32D CONG.....2D SESS.

a covenant that it should be applied to the payment of her debts, with the absolute right to any surplus; and it was agreed that in no event should those debts become a charge on the Government of the United States. Thus did the United States, in the very act of union with Texas, bind her to pay her creditors, at least as far as her domain -would furnish resources for that purpose.

In 1850, five years after the annexation of Texas to the United States, all those debts remained unpaid; and, adding interest thereto, they stood, on the 1st of July in that year, as follows:

Domestic debt.....

Debts secured by customs pledged...

Total......

.$4,138,733 80 8,293,947 52 $12,432,681 32 During that intervening period, there had been war between the United States and Mexico, which had resulted in the annexation, by conquest and purchase, of New Mexico, a State adjacent to Texas. A border dispute existed between those States, and it was supposed by Congress necessary to adjust that dispute, in order to restore civil government in New Mexico, and even to pre-. vent armed collision between Texas and the military force of the United States, which, it was apprehended, might terminate in a general civil war, subversive even of the union of the States.

In the midst of this dispute the creditors of Texas appeared here, and urged the settlement of their claims as a condition of the proposed adjustment. They pleaded that the United States had become liable for those debts, by absorbing the sovereignty of Texas, and that at least they had become liable for them to the extent of the value of the revenue accruing from imposts, which, although they had been specifically pledged to the creditors, had been diverted into the Treasury of the United States by the act of annexation. Thus the debt of Texas became an element of the controversy which Congress undertook to settle in 1850. Congress settled it by compromise:

1. Texas ceded her claim to some of the lands before insisted on, and accommodated her boundary to the demands of the United States.

2. Texas relinquished all claim upon the United States for the debis of Texas, and all other claims for indemnity.

3. In consideration of these concessions, the United States stipulated to pay $10,000,000 to Texas, in five per cent. stock of fourteen years. But

4. It was stipulated that the United States should not pay to Texas more than $5,000,000 of the said $10,000,000 until the creditors, who had taken pledges of her revenues from customs, should have filed releases of all their claims against Texas with the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States.

Debt of Texan Republic—Mr. Seward.

lions; and Texas was obliged to ascertain it, and see it extinguished, before she could demand the last five millions.

Each party, therefore, undertook to ascertain and fix the amount.

Texas has ascertained and fixed it at.... .$3,355,360 25 Which would leave to Texas of the five millions... ..1,644,639 75 On the other hand, the United States have ascertained and fixed the amount at....8,293,947, 55 A sum exceeding the five millions reserved for those creditors by... And exceeding the sum at which it is fixed by Texas by..

.3,293,947 52 .4,938,587 27 It is manifest, also, that Texas holds the initiative in the action necessary to carry the compromise into effect. She must see that her creditors release herself and the United States. Moreover, not only cannot the United States pay all the creditors thus secured, but they cannot pay any until all of them shall, by the agency of Texas, have been brought to file releases. This dispute, full of loss and damage to the creditors, and of irritation between the United States and Texas, is now two years old. The debt to the creditors grows chiefly at the rate of ten per cent., while the fund is in the Treasury, drawing an interest against the United States of five per cent. It is manifest now that it is time, high time, that the controversy should be settled, and the compromise carried into effect. It is equally clear that unless Congress shall intervene, it will not be settled for an indefinite period.

The Committee on Finance proposes a plan of settlement, which is, that in lieu of the five millions of five per cent. of fourteen years, the United States shall issue stock to the amount of $8,333,333 33, at three per cent., redeemable in twenty years, and deliver it to the creditors, taking assignments for their claims, (the small excess of their claims being paid in money at the Treasury,) and that the United States shall hold the assigned claims as a bar to the claim of Texas for these five millions.

I. I consider this plan commended by its convenience.

1. In the first place, the creditors of Texas, for whose protection the United States, with her own consent, has intervened, will be promptly paid. Their claims will be extinguished, and this is a cardinal point.

2. The whole claim of Texas on the United States, under the compromise of 1850, will be virtually paid, which is another cardinal point.

In any event, and by her own showing, Texas will be paid to within the sum of $1,164,639 75. The difference which will remain to be adjusted, if any, will be one between the United States and Texas, which will involve no injustice to individuals-another cardinal point.

3. The expense to the United States will not be materially increased. The interest of $5,000,000 at five per cent., and of $8,333,333 at three per cent., are equal. There will be still the difference of $3,333,333 between the principal sums, to be borne by the Treasury. But we have now, and, for some time to come, are likely to have, a surplus in the Treasury, and so can buy up these $8,000,000; or, if you please, the whole $13,000,000, in one or two years, and so indemnify ourselves, in a great measure, for the additional sum advanced to settle the controversy.

II. I consider the plan, in the next place, commended by its harmony with the principles of the compromise of 1850.

It is manifest, also, now, that the compromise had inherent defects, which were these, viz:

1. That it did not ascertain and fix the amount which was to be paid to the creditors.

2. That it left that amount open to dispute between Texas and the creditors thus preferred.

Nevertheless, the ascertaining and establishing this amount was indispensable to the execution of the compromise. The United States were obliged to ascertain it before they could pay the five mil

||

millions of dollars) was appropriated because it was thought adequate to that object. The United States would then have appropriated $8,000,000, if it had been understood that the debts in question amounted to that sum; and there is no reason to doubt that Texas would have as promptly agreed to that sum as to the lesser one. However this may be, the fact now is that the compromise of 1850 has failed, for the reason that the sum assigned for the indemnity of the creditors was too smali by the difference of $3,333,333. I am sure

that the sum would have been fixed at what now is proposed, if it had been understood that otherwise the compromise would fail of effect for the reason that it has failed.

SENATE.

III. I consider that the plan of the committee is recommended by justice.

Justice is the basis of moral obligation. Whether there is a moral obligation between the United States and these creditors, is a question concluded by the act of annexation of 1845, and the compromise act of 1850. On what ground, other than such an obligation, did the United States, in 1845, leave to Texas a peculiar national fund, and bind her to use it to pay her creditors generally, and stipulate with her for the indemnity of the United States against those debts? On what other ground did the United States, in 1850, reserve in their own Treasury five millions of the sum to be paid to Texas, until her creditors should file their releases in the Federal Treasury? It is clear, then, that it is just, and the United States are bound to the creditors by a moral obligation to see their debts extinguished, at least as far as the sum of five millions would go. Under just such circumstances, a court of equity would, on a bill of interpleader, direct the United States to pay that fund to those creditors.

But the moral obligation under which the United States assumed to indemnify the creditors for five millions, equally holds for their indemnity to the whole amount of their claims; that is, for $8,293,947 50. If we were under no moral obligation to pay that sum, then the stipulation to pay five millions was a wanton waste of that sum without adequate consideration-a position which no one here will assume.

Such are the grounds on which the plan of the committee is defended. I proceed to consider the objections raised against it. The honorable Senator from Virginia [Mr. HUNTER] says that we are under no obligations to pay these creditors, because, in the act of annexation, Texas agreed that we should not be liable, and that she would pay them, and that the creditors had notice of that annexation on those terms, and did not protest, and therefore impliedly consented. But the honorable Senator was understood to waive this point of implied consent by the creditors.

I take the objection, however, in whatever form, and say in reply:

1. That all the world knows that a protest by the creditors against the act of annexation, would have been not more impertinent than unavailing.

2. That it may well be supposed that the creditors concerned may, in 1845, have foreseen that although the United States then refused, yet in 1850 they would assume the debts of Texas, to the amount supposed to be secured by the revenues of Texas, diverted into the Federal Treasury.

The Senator from Virginia objects, secondly, that the sovereignty of Texas was not, by the act of annexation, merged in the United States; but that, on the contrary, she still remains a sovereign State, and in the enjoyment of adequate and ample resources, viz: her public domain and capacity for direct taxation to pay the creditors.

I reply, first, that while the public domain of Texas, like our own, and her capacity for direct taxation, like our own, are valuable resources for credit, and to some extent for expenses of current administration, they are practically unavailing for the payment of a large funded debt. The resources of Texas for that purpose were her customs, which we have diverted, and so annexation, instead of increasing, has impaired the practical ability of Texas to pay her debts.

2. This objection is foreclosed by the compromise of 1850.

The Senator from Virginia objects, thirdly, that the plan proposed is a departure from the theory of annexation, which theory was that Texas should pay her own debt. And the Senator insists that the compromise of 1850 adhered to that supposed theory of the act of annexation, because it directed the $5,000,000 to be paid, not to the creditors, but to Texas herself.

I reply, that the imagined adherence in the compromise of 1850 to the theory of annexation, is an adherence in form only and not in fact, because the $5,000,000 are to be paid to Texas when she procures releases from her creditors, and never to be paid if they will never give the releases. So the stipulation is exactly the same thing as would have been a stipulation for paying the $5,000,000, or so much as should be due directly to the creditors. The departure from the supposed theory,

32D CONG.....2D SESS.

then, was made in 1850, and is not to be made in 1853. We must keep on in the course of 1850 till we reach the goal.

The honorable Senator objects further that this plan of the committee to pay $8,333,333 at three per cent., being less than the usual rate of interest on public stocks, is a scaling of the debts, so that creditors will not get dollar for dollar, and is therefore objectionable on the same ground that Texas is complained of. Grant this to be true, still I reply that we scale less deeply than Texas. ondly, that we are mediating between the proper parties; and thirdly, who can complain? Not Texas, for we take nothing from her, and do not divert any fund in which she has a claim. Not the creditors, for they assent.

Sec

The Senator further objects that Texas will nevertheless come back for the $5,000,000, and will be entitled to it. I reply that Texas has already declared, by an act of January 31, 1852, that $3,355,360 25 of this same $5,000,000 is justly due to these creditors, and shall be paid to them. At the very worst, Texas will not come back for that sum. Will Texas come back for the remaining $1,644,639 75? She must produce releases from the creditors for it. They will have already released, upon a just consideration paid, not by Texas but by the United States, and after Texas had had ample time to obtain releases, and had failed, because she exacted what the creditors were neither legally nor equitably bound to yield. The Senator from Virginia objects further that

Debt of Texan Republic-Mr. Seward.

the $8,333,333, at three per cent., will cost the Treasury more than five millions at five per cent. It will cost exactly $3,333,333 more. But that is no good objection, if, first, it is necessary to pay that sum to discharge these debts; and if, secondly, it is just, both of which points have been demonstrated.

The Senator at last falls back on his original ground, that the United States are not liable for the debt of Texas, according to the law of nature or of nations. It is quite too late to raise the question after the act of annexation of 1845, and the compromise of 1850.

Nevertheless, I will briefly consider the Senator's argument.

The United States derived advantages from the annexation of Texas, and creditors had aided Texas to rise to the condition in which her union was thus advantageous. They did not give her a dowry, but they enabled her to assume her own. The union of Texas with the United States and division of her revenues were a division of her sovereignty, rendering her less fully and exclusively approachable by creditors. Was there not in these circumstances sufficient consideration to sustain the agreements between Texas and the United States for the benefit of the creditors?

Bynkershock teaches us so, (p. 191.)

Again: Texas by annexation became subject to the debts of the United States. How is it, then, that the United States could acquire Texas without coming under some moral obligation to guaranty the debts of Texas?

SENATE.

It remains only to notice the argument of the honorable Senator from Texas, [Mr. HOUSTON,] which seems to result in this: that Texas had a right to ascertain and fix the amount of her liabilities, and she has fixed it at $3,355,360 25, and the United States and the creditors are concluded by that decision.

I reply, that was not the agreement in the compromise. It was that the creditors should release their claims. If they will release for the $3,355,360 25 it is enough. But they have not released for that sum, and they will not.

Then the Senator insists that Texas is just and they unreasonable. I do not think so. The principle assumed by Texas is that she owes her creditors not what she agreed to pay, but the value of what she received from them. It needs only that this proposition should be stated to secure its rejection. It can be no more put in the case of Texas in regard to these debts than in any other case of public and even private indebtedness.

The argument, however, is attempted to be sustained by precedents. I reply, if sound, it needs no aid from precedents. If unsound, then no precedents can make it sound.

There is only one ground on which a Government can justly scale its debts-that is the ground of absolute inability or bankruptcy, and then there must be a devotion of all its wealth. Neither Texas nor the United States can adopt that ground. Each of the parties is prosperous, each is rich, and they can neither assume the condition nor interpose the plea of insolvency.

NEW SERIES.-No. 16.

32D CONG.....3D SESS.

IN SENATE.

FRIDAY, March 4, 1853.

In pursuance of the proclamation of the President of the United States, the Senate of the United States assembled in the Senate Chamber at twelve o'clock, m.

After prayer by the Rev. C. M. Butler, Mr. CASS rose and said: I have been requested to ask the Senators to come to order.

NEW MEMBERS.

eastern lobby, and Senators retained their own seats. The circular gallery was filled exclusively by ladies, and the eastern gallery by gentlemen, intermingled with whom were several ladies. Every part of the Chamber, and every avenue by which it was approached, was densely crowded. At half-past one o'clock, the President elect entered the Senate Chamber, leaning on the arm of the Hon. JESSE D. BRIGHT, chairman of the Committee of Arrangements. They were followed by the outgoing President, who was supported HANNIBAL HAMLIN, members of the Committee of Arrangments. MILLARD P. FILLMORE, Esq., Private Secretary of the retiring President, succeeded, accompanied by SIDNEY WEBSTER, Esq., the Private Secretary of the President elect. They were conducted to seats in front of the President's chair.

Resolved, That the oath prescribed by the Constitution be administered to the new members of the Senate by the Hon. Lewis CASS, the oldest member of the Senate.

The resolution was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to.

Mr. BADGER. I move that the roll of new Senators be now called.

The motion was agreed to.

The Secretary read the list, as follows:
Hon. C. G. ATHERTON, of New Hampshire.
Hon. JUDAH P. BENJAMIN, of Louisiana.
Hon. JOHN M. CLAYTON, of Delaware.
Hon. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, of Illinois.
Hon. JOSIAH J. EVANS, of South Carolina.
Hon. EDWARD EVERETT, of Massachusetts.
Hon. SAM HOUSTON, of Texas.

Hon. ROBERT M. T. HUNTER, of Virginia.
Hon. GEORGE W. JONES, of Iowa.
Hon. WILLIAM K. SEBASTIAN, of Arkansas.
Hon. CHARLES E. STUART, of Michigan.
Hon. JOHN B. THOMPSON, of Kentucky.
Hon. JOHN R. THOMSON, of New Jersey.
Hon. WILLIAM WRIGHT, of New Jersey.
Each of these gentlemen, as his name was called,
came forward, and the oath prescribed by the Con-
stitution having been administered to him by the
Hon. LEWIS CASS, took his seat in the Senate.

PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE.

Mr. SHIELDS. With the unanimous consent of the Senate, I ask leave to offer the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Hon. DAVID R. ATCHISON continue President pro tempore of the Senate.

The resolution was unanimously adopted. Mr. ATCHISON, on taking the chair, addressed the Senate as follows:

SENATORS: Permit me to return my sincere thanks for the honor that you have again conferred on me, and the evidence of your kind personal consideration, and also for your confidence in my integrity and impartiality.

INAUGURATION CEREMONIES. The PRESIDENT. The Sergeant-at-Arms will proceed to carry out the arrangements made by the committee for the inauguration of the President elect of the United States, so far as the positions in this Chamber are concerned.

The Sergeant-at-Arms proceeded to introduce gentlemen to the floor of the Senate, in accordance with the arrangements which were prescribed by the appropriate committee.

The Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, in their robes, were accommodated with seats on the right and left of the platform of the officers of the Senate. The diplomatic corps, in their official costume, occupied the seats without the bar, on the left of the principal entrance; the Cabinet of the outgoing President, General Scott, and others entitled to admission, occupied the seats on the right. To ex-members of Congress and members elect was assigned the

Amongst the other gentlemen who accompanied the President elect to the Senate Chamber, were the Hon. WILLIAM L. MARCY, of New York; Hon. JAMES C. DOBBIN, of North Carolina; Hon. JAMES GUTHRIE, of Kentucky; Hon. ROBERT MCCLELLAND, of Michigan; and the Hon. James CAMPBELL, of Pennsylvania.

The preparations being complete, those assembled in the Senate Chamber proceeded to the eastern portico of the Capitol, in the following order: The Marshal of the District of Columbia. The Supreme Court of the United States. The Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate. The Committee of Arrangements. The President elect and the ex-President. The President pro tempore and the Secretary of the Senate.

The Members of the Senate.
The Diplomatic Corps.

Heads of Departments, Governors of States and Territories, the Mayors of Washington and Georgetown, and other persons who had been admitted into the Senate Chamber.

After the oath of office had been administered the President delivered the following

INAUGURAL ADDRESS:

MY COUNTRYMEN: It is a relief to feel that no heart but my own can know the personal regret and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position so suitable for others rather than desirable for myself.

The circumstances under which I have been called, for a limited period, to preside over the destinies of the Republic, fill me with a profound sense of responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking apprehension. I repair to the post assigned me, not as to one sought, but in obedience to the unsolicited expression of your will, answerable only for a fearless, faithful, and diligent exercise of my best powers. I ought to be, and am, truly grateful for the rare manifestation of the nation's confidence; but this, so far from lightening my obligations, only adds to their weight. You have summoned me in my weakness: you must sustain me by your strength. When looking for the fulfillment of reasonable requirements, you will not be unmindful of the great changes which have occurred, even within the last quarter of a century, and the consequent augmentation and complexity of duties imposed in the administration both of your home and foreign affairs.

Whether the elements of inherent force in the Republic have kept pace with its unparalleled progression in territory, population, and wealth, has been the subject of earnest thought and discus

SENATE.

sion on both sides of the ocean. Less than sixtyfour years ago the Father of his Country made the then "recent accession of the important State of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States" one of the subjects of his special congratulation. At that moment, however, when the agitation consequent upon the revolutionary struggle had hardly subsided, when we were just emerging from the weakness and embarrassments of the Confederation, there was an evident consciousness of vigor, equal to the great mission so wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was not a presumptuous assurance, but a calm faith, springing from a clear view of the sources of power in a Government constituted like ours. It is no paradox to say, that although comparatively weak, the new-born nation was intrinsically strong. Inconsiderable in population and apparent resources, it was upheld by a broad and intelligent comprehension of rights, and an all-pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger than armaments. It came from the furnace of the Revolution, tempered to the necessities of the times. The thoughts of the men of that day were as practical as their sentiments were patriotic. They wasted no portion of their energies upon idle and delusive speculations, but with a firm and fearless step advanced beyond the governmental landmarks which had hitherto circumscribed the limits of human freedom, and planted their standard where it has stood against dangers which have threatened from abroad, and internal agitation which has at times fearfully menaced at home. They approved themselves equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their minds had been illuminated by the dawning lights of the Revolution. The object sought was not a thing dreamed of: it was a thing realized. They had exhibited not only the power to achieve, but what all history affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacity to maintain. The oppressed throughout the world, from that day to the present, have turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lights extinguished, or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantly cheered by their steady and increasing radiance.

In this, our country has, in my judgment, thus far fulfilled its highest duty to suffering humanity. It has spoken, and will continue to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of sympathy, encouragement, and hope to those who earnestly listen to tones which pronounce for the largest rational liberty. But, after all, the most animating encouragement and potent appeal for freedom will be its own history, its trials, and its triumphs. Preeminently the power of our advocacy reposes in our example; but no example, be it remembered, can be powerful for lasting good, whatever apparent advantages may be gained, which is not based upon eternal principles of right and justice. Our fathers decided for themselves, both upon the hour to declare and the hour to strike. They were their own judges of the circumstances under which it became them to pledge to each other" their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor," for the acquisition of the priceless inheritance transmitted to us. The energy with which that great conflict was opened, and, under the guidance of a manifest and beneficent Providence, the uncomplaining endurance with which it was prosecuted to its consummation, were only surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spirit of concession which characterized all the counsels of the early fathers.

32D CONG.....3D SESS.

With an experience thus suggestive and cheering, the policy of my administration will not be controlled by any timid forebodings of evil from expansion. Indeed, it is not to be disguised that our attitude as a nation, and our position on the globe, render the acquisition of certain possessions not within our jurisdiction, eminently important for our protection, if not, in the future, essential for the preservation of the rights of commerce and the peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to obvious national interest and security, and in a manner entirely consistent with the strictest observance of national faith. We have nothing in our history or position to invite aggression; we have everything to beckon us to the cultivation of relations of peace and amity with all nations. Purposes, therefore, at once just and pacific, will be significantly marked in the conduct of our foreign affairs. I intend that my administration shall leave no blot upon our fair record, and trust I may safely give the assurance that no act within the legitimate scope of my constitutional control will be tolerated on the part of any portion of our citizens which cannot challenge a ready justification before the tribunal of the civilized world. An

Administration would be unworthy of confidence at home, or respect abroad, should it cease to be influenced by the conviction that no apparent advantage can be purchased at a price so dear as that of national wrong or dishonor. It is not your privilege, as a nation, to speak of a distant past. The striking incidents of your history, replete with instruction, and furnishing abundant grounds for|| hopeful confidence, are comprised in a period comparatively brief. But if your past is limited, your future is boundless. Its obligations throng the unexplored pathway of advancement, and will be limitless as duration. Hence a sound and comprehensive policy should embrace not less the distant future than the urgent present.

The great objects of our pursuit, as a people, are best to be attained by peace, and are entirely consistent with the tranquillity and interests of the rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations upon our continent we should cultivate kindly and fraternal relations. We can desire nothing in regard to them so much as to see them consolidate their strength, and pursue the paths of prosperity and happiness. If, in the course of their growth, we should open new channels of trade, and create additional facilities for friendly intercourse, the benefits realized will be equal and mutual. Of the complicated European systems of national policy we have heretofore been independent. From their wars, their tumults, and anxieties, we have been, happily, almost entirely exempt. Whilst these are confined to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction, they cannot affect us, except as they appeal to our sympathies in the cause of human freedom and universal advancement. But the vast interests of commerce are common to all mankind, and the advantages of trade and international intercourse must always present a noble field for the moral influence of a great people.

With these views firmly and honestly carried out, we have a right to expect, and shall, under all circumstances, require prompt reciprocity. The rights which belong to us as a nation are not alone to be regarded, but those which pertain to every citizen in his individual capacity, at home and abroad, must be sacredly maintained. So long as he can discern every star in its place upon that ensign, without wealth to purchase for him

every sea, and on every soil, where our enterprise may rightfully seek the protection of our flag, American citizenship is an inviolable panoply for the security of American rights. And, in this connection, it can hardly be necessary to reaffirm a principle which should now be regarded as fundamental. The rights, security, and repose of this Confederacy reject the idea of interference or colonization, on this side of the ocean, by any foreign Power, beyond present jurisdiction, as utterly inadmissible.

The opportunities of observation, furnished by my brief experience as a soldier, confirmed in my own mind the opinion, entertained and acted upon by others from the formation of the Government, that the maintenance of large standing armies in our country would be not only dangerous, but unnecessary. They also illustrated the importance, I might well say the absolute necessity, of the military science and practical skill furnished, in such an eminent degree, by the institution which has made your Army what it is, under the discipline and instruction of officers not more distinguished for their solid attainments, gallantry, and devotion to the public service, than for unobtrusive bearing and high moral tone. The Army, as organized, must be the nucleus around which, in every time of need, the strength of your military power, the sure bulwark of your defense-a national militia-may be readily formed into a well disciplined and efficient organization. And the skill and self-devotion of the Navy assure you that you may take the performance of the past as a pledge for the future, and may confidently expect that the flag which has waved its untarnished folds over every sea, will still float in undiminished honor. But these, like many other subjects, will be appropriately brought, at a future time, to the attention of the coödinate branches of the Government, to which I shall always look with profound respect, and with trustful confidence that they will accord to me the aid and support which I shall so much need, and which their experience and wisdom will readily suggest.

In the administration of domestic affairs you expect a devoted integrity in the public service, and an observance of rigid economy in all departments, so marked as never justly to be questioned. If this reasonable expectation be not realized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts, in a very important particular, must result in a humiliating failure. Offices can be properly regarded only in the light of aids for the accomplishment of these objects; and as occupancy can confer no prerogative, nor importunate desire for preferment any claim, the public interest imperatively demands that they be considered with sole reference to the duties to be performed. Good citizens may well claim the protection of good laws and the benign influence of good government; but a claim for office is what the people of a Republic should never recognize. No reasonable man of any party will expect the Administration to be so regardless of its responsibility, and of the obvious elements of success, as to retain persons, known to be under the influence of political hostility and partisan prejudice, in positions which will require not only severe labor, but cordial coöperation. Having no implied engagements to ratify, no rewards to bestow, no resentments to remember, and no personal wishes to consult, in selections for official station, I shall fulfill this difficult and delicate trust, admitting no motive as worthy either of my character or position which does not contemplate an efficient discharge of duty and the best interests of my country. I acknowledge my obligations to the masses of my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher objects than personal aggrandizement gave direction and energy to their exertions in the late canvass, and they shall not be disappointed. They require at my hands diligence, integrity, and ca

SENATE.

pacity, wherever there are duties to be performed. Without these qualities in their public servants, more stringent laws for the prevention or punishment of fraud, negligence, and peculation will be vain. With them, they will be unnecessary.

But these are not the only points to which you look for vigilant watchfulness. The dangers of a concentration of all power in the General Government of a Confederacy so vast as ours, are too obvious to be disregarded. You have a right, therefore, to expect your agents, in every Department, to regard strictly the limits imposed upon them by the Constitution of the United States. The great scheme of our constitutional liberty rests upon a proper distribution of power between the State and Federal authorities; and experience has shown that the harmony and happiness of our people must depend upon a just discrimination between the separate rights and responsibilities of the States and your common rights and obligations under the General Government. And here, in my opinion, are the considerations which should form the true basis of future concord, in regard to the questions which have most seriously disturbed public tranquillity. If the Federal Government will confine itself to the exercise of powers clearly granted by the Constitution, it can hardly happen that its action upon any question should endanger the institutions of the States, or interfere with their right to manage matters strictly domestic according to the will of their own people.

In expressing briefly my views upon an important subject which has recently agitated the nation to almost a fearful degree, I am moved by no other impulse than a most earnest desire for the perpetuation of that Union which has made us what we are, showering upon us blessings, and conferring a power and influence which our fathers could hardly have anticipated, even with their most sanguine hopes directed to a far-off future. The sentiments I now announce were not unknown before the expression of the voice which called me here. My own position upon this subject was clear and unequivocal, upon the record of my words and my acts; and it is only recurred to at this time because silence might perhaps be misconstrued. With the Union my best and dearest earthly hopes are entwined. Without it, what are we, individually or collectively? What becomes of the noblest field ever opened for the advancement of our race, in religion, in government, in the arts, and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind? From that radiant constellation, which both illumes our own way and points out to struggling nations their course, let but a single star be lost, and, if there be not utter darkness, the luster of the whole is dimmed. Do my countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe is not to overtake them while I possess the power to stay it?

It is with me an earnest and vital belief, that as the Union has been the source, under Providence, of our prosperity to this time, so it is the surest pledge of the continuance of the blessings we have enjoyed, and which we are sacredly bound to transmit undiminished to our children. The field of calm and free discussion in our country is open, and will always be so, but it never has been and never can be traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness. The founders of the Republic dealt with things as they were presented to them, in a spirit of self-sacrificing patriotism, and, as time has proved, with a comprehensive wisdom which it will always be safe for us to consult. Every measure tending to strengthen the fraternal feelings of all the members of our Union has had my heartfelt approbation. To every theory of society or government, whether the offspring of feverish ambition or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve the bonds of law and affection which unite us, I shall interpose a ready and stern resistance. I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in different States of this Confederacy, is recognized by the Constitution. I be lieve that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States where it exists are entitled to

efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the "compromise measures," are strictly constitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect as they would view any other