In order to guard the poor and laborious against imbibing discontent, he directs them to view the state of Switzerland; and also that of Ireland, where they may see a peasantry frantic with discontent, yet without the power of stating a single grievance; involving their country in anarchy, and cutting throats, they know not for what; favours accumulated upon them, yet producing no other effect than darkening the shades of discontent, and sharpening the daggers ready to be plunged into the hearts of their benefactors." He farther leads them to consider The almost incalculable and, to them, incredible sums which they receive in the payment of their labour, and in the receipt of legal and voluntary charity. I have calculated, and with some attention, the amount of what is paid for labour of all sorts in England; and it is not, probably, less than one hundred millions sterling; poorrates, and charities of every sort, cannot amount to less than seven millions. Add to this, the income (to the lower classes) derived from the amount of our taxes, so large a part of which, by far the greatest part, is swallowed up by those claffes, and it will be a very moderate calculation to estimate, that a revolution in this country, through French assistance, would annihilate a greater mass of income than is enjoyed by all France, in this moment of her triumphs abroad and misery at home.' From such calculations, Mr. Young infers that of all the classes of a state, none would suffer more by a revolution than the labouring poor, except it be the great landlords and the clergy. These are facts susceptible of demonstration: what, then, is the care that has been exerted by government to have them clearly impressed on the minds of the people?' Having explained the political cause of the discontents, which he conceives to exist among the lower classes, the author directs the views of the reader to that defect of religious instruction, of which the poor, if they were duly sensible of its value, would be disposed to complain. As our churches are now arranged, he says, there can be no such thing as religious instruction and public worship among the lower classes in this metropolis. Our churches, according to his account, seem to be built only for the rich: for the whole space which they include is occupied by pews, to which the poor have no admittance. The aisles are narrow, and in some churches there are few or no benches to sit on, and no mats to kneel on.' Having stated the evil in his usual manner, he proceeds to specify the remedy, with respect particularly to London : • Build new churches in those parts of the town, where the poor are most numerous. Let them be in the form of a theatre; the whole area occupied by benches for the poor, with thick mats to kneel upon; and for the higher classes, ranges of galleries, or boxes, con trived for hearing distinctly. Do more than build: provide preachers, who shall inculcate the vital Christianity of the Church of England; for that alone can administer true comfort to the miserable, the distressed, the poor.-The service might be performed four times every Sunday; and if the churches were as well contrived for receiving sinners to be rendered penitent, as theatres are for collecting them for other purposes, thousands might, and would resort to them.' Let this expence be incurred, notwithstanding the charges of assessments, taxes and subscription.'- Shall we go in crowds to subscribe for building a ship, or paying a regiment; and shall we not be as desirous of contributing to another security, the great basis of every other. The mere hull of a single 74 would build two churches; which, in the course of a year, must carry the gospel doctrine of content, and of submission to legal authority, to the hearts of many thousands at present debased, profligate, and ready for every mischief.' Genuine Christianity is inconsistent with revolt, or with discontent in the midst of plenty. The true Christian will never be a leveller; will never listen to French politics, or to French philosophy. He who worships God in spirit and in truth, will love the government and the laws which protect him, without asking by whom they are administered.' Other evils, for which Mr. Young wishes that a remedy were provided, are the non-residence of the clergy, and their exceptionable conduct. Let those whom it concerns peruse what he says on this subject. To his remarks on the state of religious instruction and ecclesiastical discipline, he subjoins similar reflections on the system of our moral police; and he cautjons against granting so many licences to public houses, which, he adds, is building revenue on the ruin of morals. It is to establish public security on disaffection to government-it is to hold out a jacobin paper as a rival to the parson's sermon-it is to consider industry as useless, and sobriety as a national loss. The finances that are levied on such principles will not flourish long, nor do they deserve prosperity.' The pernicious effect of wealth and luxury on the lower classes of the community is another subject on which the author enlarges; and to this he attributes much of that habitual neglect of religion, and that spirit of infidelity, which are gaining ground, and which are promoted by the diffusion and taint of French principles. Many of his reflections, in this part of his address, are very just, and deserve atten tion. Re.s. MONTHLY 211 MONTHLY CATALOGU E, MATHEMATICS. Art. 17. THE object of this treatise is to advance the doctrine of the sphere, Book I. contains the fundamental principles of spherical angles and triangles, including not only those composed of great circles of the sphere; but, in general, such as are composed of circles of less radii. A subject that I do not know has before been attempted. Book II. contains the fundamental principles of spherical qua drangles, with some added properties of spherical quadrangles, and determines the measurement of solid angles. Book III. contains a great many curious properties of straight lines, and circles drawn from given points within and without the surface of the sphere, and terminating in the circumference of given spherical circles; also, some curious Loci of spherical angles and triangles, and of lines drawn to spherical and cylindrical surfaces, analogous to some of the plane Loci of Apollonius. And here the reader will find many beautiful analogies between the properties of lines drawn to meet in the surface of the sphere, and of those drawn to meet in the circle in plano. Book IV. includes the doctrine of spherical maxima and minima; and here, I believe, will be found a variety of new and useful properties relative to triangles, polygons, &c. not confined to figures composed of great circles of the sphere; but, in general, extending to such as are composed of circles of less radii, including the remarkable problem which determines the curve, that under a given perimeter, includes the greatest spherical surface, as also an extensive theorem of solid maxima and minima. Book V. (or I. of the application) contains the construction of spherical problems deduced from the foregoing principles; many of which will, I trust, be found useful in astronomical researches; and here is included, a series of curious problems, analogous to those which VIETA has constructed in plano, and that FERMAT has extended to planes and spheres; beginning with determining a circle on the sphere that shall pass through two given points, and touch a circle given in magnitude and position, and ending with finding a circle on the sphere that shall touch three other circles given in magnitude and position. Book VI. (or II. of the application) contains a variety of prob. lems relating to triangles." This publication deserves the notice of Philomaths. Wood...e. HISTORY, Art. 18. Specimens and Parts; containing a History of the County of Kent, and a Dissertation on the Laws, from the Reign of Edward the Confessor to Edward the First; of a Topographical, Commercial, Civil, and Nautical History of South Britain, with its gradual and comparative Progress in Trade, Arts, Population, and Shipping, from authentic Documents. By Samuel Henshall, Clerk, M. A. Fellow of Brazen-Nose College, Oxford. 4to. PP. 175. 1os. 6d. Boards. Faulder. 1798. This ample title-page is followed by a prospectus, from which we learn that it is Mr. H.'s intention to continue a similar investigation in every county, up to the present reign; and that his whole design will be completed in ten fasciculi, of the same size and plan as that before us. The undertaking is arduous, in proportion to the difficulty of its execution, the extent of the subjects, and their importance in forming a genuine history of the early reigns. This specimen gives a map of Kent from Domesday-book, and a new arrangement of its contents in summary tables, which are digested with diligence and perspicuity. In describing the early feudal tenures, and ascertaining the rank and privileges of the tenants, an uncommon acquaintance with the Norman law, and its influence in England during the first centuries after the conquest, is displayed in almost every page. We refer our readers to the specimen itself, which would suffer by an analysis; cordially wishing that the attempt may meet with its merited encou ragement and success. Art. 19. Miscellaneous Antiquities (in Continuation of the Bibliotheca Are extracts of the mere names of obscure individuals from the register, and epitaphs given verbatim, of sufficient importance to any class of readers, to occupy fifty-one pages out of 156, largely and Loosely printed? Are a comparative statement of the price of provisions from 1730 to 1780, and a list of principal inhabitants in 1739 relating to a popu Jous village near the capital, worthy of forming a part of a general county history? Our opinion is in the negative;-and we hoped to have found some little relief in the description of a place which is rendered classical by the long residence of Pope and Walpole, and highly embellished by the resort of the opulent and the polished: but we have discovered no valuable supplement to the judicious account given by Mr. Lysons in his Environs of London (vol. iii. p. 538), which Mr. Ironside has very freely adopted, as far as the facts. The memoirs of the learned Vicar, II George Dall! George Costard, are the most interesting: but his portrait, and the other plates, are positively below criticism; especially at a time like the present, when able artists abound, whose employment is very limited. Art. 20. The History and Antiquities of Tewkesbury. By W. Dyde, 2d Edition, with considerable Additions and Corrections. 8vc. pp. 213. 6s. Boards. Printed at Tewkesbury, by the Editor. London, Wilkie. 1798. The first edition of this work has been already noticed with appro bation in our annals*. It now appears in an enlarged and improved form, and may be considered as a pretty performance, at once instructive and entertaining. It is accompanied with a View of the Town, and some other additional engravings, very well executed. IRELAND. Dally Art. 21. Necessity of an Incorporate Union between Great Britain and Ireland, proved from the Situation of both Kingdoms. With a Sketch. of the Principles on which it ought to be formed. 8vo. pp. 132. 2s. 6d. Wright. 1799. Not one of the many tracts which we have seen, in favour of the proposed Union between Great Britain and Ireland, has taken a more comprehensive view of the subject than that which is now before us. The author supposes that the first idea, that an union was to take place between Great Britain and Ireland, originated with the public; whence he infers a general conviction, that some arrangement must be formed between the countries, to ensure their joint prosperity and mutual good understanding.' The manner in which the idea originated does not affect its merits: but our belief is, that it first came to the public in the shape of a rumour that such a plan was in the contemplation of ministry, independently of any public or general consideration respecting its necessity. The points which the author attempts to establish are, first, that the present system is insufficient to promote the prosperity and en sure the tranquillity of the empire;' and 2dly, that an incorporating union, forming the two nations into one kingdom, subject to the same laws, and governed by the same legislature, is the only means to accomplish these salutary effects.' After a short but clear statement of the situation of Ireland previously to 1782, he observes that, By the final recognition of her legislative independence, Ireland then took a new station, in respect to this country, from that in which she had previously stood. Two consequences necessarily followed, from her Parliament having gained the exclusive right to regulate her national interests; both materially affecting her connection with Great Britain. First, it left no common bond of union between the kingdoms, except what arose from their acknowledgment of a common sovereign. Secondly, it reduced their commercial intercourse to a mere matter of convention. It left each at liberty, unless where bound by positive compact, to consider the other as a foreign nation; to disregard its maritime regulations; to exclude its See Rev. for May 1791, N. S. p. 111, Hi. commodities |
