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mot know, I confess, what good will result the business of the Senate. I hope, therefore
that they were determined to find out who the show with what perseverance it is that certain Senator wants to get off his hands, and then petitioners were, and he presumed that steps persons at Staunton have sought to obtain everybody debates it, and time goes on, and it were being taken to get a copy of the petition matter of accusation against persons who are is not fair to the Senator who has the floor, with a view of persecuting the men who had supposed to have signed these petitions. I do nor is it exactly the thing with reference to sent it here. The letter requested me to interfere for their protection if I could do so, but I from knew no way to do it. The matter rested there, Mr. TRUMBULL. It will enable these matter, that it will go over until to-morrow. until to-day I received another letter from this men to protect themselves against the charge Mr. TRUMBULL. It is disposed of, I think. same gentleman at Staunton, dated May 20, of forgery.
Mr. FESSENDEN. Then I hope Senators 1866, in which he says:
Mr. HOWARD. If that is the sole object will talk no more about it. “The rebels of this place through A. H. H. Stuart, the Senator has in view, I shall have no objec- Mr. WILSON. If it is not disposed of let of Staunton"
tion to that, but I would not propose to have it go over until to-morrow. He had informed me in his former letter the petition withdrawn if any further wrang.
Mr. TRUMBULL. The parties want the that the prosecuting attorney there was also ling or ill feeling was to be the result of the paper in consequence of these accusations. I one of the persons who had made threats withdrawal of the petition.
suppose there will be no further debate about it. against these loyal men for sending a petition Mr. TRUMBULL. The petitioner himself Mr. FESSENDEN. Very well. to Congress
who sent it to me has asked leave to with- Mr. TRUMBULL. It is not an unusual “The rebels of this place through A. H. II. Stuart draw it.
thing to withdraw a paper from the files of the of Staunton and Joseph Segar, as I learn, have gotten
Mr. WILSON. I have sent to the commit- Senate. the names from Washington of the signers of the petition of the Union citizens of this county praying tee-room for the petition; and I find that there The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The quesfor troops, &c., which you recently presented to Con- are four oaths made before proper officers to tion is on the motion of the Senator from Illigress. It was done for the purpose of injuring us in every possible manner, as events have proved. The
the genuineness of the signatures. I will say nois, that he be permitted to withdraw this rebels have even intimidated some of the signers, that Mr. Segar, one of the Senators-elect from petition from the Committee on Military Affairs some six or seven, until they have actually signed Virginia, called on me and expressed a wish for the purpose stated by him. cards in the rebel papers, denying that they signed the petition. I therefore respectfully request that
to obtain a copy of the petition and the names The motion was agreed to. you will cause to be forwarded to me immediately the of the petitioners. He did not state to me
RECONSTRUCTION. original petition in order that those who procured why he wanted it, or for what purpose, except the names may be relieved of this infamous charge against us of forgery. Is it possible, sir, that we have that it was thought by some persons that the
The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, no rights (which in this case are guarantied by the signatures were not genuine. He went to my
resumed the consideration of the joint resoluConstitution) because we are white, loyal men ?" committee-room and my clerk made a copy
tion (H. R. No. 127) proposing an amendment I ask leave to withdraw the original petition for him. I did not suppose there was any im
to the Constitution of the United States, the with a view of sending it to the gentlemen who proper purpose in it. "I am sorry to learn, as pending question being on the amendment forwarded it to me that they may protect them- I have learned, that this has been used for the offered by Mr. WADE. selves, as far as this will enable them to do purpose of oppressing, persecuting, and threat- Mr. STEWART. Mr. President, I am sat80, against the accusations which have been | ening the signers of the petition. I will have isfied that it is impossible for this Congress to brought upon them; and I regret it is not in a copy of the paper made and return the ori- fully agree as to what is expedient to be done my power to propose some measure that shall | ginal to the Senator from Illinois.
to harmonize factions and restore peace to our protect them from the ignominy and persecu- Mr. SUMNER. I hope the Senate will not distracted country. Every one is liable to estition that is brought upon them for no cause take this step without considering its impor- mate the sentiments of the whole country by save their loyalty to the country and the exer- tance. I do not mean to oppose the taking of it, the views of a few friends or a small portion cise of a constitutional right belonging to the but I do wish to call the attention of the Senate of his constituents, modified by his own pecuhumblest citizen in the land of petitioning Con- to what I may call its gravity. I am not aware liar ideas and wishes. This has and will congress for a redress of grievances. A copy of that a petition has ever before been withdrawn tinue to produce an irreconcilable conflict of the petition can be left with the committee, on a motion like that which is now made. A opinions upon all questions of mere expewhich I suppose will answer every purpose. 1 | petition once presented comes into the pos- diency. There is very little difference of opin.. ask leave to withdraw the original petition, session of the Senate; it passes into its files ion among Union men as to what ought to be leaving a copy with the committee.
and into the archives of the Capitol. I think done if we had the power to do it. I have The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It is moved we are about to make a precedent for the first always been of the opinion that it was expeand seconded that the Senator from Illinois time. I do not, however, say that the occa- dient to do right. In this case we must agree be authorized to withdraw from the Committee sion does not justify the precedent. I incline as to what is right and do it, for we cannot on Military Affairs the petition presented by to agree with my friend from Illinois that it agree as to what is expedient or what is likely him which was referred to that committee by does. We surely owe protection, so far as we to return A, B, or C to Congress. The Union order of the Senate some time since.
can afford it, to these petitioners; and as the || party are agreed that all men are entitled to Mr. HOWARD. I beg to say that some Senator from Illinois suggests that this is the life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and weeks ago I received a letter from a gentleman best way, I am disposed to follow his sugges- they will indorse any necessary means to secure of my acquaintance residing in Staunton, Vir- tion; but in doing it, I wish that the Senate these inalienable rights to every American citiginia, requesting me to procure a copy of the should take notice of the character of the step, The more direct and positive the plan petition to which the honorable Senator from and of the precedent that they are about to the better. All digressions from principle or Illinois has referred and forward it to him, he make.
compromises of human rights, whether by Conalleging in his communication to me that he But this is not all, sir. I wish the Senate to gress or the President, only involve us in new had strong reason to believe that the signatures, take notice that they are called to adopt this difficulties and increase our embarrassments. or many of them, attached to the petition were unusnal precedent by the abnormal and brutal The President's plan- of restoration was unsatforged, and that it was impossible to ascertain condition of the social system about these isfactory, because it ignored the rights and in Staunton or in the vicinity any person who | petitioners. The very fact which the Senator excluded from constitutional liberty four milhad set his name to the petition. The letter from Illinois now brings to the attention of the lion loyal citizens guilty of no offense but fidelwhich I received was written in a spirit quite | Senate, and on account of which he invokes ity to the Government, and at the same time hostile to the signers of the petitions or to those an unprecedented exercise of power, is impor- deprived the friends of the Union of the cowho sympathized with the object of the peti- tant evidence as to the condition of things in operation of these loyal citizens in maintaintion. I immediately resorted to the commit- one of these rebel States. It goes to show that ing the integrity of the Constitution, the honor tee-room of the Committee on Military Affairs they are not yet in any just sense reconstructed, of our brave soldiers, and the financial burdens and made a personal examination of the peti- or prepared for reconstruction. Such an ab- of the war; because it placed the State gov. tions; there were two or three of them I be- normal fact as this could not occurin any other ernments of the South in the hands of the very lieve. I examined the signatures with con- part of our broad country. That it occurs here men who plunged the country into war for siderable care and ascertained that there was is to be referred peculiarly to those remains of secession and the extension of slavery, and a certificate of authenticity attached to each rebellion which have not yet been subdued, because it admitted into Congress an increased one of the petitions, setting forth that the sig. but which you are now called upon, in the ex- representation of the disloyal elements of the natures were genuine and identifying the indi- ercise of all the powers intrusted to you under rebellion. Yet it was better than no plan, no viduals who had signed them.
the Constitution, solemnly to subdue. I there- restoration, no Union, and no peace. The I replied to my correspondent stating what || fore, sir, regard this transaction in a double paramount importance of speedy restoration I had done, saying to him that under the cir- || light: first as an important precedent to be made me hesitate to condemn the plan of the cumstances I did not feel at liberty to furnish established in the business of the Senate; sec- President for want of a better. I was unwillhim with copies of those petitions, but at the ondly, as illustrating a condition of things in ing to pull down without the material at hand same time informing him of the nature of the the rebel States to justify every exercise of with which to rebuild. petitions and the mode in which they were care and diligence on our part to the end that But in the progress of events, two noble senauthenticated, and assuring him that so far as it shall not bring forth similar fruits hereafter. timents became manifest to me upon which I could discover I had every reason to believe Mr. FESSENDEN. I hope we shall now the people of the loyal North might unite; that the signatures were all genuine and that || proceed with the regular business of the day, protection for the Union and the friends of the the persons signing the petition were genuine | and I really must call upon our friends to be a Union, and mercy to a fallen foe. The attainpersons.
little forbearing when that business comes up ment of these huinane objects promised restoThat is all I know about it. It is my duty | in its regular order. When it is called up it is ration and peace. I reflected seriously upon a to state these facts to the Senate in order to usual to bring up something or other that a solution of our difficulties by an appeal whick
addresses itself only to the most Christian government is founded upon the idea that the loyal States—in short, with every loyal man who qualities of humanity, and examined with people are the only source of legitimate author. loves the Union and hates its enemies. But it great anxiety every plan presented. I found ity and the guardians of theirown rights through is not the part of men and Christians to appeal none which promised security for the future the instrumentality of the ballot. The theory to these most nateral sentiments of the human and protection for the friends of the Govern- of monarchical government is that the sover- heart unless it be necessary to continue the ment, and at the same time extended mercy | eign only can be trusted; the theory of repub- | conflict for the attainment of a great principle. to its ememies. Every proposal was wanting | lican government is that the people must be Now is the time to declare for human rights either in justice or mercy. Mercy pleaded trusted. Monarchical and republican Govern- and the equality of man before the law, and if generous amnesty; justice demanded impar- | ments arethe only Governments tolerable among that be still denied no human power can stay tial suffrage. Both were buried beneath an
The mixed forms of oligarchies and the conflict. But can we not now claim that ocean of prejudice. But the voice of an en- aristocracies are only a multiplication of tyrants the loyal men of this nation by their valor and lightened press and the arguments of earnest to prey upon the people. Our fathers estab- by their sacrifices have won not only for themmen in Congress inspired me with the hope | lished a republican Government on the repre- selves but for every man in all this broad land that a direct proposition for a settlement of sentative basis, and declared that all power the glorious right of self-government, and that the questions at issue might finally succeed. emanated from the people, and that all men they and their posterity are to reap a rich harI proposed pardon for the rebels and the ballot were equal in the right to exercise that power vest of blessings as the fruits of the free instifor the blaèks. The general plan was, and in a constitutional way at the ballot-box. But tutions they have rescued? May we not say to still is, approved by the loyal press with no in practice they failed to come up to the high | the South, “It was not your young men whose important exception, while every scheme based standard of their theory; they even tolerated lives we sought, it was not your property we upon expediency alone has disappeared like slavery as an unavoidable evil, and from a sup- desired to destroy, but we found these shelterthe mist of the morning before the rising sun. posed necessity ignored all the civil and polit: | ing and protecting and hedging about an instiAlthough the advocacy of the resolutions sub- ical rights of the colored man, and even counted tution in conflict with human liberty, and in jected me to some invidious criticisms by per- him as a chattel. It was a declaration of rights | conflict with the Union, and in destroying it sons who judge the motives of others by their for all men, but a Government for white men we were compelled to overthrow its defenders; own, yet no one has attempted an argument only. The theory was good, the practice in but if you have ceased to defend it and war upon against the humanity and justice of the propo- this respect fatally defective. Disfranchise- the Union we will now cease to harm you?" sitions.
ment and slavery in a portion of the Republic All we want is justice for all men, and we will If those who have always entertained the produced the results which might have been become the advocates of mercy for all men and the same views upon all subjects cannot vote expected. The master exercised, both in the amnesty and forgiveness for the past and a for my resolution because they think it incon- local and General Government, the power be promise of friendship for the future. Let jussistent for me to advocate negro suffrage, I | longing to him as a freeman and the power tice and mercy stand together, and the demands shall be satisfied if I can obtain the votes of belonging to his slaves. This created an ine. of each are satisfied. those only who have held themselves open to quality in the beginning. The slaveholder was "The quality of mercy is not strained ; conviction and have sometimes changed their more powerfulthan the non-slaveholder. This It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven opinions. Give me the votes of those who || inequality and violation of republican princi
Upon the place beneath; it is twice blessed;
It blesseth him that gives and him that takes; have changed with the progress of events dur- ples produced arrogance and intolerance on
'Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes ing the last six years, and the balance may the part of the slaveholding South, and jcal- The throned monarch better than his crown; vote as they please. Those who, in the lan- ousy and hatred on the part of the non-slave
His scepter shows the force of temporal power,
Tho attribute to awe and majesty, guage of Mr. Lincoln, "adopt new views when- holding North. Free labor was odious to the
Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kings; ever they appear to be true views,'' are the southern aristocracy, slave labor was still more But mercy is above this scepterd sway; only persons wise or useful in this age of prog. odious to the Democracy of the North. For
It is enthroned in the bearis of kings;
It is an attribute to God himself: The world moves, and those who do a time an effort was made by our statesmen to And earthly power doth then show likest God's, not perceive it are dead to the living issues of keep up a balance of power between the slave When mercy scasons justico." the day. I have always advocated the neces- and non-slaveholding States, and all manner Let justice be done and then it becomes the sity of taking the world as we find it, and fol- of expediencies were attempted to compromise || duty of every loyal man to invoke mercy even lowing the logic of events. The development and reconcile the irrepressible conflict between for those who have attempted the destruction of new facts is constantly exploding old theo- || slavery and freedom, but all to no purpose. Nei- of our free institutions. We will then reflect that ries. The trouble is that some men do not ther felt safe, or, indeed, was safe, while its an- the South is not alone responsible for slavery seem to comprehend the new facts. The at- tagonistic principle existed in the Government. and all its woes; that the North and civilized tempt to apply the theories of slavery to a con- The inevitable conflict came, and after four || Europe have all played a part in planting this dition of freedom is the most dangerous evil of years of death, carnage, and desolating war, vile institution upon the most favored section the age, yet those who do this boast of their democracy was triumphant, and the aristo- of our common country; and that the whole consistency. They were educated to believe cratic institutions of the South, based upon nation has been clothed in sackcloth and ashes that a negro was a slave, possessing no rights slavery and inequality of human rights, were for this great crime. When the evil is removed that a white man was bound to respect, and overtlirown and utterly crushed. The triumph and the rights of man acknowledged we will they believed it still, and they are astonished of arms was complete. The question now cease to inquire who is most to blame or who at the inconsistencies of the world and its tend- presented is, shall the triumph of democratic is most guilty, but we will labor to forget the ency to recognize the rights of man.
principles be equally so? There are two great || past in view of the bright prospect of universal In advocating this plan my only hope of suc- obstacles in the way, both based upon passion || peace and universal justice. But while the war cess is predicated upon the principles involved, and prejudice, and each seems nearly insur- lasts, whether it be a conflict upon the battle. and although it may receive no favor and few mountable. One is hatred of rebels, and a field or at the ballot-box, all men loyal to equal votes now, I am profoundly impressed with the demand ilat they shall be disfranchised and rights and even-handed justice will be arrayed conviction, that if this Union is ever restored, enslaved for disfranchisement is slavery. The in fierce antagonism with the enemies of liberty. it must be done with impartial suffrage and other is hatred of the negro, and a demand But it is said that the negro isignorant. Grant general amnesty. Gentlemen on all sides freely that he shall be disfranchised and robbed of it. That he is inferior to the white. Grant it. admit the justice of these principles, but ex- the power of self-protection and virtually reën- That the great mass of them will not vote intelpress a fear that the country is not yet prepared slaved. The great mass of the people of the ligently. Grant it. But what are you to do to meet the issue. Let us not deceive ourselves; South are either rebels or blacks, and if we with him? He must either exercise his own the people understand these questions better yield to either demand the struggle is not ended. || political rights or somebody must exercise them than we suppose. The leading minds of the The democratic principle of the equality of all for him. You once trusted the duty of exernation have proclaimed from the beginning the men in the right to protect themselves at the cising both the civil and political rights of the doctrine of these resolutions. The people are ballot-box will still be denied. The party left | blacks to the whites and it came near destroy. in advance of Congress in their demands for in power, whether it be black men or white ing every spark of republicanism they ever pogjustice, and in their magnanimous generosity men, will soon display all the meaner qualities sessed. It destroyed all their love for demo. to a vanquished enemy. All they demand is of petty despotism, intolerance, arrogance, cratic institutions, and caused them to make security for the future, and with it they proceed contempt for labor, and above all a fierce almost superhuman efforts to destroy the best to the work of restoration with malice toward hatred for the democratic protective principle | democratic-republican Government ever organnone, with charity for all.” To start right in of the equality of man. If we yield to both ized. this matter it is only necessary to adhere to these demands, and disfranchise both blacks It is now a fixed fact that it is not safe to first principles, and constantly bear in mind and whites, what will become of our free Goy. add to the political and social power of the that
ernment, for which we were willing to sacri- white man the political and social power of “ Mankind are all by nature free and equal, fice the last dollar and the last man? I am the black man. The white man cannot exer
'Tis their consent alone gives just dominion." aware with what effect the argument for dis- cise that amount of power and remain a friend Protection and allegiance are reciprocal. It franchisement of rebels can be urged to the of free institutions; hence it becomes a necesis the duty of the Government to protect; of soldier, still heated with the conflict of battle; || sity either to destroy the negro so that he shall the subject to obey. Where both these duties to the widows and orphans, destitute and sor- no longer be a source of power to corrupt the are performed by the respective parties, peace rowing beneath the afflictions brought upon whites, or to trust him with his own political and order must follow, Monarchical govern
them by a wicked and cruel rebellion; with the and civil rights. One thing is certain, that the ment is founded upon the idea that the sover- laboring masses of the North, still smarting | negro must have the ballot or have no friends ; eign is the source of all power and the guard- under the insults heaped by southern aristoc- and being poor and friendless, and surrounded ian of the rights of the people. Republican racy upon the “mudsill': 'deinocracy of the as he is by enemies, his fate is extermination. But give him the ballot, and he will have sion of the franchise to the loyal as well as the stopping the wrong at once? Why license the plenty of white friends, for the people of the disloyal; for in each of those States the ma- South to outrage equal rights for the smn!! United States love votes and office more than jority of the whole people are to-day acknowl- compensation of reduced representation? You they hate negroes. I need not allude to the edged to be loyal; and whether we are in do not license murder. Why not? Because kindly feelings the ballot secures for the poor, favor of negro suffrage or not is not the ques- it is a crime. Why should you barter away for you have plenty of illustrations at every tion. The question is, shall this Government human rights and authorize oppression? Is election. There are many classes of poor be in loyal or disloyal hands-in the hands of that no crime? people in the North who would be little better its friends or the hands of its enemies? It is It is most evident, sir, if we gain a victory at than slaves but for the power of the ballot, too late for the Republican party to dodge the all it will be because the people are satisfied before which not only politicians but mer- issue. There have been too many speeches the black loyalist ought to vote; the verdict chant princes and millionaires tremble; and the made in this Congress in favor of negro suf- will be for suffrage. But the verdict will be mighty Executive of forty million people bows | frage to deny that it is a part of the Republi- surplusage No judgment can be entered on it in humble submission to the omnipotent power can creed. There have been too many votes in favor of human rights. The issue in the of the ballot. In a republic it is mightier than in this Congress sustaining the principle of suf- pleadings is too narrow. The relief songht both pen and sword. Before slavery was abol- frage to admit of any doubt of the real design cannot be granted. The rebel State governished the master was interested in protecting and purposes of the Union party. If we deny ments, with all their local machinery, must at the slave from ruffianism and violence, but our principles the proof of our insincerity will once fall into the hands of the enemies of the now he has no protection but the sword or the overwhelm us before the people. There is Union, and both the black and white loyalists ballot. We will not give him the former. We nothing left, if we would have a party, but to must then be turned over to the tender mercies want no more blood. We must give him the affirm and justify our principles. Any attempt of a fierce people smarting under a thousand latter or betray him from slavery, not to liberty, to hide them is prima facie evidence that they imaginary wrongs and burning with unquenchbut to destruction. We talk of giving equal are contraband of political warfare, and sub- able vengeance. But you say you will disfrancivil rights, but he answers in the language of ject to confiscation before the tribunal of the chise the rebels, and the plan of the committee the poet
people. I was slow in committing myself to proposes continuance of test oaths, disfran"So let thom ease their hearts with prato the necessity of negro suffrage. My constitu- chisements, exclusions from Federal office, &c. Of equal rights which mon no'er knew; ents were opposed to it; my education and The accomplishment of this involves military I have a love for freedom too."
mode of thinking had been opposed to it; but despotism and the utter destruction of repubGive him the ballot and he will secure his when I found the Union party committed to it; lican institutions in the South. This only own freedom, which includes all the balance. when I was thoroughly convinced that it alone aggravates the evils, adds to the calamities of
Freedmen's Bureaus, civil rights bills, are would protect the negro and redeem the pledge our common country; for, instead of liberating all very well in their way, but very expensive of the Government that he should be free; four million blacks, you will have enslaved eight in their operation. They can effect very little when I was forced to the conclusion that the million whites. The President of the United in protecting or governing four million peo- fifteen original slave States must shortly be States will become Dictator as well as Presiple. The government of a Freedmen's Bu- handed over to the enemies of the Governinent dent-Dictator of eleven States, President of reau is not self-government, and the sooner to aid the Democracy in repudiating the na- twenty-five. Since it is evident that we must we commence to give these people self-gov. tional debt, and, perchance, paying the con- either have disfranchisement and military desernment the better. Immediate and universal federate debt, in making loyalty odious and potism or enfranchisement and liberty, there suffrage may not be wise, but what danger can treason honorable, in rewarding traitors and can be no doubt of the verdict of the American there be to allow all the negroes to vote with persecuting Union men, unless we extended people. They have had more difficult queslike educational, intellectual, and moral qual- the ballot to the friends of the Union for our tions to decide, and have decided on the broad ifications with the whites hereafter to become mutual protection, I was resolved to meet the principles of human rights. The united voice voters. If the rising generation of whites are issue, and meet it squarely. Any attempt to of the loyal North demands the opportunity to unable to compete on equal terms in these re- conceal our designs will be proof positive of a settle every question that can again disturb the spects with their late slaves, the negro must be conscious weakness and a want of faith in the
peace or endanger the liberties of the people regarded as superior. But there is no question correctness of our principles.
or the perpetuity of the Union once for all. of competition in it. It is simply a question Mr. SAULSBURY. I desire to ask the The patriotic sentiments echoed from the of self-protection, and the negro must have Senator a question.
mountains of Switzerland are reëchoed from the ballot for his own protection, and it must Mr. STEWART. I prefer not to be inter- the loyal American heart. Grant impartin! come to this before the conflict will cease. rupted.
suffrage and universal amnesty, and the great The whites who have been in this rebellion Mr. SAULSBURY. Does the Senator from
work is accomplished. I ask the Secretary to must also have the ballot and full enfranchise- Nevada say that the Democratic party of this. || read the Swiss address. ment or they must be driven out of the coun- country would, if they had it in their power, The Secretary read as follows: try, for if you retain them hero disfranchised repudiate the national debt or would assume
Address of the Series Conventions (Comites) (of Genera, enemies, the extraordinary powers necessarily the confederate debt? I should like a frank Bâle, Neufchatel. Tessin, and Berne) in favor of the devolved upon the few whom you trust with I only refer to it because I observe freedmen, and of the Assembly
convocated at Geneva political rights must make then tyrants. The that the Senator has repeated an intimation
on the 29th March, 1866, by the Genevan Convention. principle is that a man to be free must exercise which I have seen in the public press.
To the President and
Congress of the United States of America: political power for himself. If he is not allowed Mr. STEWART. I will answer the Sena
Mr. President, Messrs. Members of Congress: For to do this he is a slave. If he is allowed to do tor very frankly. For myself, I think there is four years we have, as it were, lived with you, have more he is to that extent a despot. Every too much danger to run the risk of giving them
borne your grievances, been rendered joyous at your
deliverance, and have gloried in your success. attempt to govern the people of any State by the power, and I propose to retain it and not
When the election of Lincoln announced to the a minority, however loyal that minority may take the chances.
world that you had had enough of the system which be, is a mockery on republican institutions and The second section of the constitutional
a based you, enough of complicity and compromise will inevitably produce anarchy and discord. amendment proposed by the committee can
with slavery, of map-hunting ordained by slavery.
of conquests for the profit of slavery, of politics in We must either abandon our principles or re- be justified upon no other theory than that favor of the party of slavery, we gave thanks to God. pudiate the idea of dealing with irresponsible the negroes ought to vote ; and negro suffrage
When your Union was disrupted by revolt, when minorities and calling them the people. There must be vindicated before the people in sus
your prosperity was crippled, (écroulē,) when many
voices had prophesied the dissolution of the Union, will be no peace or prosperity in Maryland, || taining that section, for it does not exclude we hailed the commoncement of a new and a better Missouri, or Tennessee until the people are the non-voting population of the North, be
life for your people. enfranchised. cause it is admitted that there is no wrong in
When military reverses menacod your noble cause,
we still believed tbat it would not perish, When But we are told that if the rebels are allowed excluding from suffrage aliens, females, and Europe lent, or seemed to lend, an intervention in to vote those States will fall immediately into minors. But we say, if the negro is excluded
favor of the South toward violating your blockades
and in recognition of the rebel confederacy, we aldisloyal hands; that the power of those States from suffrage he shall also be excluded from ways believed that something would interpose itself will be used to embarrass the Government and the basis of representation. Why this inequal- between the design and the execution; that your to degrade and persecute loyal men. This is ity? Why this injustice? For injustice it
grand principle would interveno, and through that undoubtedly true if the rebels only are enfran- would be unless there be some good reason
you would become invincible.
When it was gencrally believed and said that peace chised; but that they will ultimately, and at no for this discrimination against the South in negotiations would render nugatory the moral redistant day, achieve the ballot no sensible man excluding her non-voting population from the
sults of the war, that you would compromiso with
the prejudices and the institutions of the South, we can doubt. In their struggle to obtain this, so basis of representatiou. . The only defense always believed that you would not lay down your necessary for their protection, millions of the that we can make to this apparent injustice is arms until you had dostroyed your real enemy, that American people will sympathize, aid, and that the South commits an outrage upon hu
is to say, slavery.
When the death of Lincoln plunged us in mournapprove their efforts, for the principle that a man rights when she denies the ballot to the
ing, we believed that Lincoln's successor would stake white man (who is allowed to live) ought to blacks, and we will not allow her to take ad- his honor on the continuance and the completion vote is too deep-rooted in the nature of the vantage of her own wrong, or profit by this
of his work.
Finally, when you have announced to the world American people to be ignored or repudiated. || outrage. Does any one suppose it possible to that the constitutional amendment was adopted. But they tell us when this is done the life and avoid this plain issue before the people? For that already there was no single slave upon the soil liberty of every loyal man, both black and if they will sustain you in reducing the repre
of the Union, we have heard within expressible emo
tion this glorious progress, this greatest event of our white, is in jeopardy. Grant it. Nobody is sentation of the South because she does not insane enough to doubt it. But what is the allow the negro to vote, they will do so because "It is this sentiment which we would manifest toremedy? There are but two: military despot- they think it is wrong to disfranchise him.
day as a duty. Of slight importance though the tos
tiniony may be, it shall not be said that the voice of ism by the General Government, or an exten- Why, then, I ask, will they not sustain you in Switzerland should not make itself heard in your
is no peace.
applause. You have far surpassed the hopes of those libly driven to employ other means. Civil war would "But aside from this, what so unphilosophical and who hoped the most. At the same moment in which follow. Is it possible that the blood of the blacks unjust as the spirit of the Pharisee? It is due to a your trials terminated you pronounced the talismanio shed on the other side of the Potomac, that cruel geographical accident that we were not born slaveword of freedom. It will make itself heard through- oppressions, would not spced that war, and that the holders in the city of Charleston. Dare we assert out the New World; the Spanish treaty will be sup- generous instincts of the North would not reawaken? that if we had been we should have been juster inen pressed; you will annihilate Brazilian slavery. A They would complain, they would denounce iniqui- than they, more scrupulous about living by the labor whole raco suffering in bondage shall be freed at the ties, they would intervene morally, and the ancient of others? Shall we stand up, in the temple of our sound.
quarrel would blaze forth again. As faithful friends own self-righteousness, and say, 'God, we thank thee These are rare days in the history of mankind, when we have better hopes for you. We have said much, that we are not as other men, or even as these South poli and the Gospel move hand in hand--these convinced that you will easily perceive that there is Carolinians?' days of sunshine unobscured by a cloud.
a warm sympathy in the depths of our fears, and “We can never, indeed, forget-God forbid that we After such days, in resuming the course of ordinary that our sincerity is strengthened by respect and by should-the terrible consequences of treason; the life, we should guard against dangers from contin- attachment.
hardships, the sufferings, the lost lives, the parents gencies, and set aside obstacles. To finish is more May He who has guarded you and protected you and vilows hercaved, the countless thousands of difficult than to begin; to make sure its application thus far continue to guard and protect you to the homes made desolate among us. But to avert evils more arduous than the annunciation of a principle. end ; that Ile may empower you to finish what you in the future better befits a Christian people than to
The labors that await you to-dey are not less im- have begun-to treat as fellow-citizens and to love ayenge injuries of the past. Let us learn of the desportant, and are more complex and difficult to sur- as brothers those who, thanks to you, are no longer pised and the lowly. Is it we only who have injuries mount than those of yesterday.
in slavery; and that He may accomplish for you now to requite? What were our sufferings during the But the one goes not without the other. Sad will and hereafter all those good wishes with which our war compared to the thousand wrongs perpetrated, be the condition of your cnfranchised slaves if you hearts are filled.
throughout generations, against the millions of southmake not citizens of them.
J. H. SERMENT, and others, for Geneva.
ern slaves? But though the iron entered into their Between slavery and liberty--realliberty-there are ADOLPH CHRIST, and others, for Bale.
souls, did they return evil for evil? Did they forget, no breathing-places. Thus, what do the enemies of ROBERT LISSOT, and others, for Neufchatel. when the day of liberation dawned, the words of the the Union now predict? That freedom will destroy F. BIANCHETTI, and others, for Tessin.
text, Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith tho the freedmen; that, tired of them, you will suocumb BERNARD, and others, for Berne.
Lord?' to the ennni of the fatiguing problem; that you will M. BECHET, for the Canton De Vaud.
"If there be among our people a revengeful eleno longer listen to the voice of the poor negroes; that
GENEVA, April 10, 1866.
ment, let us not pandor to it. If weimpose conditions it will not matter to you whether they remain or depart, whether they live or dio; that in the rude
Mr. STEWART. How truthful the remark
before we restore political rights to those who, defy
ing law and Constitution by force of arms, became contact with your prejudices and contempt they will that “unfinished questions have no pity for the public enemies, it ought to be in defense, not in perish, as the Indians have perished; that your pharisaical abolition will find itself resulting in their ex
repose of mankind." While four million blacks requital. termination; that the pure glory of to-day will turn are struggling for the ballot as the only pro
"If we impose conditions. To a dispassionate
looker-on it inust seem strange that, here in the to shame on the morrow.
tection known in republican Governments for || North, that should be a question at all. At the close We protest against such dark presages; we ask that they may be branded with falschood. We know that
life, liberty, and property; while the military of a four years' embittered war-producing a radical your acts will so brand them, and very soon. arm of this Government is outstretched to en
change in the legal and social condition of four mil
lion people, creating two vast antagonistic public The more you desire the dark question to ceaso force disfranchisement of rebels and restrain debts, and entailing a thousand diversities of interest troubling the United States the more you will feel that it must be disposed of. Unfinished questions
them from warring upon the life of the nation between millions on one side and millions on the have no pity for the repose of mankind. And how and the rights of the disfranchised blacks, gen
other-it would be a thing incredible that government
could be properly or safely resumed, without stipushall that completion be attained? But two things tlemen may cry, “Peace! peace!" but there lation or precaution, as if nothing had happened. remain to be done: to maintain your Freedmen's
At such a juncturo in our national affairs wise preBureau and to suppress all civil and political distinc
cautionary measures are as strictly a dictate of duty tions on account of color. To refuse Federal protec
"For freedom's battle, once begun,
as they are clearly a matter of right." tion to the slaves that were a protection indispen
Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son, sable to the transition-is to give them up purely and
Though baflled ost, is ever won." simply to the laws, the administration, the tribunals
The contest may be lost for years if left unset
"To us, and not to the unjust aggressor' who apof the South. It would be to decree the reëstablish
pealed to the wager of battle and lost, belongs, at ment of slavery with the addition of hatred, and, by
tled now, but there can be no repose for this this time, the right to decide what guarantees are consequence, of atrocity. To conserve political ex- country until the principles of the Declaration needed for the public safety, and how that 'unjust
aggressor shall be rendered 'incapable of doing misthe principle, even the name, for which the North of Independence are fully acknowledged and
chief with the same ease iu future.' Dearly we paid has so valiantly combated.
practically enforced from ocean to ocean, from for that right! We shall commit a folly unparalleled That prudent measures should accompany the con- the Gulf to the Lakes.
in the annals of nations if we neglect to use it. ferring of the right of suffrage in the South-that,
I have often heard the appeal of earnest men
"But if all things are lawful for us, all things are for instance, it should be limited to those who can
not expedient. Thus, though due time must be taken read and write, without distinction of color-we can in this great contest, and have too often hesi- for the maturing and consummation of precautionwell understand. But what we cannot understand, tated at what seemed impractical or impossible, ary measures, yet, on the other hand, one section of nor can any of those who teach and sustained your cause, is the exclusion of the raco. If the southern but before I could realize the grandeur of the
a Republic containing a fourth of its inhabitants
cannot, except for a season, safely be shut out from States were readmitted to Congress without imposing || design the work was accomplished. I hear the
Federal representation. Therefore the political upon them, as a condition, the equality of races, we same warning voice of zealous reformers and rights of the States lately in insurrection should be should bitterly deplore it; we would bow the head
restored to them at the earliest day consistently with in humility and sadness, and await in fear a recomearnest republicans proclaiming the simple
the peace and safety of the country. mencement of those hostilities between the South
truths of equal rights and generous amnesty; “The dangers attendant on unconditional restoraand North, between the Republicans and the Demo- and as in the past the dark night of slavery and tion, which threaten that peace and safety, seem to crats, the end of which had seemed only to have come round. human bondage disappeared before the sunlight
me three in number; two of a political, the other of
a financial character." But what would most disturball our hopes would be
of humanity and justice, so in the future the to see those freedmen who had spilled their blood for clouds of prejudice and passion which envelope
I concur with Mr. Owen that the dangers to the defense of the Union rowarded for their devotion the rights of millions of American citizens will
be apprehended are three in number: two politby being deprived of those rights which are, in all
ical and one financial. But I classify them republican Governments, the appanage of those brave | dissipate before the reason and patriotism of men who are called to bear arms for their country, the loyal masses of the people.
thus: the political dangers are, first, immediat the same time that the rebels, who had torn the What guarantees shall be demanded on the
ate and absolute control of the several southern bosom of their country, and begged the intervention of the foreigner, not only reënjoy the rights they had
restoration of the South, and by what right do State governments by persons still hostile to the before the war, but made the arbiters absolute of we demand guarantees?' In proceeding to this Union; and second, the increased representathe fate of loyal citizens. To give to those guilty branch of my subject I find my own views so
tion in Congress of the disloyal elements of of high treason the power to reduce good citizens to the position of political pariahs is to reward treachery well expressed in an able paper from the pen
the South. The first is by far the greater evil, and to discourage patriotism-to give in to those who of Robert Dale Owen that I avail myself of his
but for it the report of the committee furnishes pronounced self-government impossible and self- forcible language:
no remedy whatever. The second and the annihilating.
lesser evil is but partially provided for. It is That one condition necessary to future peace should "To the Editor of the Chronicle: be imposed on the rebel States, the sense, namely, of "I take exception, in these days, to no contrarie
not proposed to eradicate the evil, but if posthe above, we doubt mot you understand, for you have ties of opinion touching the proper mode of restoring | sible to diminish its extent by a small reducalready imposed upon them an affirmative vote upon harmony between the late belligerent sections of our tion of representation in the other House. I the amendment abolishing slavery.
country. That is a problem which may tax the best One step more, and your task is finished. By the energies of the wisest among us, and in regard to the
very much fear that this will rather intensify side of the abolition of slavery it remains to you to solution of which the ablest may diffcr. But if the
the rebel elements than induce an extension of equalize the races before the law. What is abolition
task before us is difficult, it is not hopeless; not, I suffrage. While the franchise is restricted to without equality ? It remains to you to decide that firmly believe, doubtful even. I have faith in the the rebel States, before reëntering Congress, should
the whites the rebels will be sure of a full voice people. I have faith, stronger still, that God, who abolish all distinctions based on color. Political fran- forsook us not in the gloom of the rebellion, will
in the Senate and a united (though a reduced) chises in all respects should be enjoyed equally by guide us now, when the scene of combat is changed vote in the House and complete control of their blacks and whites. These guarantees obtained, open from the field of battle to the election precinct and to them your arms and hasten toward a general reconthe legislative hall.
several State governments. The danger of a ciliation. Avoid any unnecessary prolongation of the "The essential is, that we appronch this great sub-division of this immense power by the extenpresent interregnum, (régime exceptionnel.) Add to
ject in a fitting spirit. It avails nothing to talk about sion of suffrage would more than counterbalyour other glories that of reëstablishing the power
the enormity of secession and the condign punishyour Government at the immediate close of a bitter ment it merits. The punishment of nations is in
ance the loss in the other House. They would civil war. Liberty is bold and strong; and of what other hands than ours. If thejudgments of God have submit to this small loss of power and attempt usc are her boldness and strength if she cannot trust not already stamped slavery as a sin and treason to obtain satisfaction therefor in a more unlimiand pardon? against a beneficent Government as a crime, in vain
ited control over the destinies of the race we It is repugnant to us to conceive your stopping half are the efforts of man in that direction. way, and conferring upon the former slaves liberty “Nor let us, in our indignation, forget how that sin have attempted to liberate. I doubt very much without equality, or, in other words, liberty without of slavery, the cause of the rebellion, originally came whether this change will benefit the black man, the conditions of freedom; liberty without dignity; upon the South; against her own will; against her liberty with an unopened future, without possible solemn protest. In December, 1770, the King of Great
It relieves him from misrepresentation in Conprogress; liberty without that upon which it becomes Britain commanded the Governor of Virginia, 'under gress by denying him any representation whatgrcat and attains its end ; thus you would reconsti- pain of the highest displeasure, to assent to no law ever. tuto a new slave party in Congress-further oppres- prohibiting the importation of slaves.' Virginia, in sions of slaves throughout tho South. Seeking for April, 1772, addressed the King in remonstranco, say
The financial danger, so far as it depends peace you would reorganize war-servile war at first, ing to him these remarkable words: The importa- upon an assumption or payment of the rebel for you cannot pronounce with impunity the words tion of slaves, a trade of great inhumanity, will en- deht or compensation for emancipated slaves, LE FREE; and when those whom you have declared danger the very existence of your Majesty's American free feel that they have neither protection nor rights, dominions.' Maryland and Carolina followed that
is properly guarded against in the fourth section nor means of regular action, they are almost infal- lead.
of the report.
But the further and greater 39Th Cong. Ist Sess.-No. 176.
financial danger which threatens our national many of the whites also ignorant? This argu- the proper measures to prevent it. I would credit grows out of the political dangers which ment proves too much, and if practically put chain them to the ballot of the loyal blacks, I have mentioned. The commotions and agi- || in force so as to exclude all ignorant men, both and hold them in the strong grasp of a loyal tations, and perchance civil wars, growing out North and South, the reduction would be too people. They will not send them here. You of the unsettled political questions will disturb great. But if you allow, as you must, igno. may frame all the exclusion bills you please, our financial system more than the rebels could rant men who are disloyal to vote, why not let but if you exclude loyalty from the ballot-box, possibly do by any efforts they might make to ignorant loyal men vote? All that the friends and allow none but rebels with a small porsaddle upon a loyal people a debt incurred in of suffrage ask is, that the black should vote tion of loyal whites to vote, disloyalty will find the interest of slavery and secession. There upon a like educational, property, and moral expression in your national Legislature in the are but two possible modes of escape from | qualification with the white. Let the States persons of lower and meaner men than the the political dangers which menace the peace || place the standard where they will, provided || intellectual chieftains of the rebellion. The and prosperity of our country. The first is à majority are not disfranchised and a gov. desire to exclude a few from office as an excepdisfranchisement of rebels by military power, ernment not republican set up in violation of tion or an expression of a sentiment can aefor it can be done in no other way. To this I | the Constitution; but let it be impartial. We complish no great good. It is not worth seriam opposed, because it violates the democratic go even further, and, not wishing to disfran- ous consideration. It is like disputing about principle and is utterly repugnant to free insti- chise any who now vote, we propose to relieve an old whip in a negotiation for a first-class tutions; because it is against Christianity and them from restrictive qualifications which may six-horse team. Exclusion from the francbise humanity; because it is the usual and direct hereafter be imposed on voters, but we iosist and office is idle. It is too difficult to accom. road to despotism ; because it has been often that the ballot shall be placed within the reach | plish, and no good results can possibly follow. tried, and its fruits have been in all ages, in all of every American citizen of whatever race or We do not wish to punish the South. It has times, and in all countries, the bitter dregs of color. Place any safeguards you please on the already been sufficiently scourged and humilislavery, tyranny, human misery, and wretched- ballot, but make them impartial, and we will ated by the inevitable results of a bloody war. ness; and because it must inevitably result in take the chances for the negro.
The avenging hand of Providence has desolated the destruction of the Union and the liberty of Does any one suppose that the Senators and and devastated their land and smitten down the people. The second is en franchisement Representatives from South Carolina would the first-born in every household, and if they of the blacks. The trying times which Mr. not soon have a loyal constituency if the ballot will now let the bondmen depart from oppresLincoln thought might come when the colored were within reach of the black man? In that sion in peace, with the ballot as their shield man could help to keep the jewel of liberty | State over one half of the people would be a and buckler, why should we demand further in the family of freedom are upon us. Two | solid column (a black column, if you please,) of vengeance? “Vengeance is mine, saith the fifths of the people of the eleven States are loyalty. Does any one doubt that there would | Lord.'' colored, and are instinctively loyal and real be whites enough to join them to obtain con- I will not attempt a description of the hor. friends of the Government. This two fifths trol of the State? Suppose those who join rors of the civil war brought upon the South was a great drawback upon secession, and after them are mere politicians, and they go with | by the crime of slavery and the conspiracy for the emancipation proclamation, in spite of all the negroes for office and spoils, would it be its perpetuation. In the language of Burke, efforts to deceive the blacks, they felt that the the first political combination formed for that "A storm of universal fire biasted every field, Government was their friend, and although || purpose, and would not those who should ob- consumed every house, destroyed every tem. they may have done very little effective fight. || tain office and power by such means be com- ple." The furnaces of retribution for the sins ing, still they aided us and injured the enemy | pelled to respect the loyal sentiments of their of the people were heated seven times hotter in a thousand ways: by giving information, by || constituents in order to retain power; and | than they were wont to be heated, and the vials kindness to prisoners, by the moral effect of would not the ordinary desire of the politician of wrath were poured out in torrents on the enemies at home upon the cause of secession, to serve his friends prompt him to make equal || heads of the conspirators, consuming slavery and by the subtraction of their labor from the laws and sustain the Union? The more this and destroying treason. Are we not satisfied? rebels and adding it to the resources of the question is considered the plainer it becomes. Cruel slavery and foul treason sball be no more Government.
I like a platform of principles which will bear in America unless we revive and resuscitate the After this proclamation the South became a examination and investigation. The simple former by disfranchisement and oppressions house divided against itself, and the work of fact is, give the people the ballot and the rulers until it breed new treason to be expiated upon tearing down was half accomplished. Sup. are their servants, withhold it and the people our children with more terrible vengeance than pose to-day the South were united against the exist at the will and sufferance of their rulers, the sins of the fathers have brought upon us. Government, and we became involved in a and this rule applies South as well as North. It is no time for crimination and recriinina. war with Great Britain or France, would we Suppose you should withhold the ballot from tion. This war was not the work of man but not expect a fearful struggle? But suppose the laboring classes of the North and allow of God. Let the North mourn her dead be. we had two fifths of the people in the South capital to legislate for labor, aristocracy to roes sacrificed in the cause of liberty and as our friends, would we not regard that fact make laws for democracy, how many civil rights || humanity, the noblest cause in which man can as a great acquisition of strength? Who can bills and Freedmen's Bureaus would it require | die. Let the South mourn her dead sacrificed say that an emergency of this kind may never to secure freedom to the masses of the people for the crime of slavery, and let her respect happen when we will need friends in the South and make them contented and happy?
the sacrifice and go and sin no more. Let the as we did during the late war? And remem- But let Senators be warned by the grand | vengeance of man be stayed. The visitations ber that the blacks are now free and capable demonstrations of the people in favor of these of destruction and punishment are beyond our of being more useful friends than they were as measures of protection for the blacks. Let comprehension or control. Let not our small slaves. Suppose in settling with our enemies this voice be understood. What does it mean? individual wrongs and personal prejudices, too we should make no effectual provisions for the || Is it difficult of interpretation? Not at all. It || insignificant for consideration when we consafety of our friends, but turn these State govern. means that the blacks shall be free and that || template the grand dispensations of Providence, ments over to the late rebels, our friends would Congress shall demand full and complete se- delay us, or stand as barriers to the consumbe at the mercy of our enemies and compelled curities for their freedom. In less than six mation of the great work of enfranchisement to make terms. Would it be impossible, in months every Union man will see that there and liberty. I proclaim as the true platform that event, for our late enemies to convince is no protection, no freedom, for the blacks of principles, which shall survive this conour late friends that our friendship after all without the ballot, and the universal sentiment | gress and the present age and serve as a land. was of little value? And might not the act of of the loyal masses will demand the enfran- mark for the future, "Peace and good-will emancipation be regarded by the blacks as a chisement of the oppressed race. This is secu- toward all men;" liberty and union ; impar. snare and a delusion rather
han a blessing? || rity for the future, self-supporting and self- tial suffrage and universal amnesty. Deserted by all the world, surrounded by their | sustaining security. It permits every man to I appeal to every Union man to declare his enemies, without means of self-protection, protect himself, and his own self-interest will faith and stand by his principles ; deal honestly might they not under such circumstances sink prompt him to do it well. It will not impov- with himself and frankly with the South. It is in despair and relapse into a hopeless state of erish your Treasury and burden you with tax- || time they understood the full extent of our dewretchedness and misery, awaiting in silence ation. It will not consolidate your Govern. mands. The opponents of equal rights never their fate of extermination, prepared for them ment and destroy the legitimate functions of argue the wright or wrong of impartial sufrage. according to the predictions of the late slave. the States ; but it will strengthen the founda- | They assume that it is a great political crime holders? After all this might not the Union |tions of the Republic and enlarge the base and and then argue that the Union party is comsoldier in another war for liberty look in vain | prepare it for the grand superstructure which mitted to it. If we join issue with them of this for the trusted black friend whom he found the builders of our institutions designed when || point we must fail, for we are committed to it, ministering to his wants in the darkest hours they proclaimed in the Declaration of Inde- and they can prove it. Upon that issue we of the late rebellion ?
pendence the equality of every man in the must lose before the people. But suppose we But aside from their usefulness to us in aid- right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- || admit what is true and cannot be denied, and ing to sustain the Government, dare we offend ness, and the perfect equality of every man to justify our conduct by declaring that we are in a just God by failing to redeem the solemn strive to equal and to strive to excel his neigh- favor of impartial suffrage because it is right, pledge of liberty which this nation made to the bor in everything great, good, and useful. and ask our opponents, do you object? If so, slave? Has not the late war proved a suffi- But I am asked, would you allow the leaders why? Dare you deny protection to the friends cient warning that nations are punished for of the rebellion to return to Congress to insult of the Union while you demand political rights wrong and oppression and for disregarding the loyal North with their odious presence in || for its enemies? Dare you say that a Union human rights? But you still insist the negro the councils of the nation, there to plot treason soldier shall not vote, but a rebel soldier shall ? is ignorant and ought not to vote. Are not ll and revile loyalty? I answer, no. I would take Dare you say that he who fed our starving