Obrazy na stronie

320 CONG.....30 Sess,

Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.


less to make treaties which must of necessity be Sir, within the limits of that great State which of our own race and class, capable of sustaining violated; hence I argued against the making of you in part represent on this floor, (Mr. COOPER our institutions and of self-government, in any treaties pledging our faith not to do that which in in the chair,] Washington, in the darkest period contiguous territory which can be acquired withevitably would be done in the future. It was an of the Revolution, at Valley Forge, wintered with out the violation of any principle of justice or hu. argument in favor of the fidelity and observance his suffering soldiers, when the intelligence reached manily, I am not one that would stay the honorof treaty stipulations, and that we should not, them that France had entered into an alliance with able progress of my country. therefore, be so profuse in our pledges in cases us, and had guarantied our independence. The The day, however, will never come when an where we could not fulfill them.

glorious news ran through all the ranks of the American Senator will be justified in the declaraMr. CLAYTON. An argument in favor of American army,

and the great “Father of his tion that we intend to disobey treaties. No, sir; fidelity and observance of treaty stipulations, in Country'stood up and waved his hat, and shouted we have been, and mean to remain, faithful to deed! The idea is, that we are incapable, from for joy, in concert with his troops! Our destiny treaties. We have often been accused of having the nature of our institutions or our character as from that moment became fixed. Every Ameri.

violated them; but the honor of our country is yet a people, of maintaining and observing treaties. can saw that we were free, whatever doubt he dear to us; and it is worth more to the true AmerMr. DOUGLAS. No, sir.

might have entertained about it before. We owe, ican than all the land that Mexico and Central Mr. CLAYTON, (laughing.) We must grow, | I repeat, our national independence to treaties. America contain. says the Senator. Our “ manifest destiny,” he And now, when we are becoming strong, shall we The Senator objects to the treaty of 1850, bemeans, is to extend our limits.

forget it? Shall not an American statesman ad cause, under its provisions, we cannot annex the Mr. DOUGLAS. The idea is, that some men here to treaties with as much fidelity as an Eng.

Central American States. Were there no such are incapable of comprehending the growth of this lishman, or a Frenchman, or one of any other na treaty, he could not annex them till he had first nation. A few years ago, it was supposed that tion? Shall he not rejoice that his country does overrun Mexico, and broken the treaty of Guadawe could never extend beyond the Alleghanies. || stand by her honor? I trust that no idea of our lupe Hidalgo. Nay, he must first annex the West „There were those who thought that

growing importance, or of the necessity of our || India Islands, and British Honduras, too. After Mr. CLAYTON. I have heard all that a dozen enlargement, will ever sink into the heart of any “swallowing Mexico," he must take in all the times.

other American Senator, to induce him to aban- other intermediate countries; and as Great Britain Mr. DOUGLAS. Then the Mississippi, then don that principle without which our country owns many of the islands and dependencies to be the Pacific was the boundary. I said that the would become a byword and a hissing among devoured, he must include the British lion-a same laws which have carried us forward must the nations.

matter not quite so easy of digestion. What an inevitably carry us further in the process of time, If we must gain more territory, let us gain it intimation is it for us to make to the world, that and that that growth will go on; and consequently honorably; The Senator from Ilinois boasts that we may some day annex these weak little sister it is unwise to make a treaty stipulation pledging he opposed the treaty with Mexico. I recollect it | Republics, thousands of miles away from us, with ourselves not to do that which our interest may very well, and I recollect the reason he gave for a population so different from ours, especially in require us to do.

voting against it. It was the very reason which he laws, institutions, and usages! I would much Mr. CLAYTON. I have given the Senator so assigned in the debate here for desiring to annul rather other nations should know the fact that San many opportunities for explaining himself to me, the treaty of 1850. He opposed that clause in the Salvador, one of these very Central American as he terms it, that now I must be permitted to Mexican treaty which fixed the limits beyond States, once applied for admission into our Union, explain him to himself. It was but the other day which we could not go, and he cannot explain and that our Government not only declined to rehe told me we must annul the Central American away his position, or shift it any longer. He then

ceive them, but treated the application as one not treaty; such was his declaration, too, on the 14th said the time would come when Mexico would be worthy of a moment's serious regard. February last, in my absence. There is no es come indispensable to our progress and our hap I heard with pleasure and admiration that pascape for him from that position. There is no pro- | piness. I would recall to the recollection of gen sage in the inaugural address of the President vision in this treaty for notice to annul it, as he tlemen who were present on the 9th day of Febru which declared that his administration should knows, and yet he reiterated his demand for its ary, 1847, the speech made by Mr. Calhoun, of leave no blot upon his country's record, and that immediate annulment. One of his wise reasons South Carolina, on this very subject. In thrilling

no act within his constitutional control would be for annulling it was, that the British had not ob tones he gave utterance to views which seemed to tolerated which could not challenge a ready justiserved it. With the same wisdom, a man who carry conviction to the hearts of nine tenths of fication before the tribunal of the civilized world. held a bond, whilst his debtor refused to pay, those who heard him, and told us that Mexico | How great the difference between that and the would burn it or not enforce it. Driven from this was to us FORBIDDEN FRUIT. Whenever the day

sentiments of the Senator from Illinois ! Let the position, he endeavors to shift it to what we have shall come that, in defiance of treaty limits or President adhere to these principles, and he will just heard that it is unwise, because the treaty | otherwise, we set about the business of annexing thereby disarm opposition: he will make of those must be annulled. Has he made his position any nine or ten millions of Mexicans to the United who have heretofore been strong political oppobetter? What is it that he still adheres to? He || States, the days of our Republic will be numbered. nents, some of the warmest friends he has in the insists upon it, that by some irresistible influence The Mexican people are educated in the belief that world. I put this declaration in contrast with all we are driven on in our course to such a degree no greater curse can befall a nation than that of these gigantic ideas [laughter) of breaking treaof greatness that we shall be compelled to violate | slavery, and are said to be bound by treaty to ties, and going beyond the limits of the country the treaties which we may make with foreign na abolish it. Could we permit them to take a part in defiance of them. But if the President should, tions in regard to boundaries. We ought, he said, in the election of our Representatives and Senators in opposition to all our hopes and belief, be into nullify the treaty of 1850 at once. He now in Congress! Could we admit them to assist in duced to disregard the faith of treaties, he will says that some men cannot comprehend the growth governing us? Sir, without any reference to that hardly progress through half the period of his of this giant Republic. I do not know that there dangerous question to which I have barely alluded,

constitutional term before he will find the great is any man of ordinary intelligence who does not there are many other questions which they would heart of the American people, which is honest to comprehend it. There is no difficulty in under have a powerful influence, and an interest in decid the core, opposed to him, and the most sincere of standing it. We have grown to such an extent ing against us. I am opposed utterly to annexing his present friends will vindicate the justice of the already that we have a country greater than Rome them; and I do not hesitate to express that oppo sentence against him, while they sorrow for his possessed in her palmiest days. We cover a con sition now and at all times. The true policy of fall, liguous territory greater, perhaps, than ever was this Government is, to build up Mexico as a repub Mr. MASON. I wish to make an explanation enjoyed by any civilized nation on earth. And lic, to sustain and cheer her by kind offices, and to in answer to a remark of the Senator from Delayet we are told that we are not capable of binding teach her, by our example, the science of self-gov ware. As a part of the evidence on which the ourselves even by treaty stipulations to observe our ernment. If we could annex other countries as Committee on Foreign Relations had based the plighted faith, and fulfill our solemn engagement of England does, or as Rome did when she was trihonor. Iremonstrate against the declaration of such umphing over the world, the whole subject might Baced official map of the State of Guatemala.

opinion that the British settlements at Honduras a principle, or rather of such a want of all principle. I receive another consideration. Whenever we anli is nothing more nor less than this: let there be as nex, we make citizens of the people whom we

The honorable Senator examined it, and I undermany explanations on the part of the Senator from unite to us. We do not enslave them. Other stood him to say that I had committed a “mistake" Mlinois as he may choose to make—that weareinca- countries may make slaves of those whom they

when I informed the Senate, and when the compable of controlling ourimpulses and passions when subdue, and 'never permit them to take any part mittee informed the Senate, that it was shown by our interests may lead us to violate our engage in the government of their conquerors. If we

that map that the British settlements at Balize were ments." Treaties cannot fetter us,” says he. Sir, annex Mexico, we are compelled, in obedience to in Guatemala. the plighted faith of every man of honor binds him the principles of our own Declaration of Independ

Mr. CLAYTON. Yes, the Senator is correct. at all times, no matter what his interest may be, ence, to receive her people as citizens. 'Yes !

Mr. MASON. I understood the honorable Senaand the plighted faith of nations equally binds Aztecs, Creoles, Half-breeds, Quadroons, Sam tor to say, that the map of the State of Guatemala them; and the last place from which a contrary boes, and I know not what else-"ring-streaked which I exhibited, did not show that the selileprinciple should be promulgated, is the Senate of and speckled"-all will come in, and, instead of ments at Balize were within the limits of Guatethe United States. Here, 1 repeat, we sit as the our governing them, they, by their votes, will gov mala. I understood him to say, in language far constitutional advisers of the President of the ern us. Why do we want them or their territory? from being acceptable, that I had committed a United States; and if foreign nations come to un Are we cramped? Are we crowded? Have we “ mistake" when I informed the Senate that the derstand that the position is taken by members more population than is necessary to fill the land

map did show it. holding a prominent party position here, that trea which we already own? There is not a more Mr. CLAYTON. 1.wish to say again what I ties cannot be any restraint upon us, what for sparsely populated country on earth which is in- said before. The Senator sent me the map. I eign nation will ever make another treaty with us? habited by civilized men. We have hundreds of thanked him for it. I said I thought that the dotted If there be a country on earth that owes more than millions of acres of land upon which the foot of a lines upon the map indicated the boundaries of the any other to treaties, it is ours. We owe our na white man never trod. When, in the lapse of State of Guatemala, and that if that were the case, tional existence to the old French treaties of 1778. Il time, all this shall be covered, then, if we find men

then the dotted lines round the place called Balize

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Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.





showed that the committee of the Senate had made they will see whether the Balize settlements are my conduct at one time, and at other times differa great mistake. Now, I do not know (as I then included in the State of Guatamala.

ent and contradictory reasons, I might be promptsaid) whether the Senator had observed those Mr. DOUGLAS. I have something to say in ed to seek refuge under personalities from the exdotted lines, but I think they do clearly indicate | reply to the remarks of the Senator from Dela- | posure that might be made. Sir, I pass that all that there is a separate Territory, to which perhaps ware. It is not my purpose to introduce any the attention of the Senator had not been directed. new points in the discussion.

The Senator, as a last resort, attempted to get intended to be indicated by those dotted lines—that Mr. SHIELDS. If my colleague will give up unkind feelings between my political friends is, the Balize. I know very well he may put a

will move

and myself in regard to this debate. He endeavdifferent construction upon the map, but that is | to-morrow.

ored to show that my speech was an assault upon the construction which I put on it; and I think if Mr. DOUGLAS. I am willing to give way every Senator who took a different course. He he will examine it himself carefully, he will see || for that, and go on in the morning with what I went further, and charged that I, as a presidential that there was some purpose, some motive in the || have to say.

candidate, was pursuing this course in order to map-maker for making ihose dotted lines around On motion the Senate adjourned.

destroy and break down rivals in my own party. the country called Balize or British Honduras.

Sir, these insidious and disreputable assaults do Mr. MÁSON. Mr. President, it is no light

not disturb my equanimity. The object is to enmatter to say that a Senator, when in the course

WEDNESDAY, March 16, 1853.

list, from prejudice and unworthy motives, a symof his official duty he endeavors to give informa

pathy in the course of discussion which he has tion to the Senate, has committed a mistake; and

Prayer by the Rev. C. M. BUTLER.

attempted to maintain. But I appeal to the SenI understood the Senator to say, and say dis Mr. ADAMS. I move that the Senate proceed ate if I assailed any Senator upon this foor, either tinctly, that in presenting this map, which I al to the consideration of the resolution which lies in regard to the Hise treaty or the Clayton and leged did show that the settlements at Balize were

upon your table, providing that the Senate will at Bulwer treaty. I appeal to the Senate if I menin the Republic of Guatemala, I had committed a this session proceed to the election of the Secreta tioned the name of any Senator, or stated how mistake. Now, sir, Senators have no right to ry and Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate.

any one man had voted. I did not disclose even commit mistakes. A Senator may commit a fault. The motion was agreed to; and the resolution

how the vote stood. No citizen in America would It may be venial. There may be circumstances was taken up for consideration.

have known the vote of any Senator on this floor that will excuse it or justify it, or that will ac Mr. ADAMS. I desire to say that in offering from my speech, or from my participation in the count for it or explain it; but a mistake in the that resolution I do not wish to be understood as recent discussion; and I have yet to learn that a course of official duty is no light matter, and I

giving any expression of opinion unfavorable to vindication of my own course involves an assault submit to the Senator, should not be lightly the incumbents of those offices. I believe the ||

upon those who chose to differ with me. I have charged. I understand the honorable Senator to Senate has the right to elect its own officers at the

not understood the speeches of the Senator from say now, that the dotted lines round that region of commencement of each Congressional term, and Michigan (Mr. Cass) and of the Senator from country indicated the British possessions. He I offer this resolution to assert that privilege, and

Virginia, (Mr.Mason,) and of other Senators, who supposed it had escaped my attention, and there not to intimate an opposition to our officers. In have spoken on this question in opposition to fore I had committed a mistake. He stated to

the resolution I omitted to insert the Doorkeeper, some of my views, as an attack on myself. It was the Senate that the map showed that the posses and therefore I move to amend the resolution by

their duty to vindicate their own course, and give sions did lie in the Republic of Guatemala. Sir, including that officer.

the reasons which prompted them; and it was my I had examined the map with great care. It had The amendment was agreed to.

| right and my duty to give the reasons which inbeen before me for two months. It is mentioned Mr. BADGER. I move to strike out the words duced and compelled me to pursue the course that in the report of the Committee on Foreign Rela “this session," and to make it more definite, by I did. tions. It is relied upon for what it is worth by inserting " to-morrow at one o'clock.”

I do not choose to occupy the time of the Senate the report of the committee to show where the

Mr. ADAMS. I assent to that.

in a matter that partakes so much of a personal possessions are, and I can inform the Senator that Mr. MASON. I have no objection to the

character. But the Senator cannot avail himself those dotted lines did not escape my attention. | amendment of the Senator from North Carolina;

of that argument in vindication of his course in If he will look at them with the deliberation and

but I have an objection to going into an election | suppressing the Hise treaty. He is not supcare that the committee did, he will find those

of these officers at this time. The attendance in ported by that array of names which he has prodotted lines indicate exactly the treaty limits of the Senate is small; many Senators have gone

duced for that act. No one of the Senators ever the settlements as prescribed in 1786. home, not expecting such action at this session.

did sustain him, so far as I know, in suppressing Mr. CLAYTON. That is what I supposed. Mr. ADAŃS. If the Senator from Virginia

the Hise treaty. That treaty was never submitted Mr. MASON. Very well; then if the map will move to amend the resolution by striking out to the Senate for ratification. The Senate were shows, as it does show, that that territory, no “to-morrow at one o'clock”and inserting "next never permitted to examine it. The treaty, to this matter what the British title to it is, lies within session," we can have a test vote on that.

day, has been withheld from the Senate. You will the limits of Guatemala, the dotted lines must do Mr. MASON. I shall make no motion. I am

have to go elsewhere than to the files of this body no more than indicate what the territory is that only giving my personal impression.

to find that treaty. How can it be said that Senlay there. Sir, they are as distinct upon this map | Mr. BADGER. I did not mean, by my sug

ators have sustained him in his rejection of the as they could be exhibited on so small a surface. Il gestion, to intimate that I thought the resolution

Hise treaty, when he had deprived the Senate of The limits of these settlements prescribed in the

desirable. I have no objection to it; but I think an opportunity of showing whether they were for treaty of 1786 are these:

if this business has to be done, it may as well bell or against it? Sır, he cannot have the benefit of “The English line beginning from the sea shall take the done now as at the next session. This is the those names which he has quoted to shelter him center of the river Sibun or Jabon, and continue up the

commencement of the Congress; and if the reso- || upon that point. source of the said river. From thence it sball cross in a straight line the intermediate land until it intersects the river

lution is to be adopted, I think it better to mention | Again, sir, he has quoted all the eminent names Wallys

in the resolution the precise time of election, that || from General Jackson down to the present time, If the Senator will look at these dotted lines he Senators may have notice to attend.

to support him in his refusal to accept of the ex

clusive control of the canal for his own country. will find that they commence at the source of the

Mr. ADAMS. I accept the suggestion of the

Senator from North Carolina, and hope the reso.. river Sibun, and cross to the river Balize or Wallys:

Sir, he has no authority thus to quote them; he « And by the center of the same river the line shall de

has no authority for saying that any one of those lution will be so modified. All I want is a test scend to the point where it will meet the line already set vote upon the question.

eminent statesmen were opposed to such a privted and marked out by the commissaries of the two Crowns The resolution as modified was agreed to. ilege as the Hise treaty showed that we could in 1783, which limits, following the continuation of said

have acquired. It is true that when Central Amerline, shall be observed as formally stipulated by the defini


ica granied a privilege to a company in the Nethertive treaty."

The Senate resumed the consideration of the lands to make this canal, the administration of The Senator will find that on this map of Gua- | resolution submitted on the 7th instant by the Sen- | General Jackson, under that state of facts, were temala, representing what Guatemala claims as its ator from Delaware, in relation to the Clayton- || content with asserting our right to an equal parterritory, the British possessions are within the Bulwer treaty.

ticipation. It is also true that when a Frenchman territory of Guatemala, and that the dotted lines Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I had a right had procured a charter for a railroad across the are only to indicate those provided by the treaty I to expect that the Senator from Delaware, in his Isthmus of Panama, and thus it had gone into the of 1786, as the lines of the British settlements. I reply, would have ventured upon an argument | hands of foreigners, the administration of Presiunderstood the Senator to say yesterday that the against the positions which I had assumed in my | dent Polk were content to assert our claim to an map did not show what the committee, and what former speech, and which he had assailed. It | equal right. But it is not true that either of them I claimed it did show, because of the dotted lines. Il will be observed, upon a close examination, that ever refused to accept an exclusive privilege for Now, if the Senator understands me, I mean to he has evaded nearly every point in controversy || this country when voluntarily tendered to them. say this: The map shows that the settlements are between us, under the cover of free indulgence in I am not going to occupy the attention of the in the limits of the State of Guatemala; and the coarse personalities. I do not complain of this. || Senate with an array of names for or against this dotted lines indicate nothing more than the posi He had a right to choose his own course of discus proposition. I quoted no names in my first argutions of the settlements in the State of Guatemala. sion. Perhaps it was prudent in him to pursue the ment. I addressed myself to the merits of the

Mr. CLAYTON. I have no doubt the Senator | course which he adopted. I shall not follow his question, and chose to decide it by arguments understands the matter as he explains it, but I am example, however. I may not have the same in upon its merits, and not by the authority of great perfectly willing to submit the question to any set ducements that may have prompted him. If I had | names. I would rather see the Senator sustain of intelligent men, whom he will select to look at been driven from nearly every position I had as his position now by arguments upon the merits the map, and I am willing to abide by their de sumed in debate-if nearly every material fact I of his own official action, and not by an appeal to cision upon the very question which he has chosen had asserted had been negatived and disproved by the action of great men who lived at a different to submit. I have taken my view of the matter, official documents bearing my own signatures--if | period, and whose acts were dependent upon enand he has taken his. Let others examine it, and || I had been convicted of giving one explanation of ll tirely different circumstances.

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Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.


One word more, and I proceed to the main required no further exertion of the constitutional good offices to enable them to enter into arrangepoint at issue. The Senator has accused me of power to execute and maintain and regulate an ex ments with these Central American States. He having attempted to make this a party question. clusive privilege to America than it did to execute has excluded the idea that the question of the CenHow did I attempt it? In my speech of Febru and maintain a partnership privilege with Euro tral American States is an American question, and ary last, to which he replied, he cannot find the pean Powers. Hence his objections upon that by his negotiation has opened it as a European term Whig or Democrat, or a political allusion, score must fall to the ground. The simple ques question. In other words, he has, by his treaty, or a partisan argument. I explained my own tion was, whether it would have been wise to accept abolished what is known as the Monroe doctrine principle of action as evinced in my votes; and I that privilege. Sir, I think it would have been. with reference to a large portion of the American expressly stated that they were not sanctioned | I am not going to repeat the argument I made continent. by either Whig or Democratic Administrations the other day upon that point. If it had been This brings me to the examination of another upon some of the points. I did not invoke the given to us, we could have opened the canal to the il question. The Senator from Delaware chose to aid or the sympathy of party. I was willing i world upon such terms as we deemed proper. We / arraign me upon that portion of my speech, in which to stand upon the truth and the soundness of my I could have withdrawn the use of it whenever a I stated that I was unwilling to give a pledge never own record, and leave the future to determine nation failed to respect our rights. It would have to annex any more territory to the United States. whether I was right or wrong on the question. been a bond of peace instead of being an apple of He then went on to argue against annexation, Sir, partisan politics have been introduced by the discord between us and other nations; because said we were pledged, and that the pledge given Senator, and not by me. The Senator, in his when you bring all the great Powers of the earth was correct, and attempted to vindicate it. He speech in reply to me, endeavored to show that! into partnership, constant disputes arise as to the arraigned me for having said that such a treaty Democratic Administrations have done this, and nature and extent of the rights of the respective could not be enforced through all time to come. I Democratic Administrations have done that, and parties. The history of these negotiations proves explained to him that my idea was that the growth appealed to partisan authority, to sustain himself. this fact.

of this country was so great and so rapid that the l'admit his right to introduce party questions, But, sir, let me ask the Senator what he has | barriers of any treaty would be irresistibly broken and to appeal to party names as authority. I gained by his rejection of the Hise treaty? He 1 through by natural causes, over which we had no had not done it, and I'deny his right to charge it has given the world to understand by his speeches i control; and hence that the treaty ought not to upon me. Sir, I invoked the aid of no parti that he has accomplished two great objects: the / have been made. He told me that the explanasan feeling or party organization for the support one to open a canal between the Atlantic and the tion made it worse, and that he would show that of the position I maintained. But when the Pacific oceans; the other to put a stop to British the doctrine involved moral turpitude; that he was Senator showed that a majority of my own party, encroachments in Central America. Has he ac- amazed and grieved that any one here from this on the ratification of the Clayton and Bulwer complished either of those objects ? I ask what high place should proclaim such a sentiment. treaty, had recorded their names in opposition to privilege he has gained to make a canal? He has Sir, I will proceed to show my authority on mine, he ought to have been content, without not even secured the right of way for a canal, that point, which I think he will be compelled to charging that I was making it a party question. either jointly or separately. He is responsible for respect. In taking that position, I only reiterated It was not a very agreeable thing to me to be com having defeated the project of a canal between the the doctrine proclaimed by the late Secretary of pelled to differ with three fourths of the Senate, two oceans. He refused the grant of the right of State, and now Senator from Massachusetts, including a majority of my own political friends, way, because it gave the right to control the (Mr. EVERETT,] in his letter to the Comte De and nothing but a sense of duty to my own char- || work exclusively to his own country. The treaty !

Sartiges, a few months ago, in respect to the Islacter would have compelled me to take the re which he caused to be made failed to receive the and of Cuba; and when the Senator from Delasponsibility of such a course.

sanction of the Senate. Thus we are left without ware arraigns me for uttering sentiments involving Now, let us go back to the real point. Why 1 any right of way-without any charter, right, or a want of respect for treaty stipulations, or moral all these attempts to avoid the main issue? In the privilege. Instead of accomplishing that object, turpitude, I will turn him over to the Senator from first place the Senator denied that he was respon he is responsible for its defeat. All that he has | Massachusetts and to ex-President Fillmore, and sible for not sending the Hise treaty to the Senate, to boast of is, that he deprived his own country of allow them to settle that issue between themselves. inasmuch as it had been rejected by Central Amer an inestimable privilege, the necessity and import. 'I wish to call the attention of the Senate to the letica. Then, when I showed that the rejection of lance of which is now conceded on all hands. ter of Mr. EVERETT to the Comte De Sartiges. that treaty was procured by his own agent in obe What, then, have we gained by his diplomacy? In that letter you find the following passage in redience to his instructions, he denied the existence || Why, sir, after having failed in getting the privi gard to a proposed convention stipulating that we of the instructions. When I produced the instruc- l lege of making the canal, either jointly or sepa- || would never annex Cuba: tions, and showed that the agent acted in obedience rately, he makes a treaty with Great Britain by il "The convention would be of no value unless it were to what he believed to be their true meaning, which, if we hereafter secure it, the privilege is

lasting; aceordingly its terms express a perpetuity of purthe Senator acknowledged his opposition to the

pose and obligation. Now, IT MAY WELL BE DOUBTED given to Great Britain as well as to ourselves.

WHETHER THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES treaty, and justified it upon the ground that it guar The Clayton and Bulwer treaty provides that any WOULD ALLOW THE TREATY-MAKING POWER TO IMPOSE A antied the independence of Nicaragua. When right of way or communication which may be se PERMANENT DISABILITY ON THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT I showed that he could not have obiected to it on Il cured at any future time. shall


TURE CHANGE OF CIRCUMSTANCES, FROM DOING WHAT HAS that ground, for the reason that at that very time England and the United States, and under the

BEEN SO OFTEN DONE IN TIMES PAST. In 1803 the United he proposed a guarantee, in connection with Great joint control and protection of the two Powers. States purchased Louisiana of France, and in 1819 they Britain, of the independence of Nicaragua, he We have a treaty with England about a canal in

purchased Florida of Spain. IT IS NOT WITHIN THE abandons that position, and is driven to the ex Central America, but we have none with any of


EFFECTUALLY TO BIND THE GOVERNMENT IN ALL ITS tremity of seeking refuge under what he chooses the Central American States. Let me ask, then,

BRANCHES; AND FOR ALL COMING TIME NOT TO MAKE A to consider obnoxious details. When I showed how much have we gained ? Has he expelled the SIMILAR PURCHASE OF CUBA." that his objections to the details could not avail British from Central America by his treaty? The Senator from Delaware will see that the him, because it was no reason for withholding the What inch of country have they given up ? What late Secretary of State, Mr. Everett, by the directreaty according to the usages of the Senate, he right have they abandoned? What functionary tion of President Fillmore, has pronounced such then comes to the point that it was better to have a have they withdrawn? Where is the evidence a guarantee to be a violation of the Constitution partnership privilege than an exclusive one. That that you have driven the British from Central of the United States, and the exercise of an aubrings us to the real question. Why could we not America? Are they not still in the full enjoyment thority not conferred by that instrument. Sir, if have come to it at once? If he was right in his of their protectorate upon the Mosquito coast? | the Constitution gave no authority to make a preference for a European partnership over an ex Have you driven them from the Balize?

pledge by this Government that we will never anclusive privilege to his own country, why did he The Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass,) and nex Cuba, I suppose it does not authorize a pledge. not avow the fact at once and justify his conduct, the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Rela- | never to annex Central America. The constituinstead of wasting the time of the Senate in requir tions, [Mr. Mason,) in their speeches, have main tional objection applies to the Clayton and Bulwer ing me to prove facts which ought to have been tained that the Clayton and Bulwer treaty would treaty, in relation to Central America, with the confessed, and which have been proven by his own fairly include the Balize as a part of Central || same force that it did to the proposed convention written testimony, in opposition to his own denial? America. But the Senator from Delaware, while in respect to Cuba. They take higher ground

In his last speech the Senator chose to persevere acting as the Secretary of State, gave a construction than I did. I was not willing to do that which in representing me as the advocate of a canal to be to that treaty which excludes the Balize. The i would involve a breach of faith in the progress made through Central America, with funds from 1 Senator, therefore, is estopped from saying that he ! of events. But I did not go so far as to deny the the Treasury of the United States. I need not | has expelled the British from the Balize. The fact il constitutional power to make such a treaty. And, remind the Senator that he had no authority, from shows that he has not driven the British protec-i therefore, I ask the Senator why he did not aranything I have said, to attribute to me such a pur- torate from the coast. We find that instead of raign President Fillmore--why did he not arpose. I certainly did not assume any such posi- || leaving Central America, the British have not only raign the late Secretary of State, Mr. Everett, tion, while my remarks were calculated to nega established a colony at the Bay Islands, but, if for uttering those monstrous sentiments, instead tive such an idea. My position was this: that the newspaper information received by the last of hurling his anathemas upon my head, as if I while negotiating for the right of way for a canal steamers can be credited, they have bombarded had been the only man in America who ever venfron the Atlantic to the Pacific, we should have the towns upon the main land, and taken forcible tured to proclaim such opinions? According to accepted the offer to our own Government of the ex possession of a part of the State of Honduras. || the opinions of President Fillmore, and his Secelusive right to control it, instead of a partnership Then I repeat the question to the Senator, what retary of State, as promulged in Mr. Everett's with England and the other Powers of the earth. has he gained ? I can tell him what has resulted celebrated letter, and applauded by the almost The Hise treaty granted the privilege either to the from his negotiation. He has recognized the right unanimous voice of the American people, the United States or to an American company under of Great Britain and all European Powers to in Clayton and Bulwer treaty was a palpable violaour protection, at our option. I insisted that we terfere with the affairs of the American States. tion of the Constitution of the United States. had the same right to take it to ourselves that we He has recognized that right by a treaty; and he But Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Everett were not conhad to take it jointly with other Powers. It ll has guarantied to England that we will use our tent with denying the power of this Government,


32. CoNG.....3d Sess.

Special Session— Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.




under the Constitution, to enter into this treaty slowly modified for the most part in the progress of lime tempted to arouse unkind feelings between the

and events; and NOT APPLICABLE TO AMERICA, which, stipulation. They deny its propriety, its justice,

United States and England. I deny that the arbut lately a waste, is filling up with intense rapidity, and its wisdom, as well as the right io make it. I will adjusting, on natural principles, those territorial relations

raignment is just. I have attempted no such thing. read a passage upon this point:

which on the first discorery of the continent were in a good l I have never attempted to foster jealousies or unThere is another strong objection to the proposed agreedegree fortuitous."

kind feelings between our own country and any ment. AMONG TIE OLDEST TRADITIONS OF THE FEDERAL

* But whatever may be thought of these last suggestions, other. I have attempted to plant our relations on GOVERNMENT IS AN AVERSION TO POLITICAL ALLIANCES

it would seem impossible for any one who reflects upon the WITII EUROPEAN POWERS. In his memorable Farewell events glanced at in this note to mistake the Law OF AMER

amicable terms, by speaking the truth plainly as Address, President Washington says: The great rule of

we and they know it to exist. The remarks that "conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending

I have made about friendly relations between the our commercial relations to have with them as little polit POSED. In the judgment of the President, IT WOULD BE

two countries, were drawn out by his statement (ical connection as possible. So far as we have already

AS EASY TO THROW A DAM FROM CAPE FLORIDA TO CUBA, (formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good IN THE HOPE OF STOPPINO THE FLOW OF THE GULFSTREAM,

that England was known to be so “ friendly"

to us. •faith. Here let us stop.' AS TO ATTEMPT, BY A COMPACT LIKE THIS, TO FIX THE

I said to him I did not think the friend. President Jefferson, in his inaugural address, in 1801, warned the country against en.

FORTUNES OF CUBA, NOW AND FOR HEREAFTER, or, as ly relations of England constituted any claim tangling alliances. This expression, now become pro

expressed in the French text of the convention, pour le verbial, was unquestionably used by Mr. Jefferson in refer present comme pour l'avenir,' THAT IS, FOR ALL COMING

upon our gratitude. I have seen no evidence of TIME."

that friendship. I said frankly I did not think ence to the alliance with France of 1778, an alliance at the time of incalculable benefit to the United States, but which There the Senator is told that such a stipula- that England loved us, and it was useless for us in less than twenty years came near involving us in the tion might be applicable to European politics, but

to pretend that we loved her. The history of the wars of the French Revolution, and laid the foundation of heavy claims upon Congress not extinguished to the pres

would be unsuited and unfitted to American affairs; two countries proves it. The daily action of the ent day. It is a significant coincidence that the particular that he has mistaken entirely the system of policy

two countries proves it. England is spending her provision of the alliance which occasioned these evils was which should be applied to our own country;

millions to maintain her fortifications all along ihat under which France called upon us to aid her in de that he has predicated his action upon those old,

our coast-at the Bermudas, the Bahamas, and fending her West Indian possessions against England. Nothing less than the unbounded influence of Washington

antiquated notions which belong to the stationary at Jamaica, and on every rock and barren waste rescued the Union from the perils of that crisis and pre

and retrograde movements of the Old World, and along the American coast. What does she keep served our neutrality.”

find no sympathy in the youthful, uprising aspira- them up for? Does she make money out of them? As the Senator from Delaware is fond of the tions of the American heart. I indorse fully the Why; you all know that they are a source of unauthority of great names, I not only furnish him sentiment. Iinsist that there is a difference, a wide bounded expenditure to her. Does it extend her with the name of the late Secretary of State, and difference, between the system of policy which

commerce? Does it employ her shipping? Not at that of the late President of the United States, upon should be pursued in America and that which all. Why does she keep them? In order to point the points to which I have referred, but I have the would be applicable to Europe. Europe is anti her guns at America. authority of these gentlemen for saying that his quated, decrepit, toitering on the verge of disso Well, if she is so friendly to us, and we are so doctrine with regard to Central America is in vio

lution. When you visit her, the objects which friendly to her, what necessity is there for pointing lation of the solemn warnings of the Father of his

enlist your highest admiration are the relics of her cannon all the time at us? And if these are Country, and in derogation of the protests of Mr. past greatness; the broken columns erected to de- | evidences of friendship, why do we not reciprocate Jefferson, repeated over and over again during his parted power. It is one vast grave-yard, where it by sending over a few cannon and planting them eventful life. I find that the late Secretary of you find here a tomb indicating the burial of the on every little island and rock near her coast? If State has again, in another passage, summed up arts; there a monument marking the spot where we were to seize upon rock and expend millions the ohjections which I entertained to the Clayton liberty expired; another to the memory of a great in keeping up fortifications all along her coast, and Bulwer treaty, and I will call the attention of

man, whose place has never been filled. The would that be any evidence of friendly feeling on the Senate to it. It is this: choicest products of her classic soil consist in our part towards England ? I do not so see it.

Again: the moment it was discovered that we . But the President has a graver objection to entering | relics, which remain as sad memorials of departed into the proposed convention. HE HAS NO WISH TO DIS glory and fallen greatness! They bring up the were to acquire California as a consequence of GUISE THE FEELING, THAT THE COMPACT, ALTHOUGH memories of the dead, but inspire no hope for the

the Mexican war, England sent her armed ships EQUAL IN ITS TERMS, WOULD BE VERY UNEQUAL IN SUB

living! Here everything is fresh, blooming, ex and seized possession of the town of San Juan; France and England, by entering into it, would disable themselves from obiaining possession of an island

panding, and advancing. We wish a wise, prac- and I have the authority of the Senator from Delremote from their seats of government, belonging to an tical policy adapted to our condition and position. aware for saying there is reason to believe that other European Power, whose natural right to possess it Sir, the statesman who would shape the policy of the act was done out of hostility to the American must always be as good as their own-a distant island, in

America by European models, has failed to per Government. Why did she want the town of San another hemisphere, and one which by no ordinary or peaceful course of things could ever belong to either of

ceive the antagonism which exists in the relative | Juan? Simply for the reason that by the Mexican them. If the present balance of power in Europe should position, history, institutions-in everything per- | treaty our possessions had been enlarged upon the be broken up; if Spain should become unable to maintain taining to the old and the New World.

Pacific coast, and it evidently became necessary, the island in her possession, and France and England

The Senator from Delaware seems always to in order to preserve this Union and maintain our should be engaged in a death-struggle with each other, Cuba might then be the prize of the victor. Till these have had his back turned upon his own country,

commerce, that we should have the line of interevents all take place, the President does not see how Cuba and his eye intently fixed upon Europe as the

communication between the two oceans so as to can belong to any European Power but Spain. The UNI polar star of all his observations. If it would not connect the Atlantic and Pacific States together; TED STATES, ON THE OTHER HAND, WOULD, BY THE PRO

qe deemed an indelicate interposition between the and therefore, in order to cut off our right of way, POSED CONVENTION, DISABLE THEMSELVES FROM MAKING

Senator from Delaware and his friend from Mas- in order to establish a toll-gate upon our public AN ACQUISITION WHICH MIGHT TAKE PLACE WITHOUT ANY DISTURBANCE OF EXISTING FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND sachusetts, (Mr. Everett, I should be inclined highway, she seized possession of that point as IN THE NATURAL ORDER OF THINGS." to say that the criticism of the late Secretary of

the one from which she could annoy us most. If the proposed guarantee never to annex Cuba State, although not intended for the Senator from The Senator will not pretend that he believes was not reciprocal as between the United States Delaware, is strictly applicable to his diplomacy, | that act originated in friendly feelings towards us and England, how is it that it can be said that a and fully deserved. I'shall not go into the discus on the part of England. I have his authority in similar guarantee respecting Central America was sion of that question, however. I deny the right | his public documents for saying that he believes reciprocal: Every argument urged by the late of the Senator from Delaware to come back at me it originated in motives of jealousy and hostility. Secretary of State against reciprocity in one, ap on that point. I shall certainly turn him over to The object was, not to advance her own interest, plies with equal force to the other. It may be his friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. Everett,] not to increase her own commerce, not to extend said that Cuba stands at the entrance of the Gulf because he will not dare to accuse him of political her own powe:, but to restrain, fetter, and cripple of Mexico; but it can be said with equal truth that prejudices and partisan feelings. He has said our energies and our power. Are these acts eviCentral America is upon the public highway to severer things of the Senator's diplomacy than I dence of friendship on her part towards us, and our Pacific possessions. Both stand as gates to thought the rules of the Senate would authorize are we so constituted that we feel grateful for this public highway, and every argument urged me to indulge in. The ex.President of the United them? Sir, let us not play the hypocrite upon in relation to the one is equally applicable to the States has sanctioned them, and now I think I am this subject. Let us speak out the naked truth, other.

at liberty to refer to them, for if it were not with plainly, and boldly. We feel that this seizure of Now I have to quote the late Secretary of State in the rules of courtesy and diplomacy, they every rock and island upon our coast, and conand President Fillmore against the Senator from would not be sent here. But, sir, I may be permit- verting them into garrisoned fortresses, with guns Delaware on another point. When I remarked ted to add that the nation has sanctioned them too; to bear on American commerce and American inthat the history of this country showed that our for I am not aware that a State paper was ever is terests, are no evidence of friendship. We feel growth and expansion could not be resisted, and sued in America that received a heartier response that these attempts to surround and fetter us, and would inevitably break through whatever barriers in most of its principles, than the letter of the late hem us in, are evidences of hostility, which it is might be erected by the present generation to Secretary of State to the Comte de Sartiges, to our duty plainly to see and boldly to resist. Sir, restrain our future progress, the Senator from Del. which I have referred. Sir, if he had done nothing the way to establish friendly relations with Eng. aware assumed the right to rebuke me for uttering else to render his administration of the State De land is, to let her know that we are not so stupid sentiments implying perfidy and moral turpitude.partment illustrious, his name would live in all as not to understand her policy, nor so pusillaniHe desired to know if sentiments of that kind coming time in that diplomatic letter, as one who mous as to submit to her aggressions. The mowere to be tolerated in the American Senate? Let could appreciate the spirit of the age, and perceive ment she understands that we mean what we say, him hear his friend from Massachusetts on that the destiny of the nation. No document has ever and will carry out any principle we profess, she point, in the same document:

received such a universal sanction of the American will be very careful not to create any point of "That a conrention such as is proposed would be a people as the one to which I have referred, con difference between us. It is a want of candor and TRANAITORY ARRANGEMENT, SURE TO BE SWEPT AWAY demning and repudiating the diplomacy of the frankness that keeps the two nations in conflict BY THE IRRESISTIBLE TIDE OF AFFAIRS IN A NEW COUNTRY, 18, TO THE APPREHENSION OF THE PRESIDENT, TOO

Senator from Delaware in relation to the Ameri with each other. I'say, that as long as this policy OBVIOUS TO REQUIRE A LABORED ARGUMENT. The project can continent.

of hemming us in, and fettering us, and trying to rests on principles APPLICABLE, if at all, to Europe, where Mr. President, I have not much more to add. restrain our growth and curtail our power coninternational relations are in their basis of great antiquity, The Senator has arraigned me also for having at tinues, we cannot feel friendly and kindly towards

New SERIES-No. 18.

32D CONG.....30 Sess.

Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.


her; and so long as she persists in that policy, maintain this proposition: That the Hise treaty, |changing the whole function of this Government, we ought not to believe that she feels kindly tow repugnant essentially in nearly all of its provis- | and would be a dangerous innovation. It would ards us. If we tell her so, she will do one of two ions to the Constitution of the United States, and be something like the very innovation which has things; either abandon her aggressive course, or at variance with the general usage of the Govern taken place by this debate-the making of this avow her hostility: and of all things let us know ment, should have been sent by the President to body the initiatory organ in relation to matters of whether she is our friend or our enemy. There the Senate for its consideration, and there to be diplomacy. Now what would be thought of such fore, I will repeat very frankly, that it is useless moulded and amended in a form so as to serve one a procedure as this: Suppose the President were to endeavor to conceal the fact that there are single view entertained by the gentleman from Il to send to the Senate a treaty with many provisjealousies between us and England growing out linois. The treaty was not only entered into by ions not having his approbation, with a recomof rival interests, and that her policy has for its one without authority, but its entire predicate is! mendation that the Senate would take a single proai:n to restrain our power rather than increasing in ignorance and disregard of the constitutional | vision of minor importance and graft upon it all her own. Our policy is, to enhance our own powers of this Government.

other provisions that would make it an acceptable power and greatness, without attempting to re Mr. DOUGLAS. I will restate my position. treaty? This would be, in my opinion, inverting strain hers. Ours is generous, honorable, and I stated expressly the other day, and intended to the organic action of the Government. It would justifiable; hers is illiberal, unkind, unjust, and express the same idea now, that when the Hise be devolving upon the Senate the function of mawe ought to tell her so.

treaty came to the State Department, it having king a treaty, and asking the President to concur I believe, Mr. President, I have said all I have been executed without authority, the Department in it. Whereas, by the Constitution of the United to say upon this question. My object has been was entirely at liberty either to withhold it or re States, “ He shall have power, by and with the simply to reply to the points raised by the Sen ject it unconditionally, or send it to the Senate, as • advice and consent of the Senate, lo make treaties, ator in his speech. I do not wish to travel over it saw proper. The rule, as I understand it, is, that provided two thirds of the Senators present conthe ground again. There are many other points when a treaty is made in pursuance of instruction, cur.” From this, it is clear that it was contemin the discussion into which I could have gone. the Department is under obligation implied to the plated that the Senate should be a reviewing and There are many other positions that the docu foreign Power, to send it here. When one is made concurring body in and of a treaty already made ments which have been lately published would l without instruction, it may or may not send it as by the President. furnish me ample material for prolonging the dis- || it sees proper; and I said, 'if the Senator from Del- | 'I rose merely to make this remark; but, sir, I cussion, but I do not wish to occapy the time of aware had been in favor of the exclusive privilege, I am pledged in some measure to my constituents the Senate. I only wish to show that the real and only objected to the details of the Hise treaty, to discuss this subject fully. I am not prepared points at issue are: first, that the Senator pre it was his duty to send the treaty here that the to do it now, because I do not think I ought to ferred a partnership with England to an exclusive l objects desired might be secured.

interfere in such a debate as has been going on. privilege to his own country for the great inter Mr. BUTLER. In that I differ entirely from Whilst I shall forbear at present from entering oceanic canal. Secondly, that he believes in the the Senator from Illinois, as a cardinal principle into the general topics of the debate, I must allow policy of pledging this country never to annex any | affecting the functionary agency of this Govern myself to make one or two remarks, and I shall more territory in all time to come. I repudiate ment. The President of the United States is ex I make them in perfect kindness to the Senator from that policy. These are the main points between clusively vested with the power of making treaties Illinois. I do not undertake to say that the exus, and the last point, in the course of the discus and having them perfected by the concurrence of pansibility of our system is to be restrained by sion, seems to have become the material one. He two thirds of the Senate; and, sir, it is the duty of treaties. I do not mean to say that our progress is opposed to all further annexation, and wishes the President to send a treaty down, an entire is to be retarded in that way. Why, sir, the progto make treaties now to restrain us in all time to treaty, without expecting the Senate to perfect it ress of human events is beyond the absolute concome from extending our possessions. for him.

trol of any written law. It was unwise when I do not wish to annex any more territory now. || Mr. DOUGLAS. Will the Senator allow me Lycurgus made a code of laws which was never But I avow freely that I foresee the day when you to make my meaning intelligible to him?

to be changed, and left his country with an inwill be compelled to do it, and cannot help it, and Mr. BUTLER. Not now; because I am going junction that it never should be changed. Laws when treaties cannot prevent the consummation on to say further, that the President of the United are stationary, things are progressive. I conof the act. Hence my policy would be to hold States, in my deliberate judgment, ought not to cede that much to the honorable Senator from the control of our own action, give no pledges have sent the Hise treaty to the Senate, for it con Illinois. But, when I am told that the United upon the subject, but bide our time, and be at lib. tained provisions that could receive the sanction States, as a civilized confederacy of Republics, are erty to do whatever our interest, our honor, and of not only no Senator upon this floor, but of no not to resort to the ordinary appliances of civilizaduty require when the time for action may come. jurist that can read and understand the Constitu tion to conduct their concerns and intercourse with An old, decrepit nation, tottering and ready to tion of the United States. He dared not, accord the world by treaties, and that they are not to obfall to pieces, may well seek for pledges and guar- || ing to my judgment, have sent it here. I suppose serve their obligations, or that they will not be reantees from a youthful, vigorous, growing Power, the Senator from Illinois will admit that there strained by them, but that the aggressive spirit of to protect her in her old age. But a young nation, || were provisions wholly repugnant to the Con progress has no other or higher law than the tempwith all of her freshness, vigor, and youth, de stitution in that treaty, and they were the essen. tation of interest and policy, I do feel that if that sires no limits fixed to her greatness, no bound tial and leading provisions constituting the staple prevails, we may grow fast, but we cannot live aries to her future growth. She desires to be left of the treaty; they were not mere omissions or in long. Nations, as well as individuals, must subfree to exercise her own powers, exert her own cidental objections. I am not going to enter into mit to the penalties of transgression; and if the energies, according to her own sense of duty, in the contest which is carried on between the Sena historian who is to write the history of this day, or all coming time. This, sir, is the main issue be tors from Mlinois and Delaware. It is as a Senator of the events which are now transpiring with such tween us, and I am ready to submit it to the Sen of the United States that I wish to express my eventful interest, were to pass his judgment, a part ate and to the country.

Il opinion upon the single proposition referred to, ) of that judgment would be, that whenever the Uni

and one I consider of cardinal interest and import ted States in the spirit of progress, the spirit of Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, if this were a ance, and one that may affect deeply the practical aggressive progress, shall maintain, or shall have mere gladiatorial contest between the honorable and constitutional workings of this Government, illustrated the doctrine that “might makes right," Senators from Illinois and Delaware, I might for confounding the functions of one department of and that treaties can be violated with impunity, it bear entering into the discussion; but topics have the Government with those which properly belong was one of the elements of their decay. It seems been discussed, doctrines avowed, and sentiments | to another; in other words, making the Senate, ll to me that the doctrine of the honorable Senator expressed, from which I wholly dissent. I do not which is but the advisory part of the treaty-making || from Mlinois would make us a people to illustrate propose now to go into the questions which have ll power, assume a primary jurisdiction and respon the destiny of Benjamin: “He shall raven as a been raised in the discussion of this subject itself. || sibility. I take the broad ground, that the Presi. wolf: in the morning he shall devour the prey, I thought it unfortunate when the subject was first dent ought to perfect the treaty in its essential pro and at night he shall divide the spoil.” introduced by the Senator from Michigan. It has | visions, and such as would receive the sanction of Sir, are we to fulfill that destiny, without law, given rise, in my deliberate judgment, to an un his judgment, before he sends it at all to the Sen without constraint? In my deliberate judgment, propitious discussion of matters connected with ate for its consideration and concurrence; and treaties and constitutions and laws are the restrainour foreign relations. Sir, when delicate ques when it contains provisions repugnant to the Con ing influences to prevent us from running with an tions of diplomacy and of our relations with other stitution of the United States, he should not send it. acceleration that is likely to result in ruin. I love Governments shall become the subject of open dis I know that the honorable Senator, if he should the restraints of treaties. I love all the restraints cussion in this Senate-nay, more, sir, the subject ever occupy that place, would not do it; yet I un and controlling influences of civilization. I do of political agitation and of party issues—we can. derstood him to say that the Hise treaty should not wish American society and the American noi hope to be favorably regarded by that kind of have been sent here; that we should have taken, Government to be like the Numidian cavalry, judgment which history dictates, and which is far amended, and moulded it in such a way as to riding with spurs, and without bridles, to rush superior, in my opinion, to the ephemeral opin subserve the great objects contemplated. That

10 charge, perhaps to be ions of the day. I heard the Senator from Illinois could not be, according to the organization of this cessful for a moment, but to perish in the end. with great interest, and perhaps the ability with Government. The President has no right to send Sir, I want the bridle. The very thing which I which he has spoken has, in some measure, recon any but a treaty that he approves. I maintain want is the bridle, to restrain and control, and not ciled us to the discussion itself, whilst it has not the broad proposition, that the President of the altogether the spurs, to drive you on with ruinous vindicated its original introduction; but I heard United States should send the treaty down as an impetuosity. Treaties must be resorted to. They him avow an opinion from which I wholly dissent; entirety, and ask the Senate 'to ratify it or not, are the very things upon which civilized nation's and it was, as I understood him-and I wish the and amend it in such a way as to make it conform must rely. All treaties, in their ordinary lanSenator to understand me, for I intend to make to the essential provisions, which had received guage, are made to be perpetual; and yet we know my proposition intelligible, and to exempt it from the approbation of the President. But to send a that they never have been perpetual. They imthe questions mainly at issue between himself and || treaty down here, and ask the Senate to mould it pose upon the parties making them the obligathe Senator from Delaware I understood him to ll in such a way as to make it proper, would be || tion of good faith; they are leagues of honorable



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