auctuais an obsolete idea. Is not that advancing upon tenable. It was precisely, then, upon these prin- ting with the trade of the country cannot be persound principles? And I hope, sir, to see that ciples, that in 1851 the Democratic party of Penn manent; and in order to make it effective, you must very principle, some day or other, impregnating sylvania planted itself upon the doctrine that the change from time to time and follow the fluctuating the Supreme Bench of this Union. I hope to see fúgitive slave law should be faithfully executed in standard up or down the scale, just as the laws of the constitutionality of the Bank of the United Pennsylvania, and that her act of Assembly, re supply and demand may please to send it. States reversed by the Supreme Court; and I also fusing our jails to the General Goyernment, should I have said that Pennsylvania progresses on all wish to see the case of Prigg vs. The Common- . be repealed, because such a position was absolute these questions on sound principles. h 1844, she wealth, reversed too; then I shall be satisfied with ly required at that crisis from a party which pro refused McKay's bill; in 1851, she came here and the opinions and position of the Supreme Court of fessed to respect the compromises of the Constitu offered to take it: it was refused; in 1852, she the United States.

tion, and also professed to have nerve enough to asked a modification of the tariff of 1846 merely That is the doctrine of the Supreme Court, say and do before the world what it believed to be to secure the revenue standard. Now she accepts and not of Pennsylvania. The dissenting opin- ' right. It was in my own district (Berks) that the it just as it is. Next year if it be too high, and a ion of Chief Justice Taney, according to my convention met and adopted this platform, nom surplus accumulates, she will go with you to reduce judgment, is more in accordance with their public inating on it the present amiable and distinguished it, and upon the principles I have laid down, she views.

Executive of the State, William Bigler. Eight will go with you till it ends in free trade, if the How is it with the question of the constitutional thousand majority crowned their success, and set country so wills it. All she asks is that you will treasury? Is not Pennsylvania sound upon that tled the question,

I trust, forever.

only move cautiously, and gradually give stabilquestion?' If she be sound, does it not prove that I do not, Mr. Chairman, mention these things ity to your acts as you advance, and she will go she advances upon principle, and is always right? : in a vain spirit of boasting. Other States were just with you to the end. I felt it to be my duty, to All that she asks in reference to these great ques. as true; but I deem it due to the State which I in the extent of my humble ability, at the earliest tions of the country is to allow time to deliberate. part represent, to refer to it in support of my ar opportunity, to try and place her thus fairly before She does not want to be put under a high pressure gumeni-that Pennsylvania is not stationary, as the country. I do not arrogate to myself the right all the time by hasty changes, even where error she is most unjustly represented to be, but has al to speak for her by authority. I am but one of her exists and has taken deep root.

ways been true to the Constitution, and is always | Representatives; and when I have assumed to I respect the opinions of those gentlemen of the progressive upon sound principles.

speak for the State, I wish to be understood as South who differ with me upon the manner of Now, sir, apply this rule to her action on the only speaking by authority for my district. All modifying the tariff. We meet you upon the tariff. The tarift

' of 1842 was not understood by I say of the State is but the result of careful obtariff of 946 now, and beg you not to leave its Pennsylvania herself when Mr. Walker proposed servation and well-settled opinions. I speak only principles until you at least succeed in convincing to establish the tariff of 1846. It was working for the Democratic party also, and such interests us it is wrong. When you do that, we will go well at that time; and although the Democratic as I believe concur with it. My colleagues may with you. Allow us to take counsel with you party never endorsed its principles and details, it differ from me on many or all of my positions, upon these principles, and when the proper time was averse to change—more from motives of fear and if so their opinions are entitled to as favorcomes, we will always advance upon principle. of the consequences that might ensue than from able a hearing as mine are.

32D CONG..... 2D SESS.

The Tariff-Mr. Meade.

Ho. of Reps,


Justice to the South demands that there should mechanics, pays a tax, but gets nothing in return. SPEECH OF HON. R. K. MEADE, be a reduction of duty on railroad iron.

The price of 'whatever the farmer and planter Railroad iron was exempted from duty for a (who supports all the rest) sends to market, is OF VIRGINIA,

long period previous to 1842, and during that time fixed by the foreign demand, and that ‘again is IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

a large number of the railroads at the North were regulated by the amount of foreign goods they

built; but few at the South and West. Nor was are willing to take in exchange, which are reduced December 14, 1852,

it so much our fault as the result of circumstances. in value to the extent of the duty he pays on them On the Tariff question; delivered in the Committee The density of the northern population enabled at home.

of the Whole, on the motion to refer the Presi them to do what we could not then, or could but The low price of iron for a few years back was dent's Annual Message to the several commit- slowly do. Let not our inability, then, be charged only the misfortune of the producer, similar to tees. as a fault.

that which often befalls the cultivator of the soil. Mr. MEADE said:

I believe that a reduction of duty on railroad When cotton, grain, and tobacco, bear a low price, Mr. Chairman: Had not the ground been taken iron will eventually benefit the iron-master. The


he flies not to the Government for aid; he puts in this debate, that a reduction of the duty on market for his iron is principally in the interior of up with it, and works the harder. He waits for railroad iron would inure only to corporations, I the country. The cheaper he can get it there the a better day. Your system of protection, howmight not have said a word on the subject. My greater will be his profits and the more he will sell. ever, puts upon him the misfortune of others as State (now engaged in an extensive system of The article being very heavy, it is of the last im- well as his own. Protection means a premium in railroads) feels at this time a peculiar interest in portance to transport it cheap, for it will not bear || the shape of money, and it is paid altogether by this question, and the same may be said of the a heavy transportation duty. A costly railroad is the exportir interest; for whatever is paid by whole West and Northwest.

a perpetual tax on transportation. The cheaper one protected class to another is ultimately reMy friend, the honorable gentleman from Penn the railroads are the cheaper in all time to come turned. The farmer only asks the small privilege sylvania, (Mr. Jones,] would find himself some will be the transportation-tax on iron. English l of being permitted to buy of those who will buy what puzzled in attempting to draw a sensible dis iron is now only the pioneer that is opening up a of him, instead of being forced to buy of those tinction between manufacturing corporations and perpetual market for American iron. li first makes who will take only a portion of his products in railroad corporations, and to demonstrate how the à cheap road to your mines, which takes your iron exchange for theirs, 'demanding cash for the community will be more benefited hy extending to the sea-board, thence by vessels it is distributed greater part. privileges to the former, and denying them to the into every sea-board town, whence, by railroads, The argument drawn from over-production is a latter. Indeed, sir, the reverse is true. For, it is taken far into the interior. On every one of fallaey—there is no such thing as over production. while the admission into this country, duty free, of these railroads are twenty engines and a thousand The ability to buy alone regulates the extent of dye-stuffs, coarse wool, &c., will enable the manu cars, all of which are built and renewed from year the sales. Millions of people in Europe were facturer to make his goods at less cost, it does not to year out of iron taken from your mines. Along starving when our breadstuff's were cheapest. follow that the community will buy them cheaper, the lines, bar iron, plows, and machinery of all Would they not buy if they could ? And why for after all, the foreign article of the same kind kinds, are transported, and all made of iron from would they not? They had no employmentregulates the price, which is always increased (if || your mines, deriving an incidental protection from there was no market for what they could make, imported at all) by the duty imposed. The im a revenue duty. This state of things will spring is though millions were in want of it." Restrictions, portation of it implies a demand greater than the up in a few years, if you will just have patience monopolies, high duties, legislative outrages on supply at home, and the price which the foreigner | until foreign iron shall pave the way for your own. the laws of nature and of commerce, had made must demand, to realize a profit, will be the price our ancestors felled the forest with English axes; him a beggar with millions of others. Abolish also of the home article, however cheap it may be but for which it would have been still a forest. 1 the custom-houses all over the world; let there be made. To benefit the community by admitting, will illustrate by a case in point: The road from free intercourse between its ports, and none would free of duty, certain articles necessary to the home | Petersburg to Lynchburg, a distance of one hun want. This country, from certain natural advanmanufacture, you must also admit the manufac dred and iwenty miles, is built by a subscription tages, produces breadstuffs, provisions, cotton, tured article itself, free of duty; otherwise, you of individuals, assisted by the State, which, in &c. Other countries, from a like course, produces only transfer the amount of the duty from the pursuance of a general policy, takes three fifths of other things cheaper than we can. These should Treasury into the pockets of the manufacturer. the stock. Had railroad iron been sixty or sev be mutually exchanged. These should form the

I think I shall be able to show that the admission enty dollars a ton, instead of forty-two dollars, basis of a commerce between them enriching all. of railroad iron, either free of duty, or with a light the road would never have been built, for it was The grand folly of this country has for twenty one, will benefit every one. If there were as many exceedingly difficult to procure the subscription, years been in trying to force productions which lines of railroads, extending from the Atlantic to notwithstanding the comparative cheapness on ac belonged properly to others. Why have we not the Mississippi, as there are States upon its shores count of the low price of iron. There are now attempted to force by protection the growth of from New York to Georgia inclusive, there would running on that road engines and cars from Phila tea, coffee, and the spices, as well as sugar? We not be a man, woman or child, east of the Rocky delphia. But for English iron at forty-two dollars should have done so, had nature been a little less Mountains, that would not in some degree be ben a ton, many thousand dollars already spent would emphatic in her denial. We would have done so, efited. All would either travel upon them, or use have been lost to Pennsylvania, and many thou- if it had been possible, by only doubling their something transported by them. The cheaper sands more in prospect. This road is one link ir. cost. The folly of the attempt would only have those roads are made the cheaper would be ihe a chain that will reach from James river to the exceeded our other follies in degree. We distravel and transportation. The interest on their Mississippi. How much of Pennsylvania iron in covered that we lacked the climate to grow tea, cost would be less, and their profits begin propor various shapes will ultimately travel along this but have not learned we lack the climate for other tionably sooner. A railroad costing $2,000,000 entire line it would be difficult to estimate. To the things that we have attempted. A dense and must make $120,000 a year clear of expenses, or cheapness of railroad iron this entire line is prin- starving population produces a climate for many do a losing business. If the same road cost but | cipally indebted.

productions. We could make silk with such a $1,000,000, $60,000 per annum would remunerate The honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania | climate. The delicate fingers of a starving female, it, and the other $60,000 would be a saving to the [Mr. Jones) contended that the whole revenue had | who will for three cents a day gather up the community-that is, it could charge $60,000 less as well be raised on a few articles, as diffused over threads of the butterfly's shroud, is alone wanting for travel and transportation. Would they charge many, and contends that a man had as well pay a to confer that blessing on us. When we reflect less on that account? I say they would. There are tax of four dollars on his coat as two on his coat on the causes that prevent us from manufacturing very few that make more than six per cent. In and two on his trowsers. This would be true some things, it should be matter for rejoicing, intruth, sir, the railroads of the South are built, not if the article taxed was universally used, and instead of regret. so much with a view to profit as to afford commercial proportion to each one's means. But suppose we

The cheapness of provisions here gives us many facilities. The farmers and planters make their were to levy the tax on bonnets and silk dresses, advantages over the European. But it must be subscriptions, looking for remuneration to the con and none upon hats and broadcloths, what would remembered that what are necessaries here are venience of traveling, and the cheaper transporta the wives and maids of his district say to him? luxuries to the laborer of Europe. In place of his tion of their produce. Our experience teaches us Why, sir, his wife and daughters would scarcely potato we must have bread. In place of his bread that, in a distance of fifty miles, twenty cents at save him from their fury. If the tax was col we must have meat. in place of his one loaf we least are saved on a bushel of wheat or corn, and lected altogether on iron, a vast number of people must have three. A laborer's daily consumption three dollars on a hogshead of tobacco. The mer would be exempt, and many but partially affected; here is three times what isis in Europe. Cheap chant and mechanic in the city takes the stock to such as lawyers, doctors, divines, merchants, labor and a dense population alone enable the increase the value of his lots and houses, and stim many mechanics, and a host of others. The European to manufacture cheaper. I do not reulate his trade. He gets his dividend in increased planters and farmers would bear the chief burden. gard either of these things as blessings. The forrents and profits; a dividend in money is regarded Lay your duties as you may, with a view to inci ests of the West and the cotton fields of the South as an incidental benefit. Besides, sir, these roads dental protection, and the exporting interest, con are standing bidders for the labor of the poor. are, either in whole or in part, owned by the State stituting the largest class, must bear the chief bur The former invites the strong and athletic, the in which they are made. They are built in whole den. The produce of grain, cotton, and tobacco latter, the weak and delicate. They are a refuge or in part by the money of the State, which is con cannot be incidentally protected, for his market is from the exactions of the capitalists. It would tributed, in the shape of taxes, by all. Hence all beyond the reach of your revenue laws. The be almost a pity to tell those poor little boys and are interested in their cheapness. Besides this, shoemaker pays a tax to the hatter, but he gets it girls of ten and twelve years of age, who are they are, for the most part, limited in their profits | back when the hatter comes for his shoes. The crawling upon their bellies through the coal seams by law; and the State has, by her officers, an influ- | manufacturer pays a tax to the iron furnace and of England, that for four months in the year, in ence and control corresponding in some degree foundery for his machinery, but he gets it back the cotton-fields of the South, they could make with the contributions she has made. The charges, when the iron master and founder comes for his their four shillings sterling a day, and play and therefore, on these roads must be less as you di coat. To all classes, the cultivator of the soil, gambol for the remaining eight months of the minish their cost.

the merchant, the house-joiner, and many other l year. The knowledge of so much happiness elseNEW SERIES.No. 3.

32D CONG..... Ist Sess.

The TariffMr. Meade.


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where would kill the poor creatures with despair. shoes, you are yet paying an equal tax upon the be added to them, and included in their value in
Take away these bidders for labor, and wages two millions made ai home,-the one tax goes into | fixing the duty.
would go down and assume the European stand the Treasury, and the other into the pockets of Mr. MILLSON. I regret that my colleague
ard. Here the capitalist goes in search of labor; the manufacturers.

thinks that freight across the Atlantic should,
there labor seeks the capitalist. There employ It is argued that the encouragement of our man. under that law, be considered as entering into the
ment is the commodity in demand, and is pro ufactures at home, lessens the supply of the pro valuation upon the goods on which duty is to be
cured by the lowest bidder; here the employee, ductions of the earth, which would be overstocked paid. He has just said that it was the object of
and is procured by the highest bidder. There the in case we did not divert labor from the soil. the special act of 1850-for which I voted with
capitalist dictates to the laborer; here the laborer When that time comes, the products of the earth much misgiving—to legalize the Treasury circu-
to the capitalist, who asks protection from him by will fall in value to that point which will itself | lars of Mr. Walker. I beg leave to suggest to
demanding a contribution from the rest of the suggest to capitalists other investments. But I my colleague, that the Treasury circulars of Mr.
community. He artfully puts it on the ground never expect to see the day when the earth shall Walker, to which he alludes, expressly excluded
that you are protecting labor. Can it be denied be beaten by any competitor. It has never been freight as one of the costs upon which duty was
that the thing protected is the article produced, or yet. A laborer can make more by plowing it, to be calculated.
the bale of goods owned by the capitalist, which than in any other business.

Mr. MEADE. My colleague has mistaken he sells without paying a tax, while the foreign Mr. Chairman, I listened with pleasure, until I me in one particular. When I said that was the owner of a bale just like it has to pay a third of discovered his object, to the remarks of the hon- || object of the law, I had reference to the law of its value for the privilege of selling? But it will orable gentleman from New York, (Mr. Brooks,] || 1846, which had for its object the fixing of a valube replied, that the bale is the product of labor, the other day. He seemed to desire to reduce the ation at the foreign port, at the time the article was and if you protect that, you protect the laborer. revenue, and diminish the surplus, by taking off exported to this country. That was the object of

The capitalist when he goes into the market for duties. The object of his first resolution, as ex that law, and whatever may have been the object labor gets it as cheap as he can, and I have shown plained by himself, soon became apparent. In of the law of 1850, I say that, sitting as a judge through what agencies the price is regulated and his list of articles to be made duty free, there is upon the bench, there is not a lawyer in this House kept up. But for argumeni sake, let it be admit not one, I believe, which is manufactured here, who would not decide, that the cost and charges ted that the laborer is protected to the extent of his and by making them free, we impose the necessity would include freight, whatever may have been agency in producing the bale. What proportion of keeping up the duties on all others.

the opinion of Mr. Walker, or the intention of of it did he make, and what the machine owned His free list consists of such things as we must Congress. Mr. Walker's views in relation to this by the capitalist? In that proportion, whatever import, and many of them entering into the com matter accorded with my own wishes, for I preit may be, is the premium shared between them. position of the manufactured article at home. ferred that all dutiable articles should be estimated I leave to others better acquainted with the subject Now, I think I have shown clearly, that if we as cheaply as possible, with a view to as small a to determine the proportions of each. But my were to admit the raw materials free of duty, it tax as possible. But still, construing the law as own opinion is, for every dollar pocketed by the would be an indirect protection to the manufac a lawyer, I could not exclude freight from the capitalist about one cent goes into that of the la turer, and a tax on the consumer.

costs and charges any more than I could commisborer, which is paid away the first time he buys But the gentleman desires to reduce the revenue, sions, insurance, or any other charge. a coat. Sir, the machine and its owner is alone and to prevent is accumulation in future. He Now, I do not desire, by any means, to find protected. You may as well tell me that the poor anticipates great inconvenience in the country from fault with this construction. I only alluded to it, of Louisiana are protected by the duty on sugar. || hoarding up the specie.

to prove to the gentleman from New York, (Mr. The labor which makes it is owned by the capi Mr. CLEVELAND. If the gentleman will Brooks,] that so far from being benefited by talists as are the machines of the North. They allow me to interrupt him, I desire to know by the construction given these laws, the revenue has alone receive the premium. The laborer pays it. what process of reasoning he will prove that, by been diminished by it. But the remarks of the genThe wealthiest class of the North is the protected | admitting railroad iron duty free, railroad compa- tleman from New York carry me back to the first capitalist. The wealthiest at the South is the pro-nies would transport cheaper, and at the same time time I took my seat in this Hall in 1848, when I tected sugar planter. In each of these classes you the manufacturers, under similar circumstances, listened to the eloquent remarks of the then chairfind the millionaires of the country. It is idle to would not sell cheaper?

man of the Committee on Ways and Means from tell me that duties were taken off tea and coffee for Mr. MEADE. If the gentleman will read my! Ohio, (Mr. Vinton.). That committee was then the sake of the poor. Was ever a cup of either speech when it is printed, he will find that I have under the control of the Whig party. I was then drank without sugar? No, sir; the reason is that explained that maiter fully. I cannot go over the alarmed, or rather I should have been alarmed, there were no wealthy producers of these articles same discussion; it would consume too much if I had been subject to alarms, by the doleful to combine with others to grind, not to protect the time. The gentleman can satisfy himself, if he anticipations which were then indulged in by that laborer. will do me the honor to read my speech.

gentleman, in respect to what would be the awful. I have heard it contended that if duties be light, Now, Mr. Chairman, if the country was in condition of the Treasury in time to come. Debt, foreigners will combine to overstock the market, want of a specie circulation, the argument of the bankruptcy, and ruin to the country, were the and crush home manufacturers, and then demand gentleman from New York (Mr. Brooks] would hobgoblins which walked through his speech of their own prices. Men are alike governed by their hold good; but the money hoarded in the Treas- that day. The contrast could but strike me most interest all over the world. They will as soon ury is only a portion of the surplus product of the forcibly, when I heard the other day another leader combine at home as abroad. It is certainly more country. It occupies precisely the same relation of the Whig party bewailing the condition of the easy and practicable. Can the manufacturers of to commerce as so much corn in a time of plenty. 'country, in consequence of its immense surplus England, France, Germany, Belgium, and other The gold of California is an article of merchan

revenues, and predicting a speedy dissolution from countries more readily combine than those of dise; and so long as the currency of the country plethora and the wealth of the Treasury. We Lowell? Is it more probable that the world will is sufficient for the purposes of trade, no incon told the Whigs in 1848 to trust to the Democracy combine against us, than a corner to which the venience would resuli from the surplus. Release - they would take care that there should be no trade is secured? The competition of all nations it to-morrow, and it would be driven away by the bankruptcy, no ruin. We tell them now to conis our best security against combinations. paper which, unfortunately, occupies the place of tinue that trust; we will take care that there shall

I was very glad to hear, Mr. Chairman, that gold. But, Mr. Chairman, I will admit that there be no death from plethora. We will stop the sup-
my friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. Jones] had exists the other danger, to which the gentleman ply by reducing the tax. That gentleman ought,
taken the liberal ground he did on protection; the from New York has alluded. I entirely concur in the course of his remarks, (if he really designed
only protection he wants, is that incidental pro in what he says of the danger of extravagant, to act the counsellor,) to have read his friends in
tection which the highest revenue duties could give and, perhaps, unconstitutional appropriations. | the White House a lecture on the subject of their
him. That was the ground assumed by Mr. Polk For the sake of the purity of the Democratic party, own delinquencies.
in his first message after his election, one which I should like to remove that temptation out of their Having an overflowing Treasury, and millions
had never been officially taken before, and which way. But, sir, for the purpose of depriving the upon millions daily accumulating there—owing
was supported by nearly the whole Democratic | policy of 1846 of the credit due it, he has attrib- | $6,000,000 to Mexico, all of which was bearing
party. But the gentleman from Pennsylvania uted our enormous revenues to the Treasury cir interest--why did they not, as they were urged
must remember, that eight years have expired culars issued by Mr. Walker, and which, when to do by the Mexican Government, pay that debt,
since that time, and the progress we have made afterwards reversed by the decision of the Su and thus dispose of that amount of surplus, and
since then in sound principles and knowledge of preme Court, were made the law of the land by a stop the interest on $6,600,000? Though urged
the laws of trade, has been very rapid.

special act. The constructiou put upon the law in the strongest terms which necessity could I was pleased when the Democratic party took of 1846 by Secretary Walker, was certainly in prompt, and even our magnanimity as a nation the ground, that they would be content with such conformity with the spirit or intention of the appealed to, the Administration refused to anticiincidental protection as the highest tariff of rev Legislature that passed it. If not precisely in pate that debt, preferring to pay the interest on enue would give, because I consider that one step || conformity with the letter of that act, the design $6,000,000, and at the same time purchasing at a towards a more liberal policy.

of Congress, as every one knows, was, that the premium of fourteen per cent. our own bonds What does it amount to practically? If we de duty should be assessed on the value attached having years to run. I did all I could to prevent sired to raise a million of dollars upon shoes, sup to the foreign article at the time it left the foreign this; but I was not heeded. And here candor posing that four millions were annually imported, port.

compels me to say that the Democratic party in a duty of twenty-five cents would raise it; a higher But the gentleman may be reminded of another this House failed to do their duty in this matter, duty, say of fifty cents, would also do it; and at thing. Our revenues from the tariff of 1846, have in not coercing the Administration to pay Mexico the same time incidentally encourage the home been diminished by the construction which one of her debt at the time and in the manner she dearticle, by excluding two millions of the foreign. his own Secretaries put upon the act of 1850. There sired. The fifty cent tax is the highest revenue duty, but is not a lawyer in this House that would say the Now, Mr. Chairman, I am unwilling that this still it is protective, for while the same amount is freight is not a part of the costs and charges of large amount of surplus revenue should remain in paid into the Treasury upon the two millions of ll goods imported, which the law of 1850 required to the Treasury, or that any more should accumulate;

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