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The acquisition of Cuba, will, ere long, become to us a political necessity; and when it does, there will be no dissension among us upon the subject. This period may yet be far distant; but, one year before California was acquired, it appeared to be a half century further removed from us than Cuba. But, sir, whether she come under the proud folds of the stars and stripes or not, her proximity freedom is perilous to her present rulers.

gets all her flour, most of her manufactures of cotton, and her oils, and a vast amount of the products of Spain, from Spain. Spain takes hers in return. The province of Catalonia alone would raise an opposition, based upon a pecuniary interest, which would defeat any attempt to sell the Island of Cuba.

I do not wish to detain the Senate. I throw out these matters as suggestions which must arise in the mind of every reflecting Senator as to what will be the inevitable political results of repealing the restrictive laws, to which I have alluded, upon our commerce with Cuba. We have assumed a position in this question which no other nation on earth has assumed. Why, we have practically said to Spain, "Although we have this boundless

become purchasers of our products, unless you will permit us to carry goods into your colonies upon our own terms." All the other manufacturing interests, all the other agricultural interests of Europe have been invited to come and purchase; and the consequence is, as I showed the other day, that while we exported the year before last but $11,000 worth of American products and manufactures in Spanish bottoms, Great Britain exported $4,500,000 worth in the same time.

Yet this has been the result of the act of 1834, which I seek to have repealed.

While we have been expending immense sums to open the trade of Muscat, and Siam, and China, and while we have fitted out an expensive expedition to Japan, here at our doors the richest island upon the face of the earth, with a present trade of fifty-one millions, capable of sustaining a population of ten millions, an island of boundless resources, with rich mines, with scarcely any of her resources as yet developed, with only sixty miles of available navigation between her and our shores, has been neglected. We have contrived to legislate ourselves out of her market.

Repeal the discriminating laws to which I have referred, and what will be the political consequences inevitably to follow? Let me ask those who have an eye to the acquisition of Cuba, if it is not better to begin in time, and invite her to our shores; inform her people that we do not exclude them; that we do not make a distinction between them and all other nations, Christian or Heathen. Examine your ports from Maine to the Rio Grande, and you will find but rarely the Spanish flag.

The Cubans whom you see in this country are either exiles from home, or men of wealth attached to the Home Government, and, in either case, are not the best exponents of the popular feeling. You cannot see them, because you have legislated them out of the country. Now, remove the restrictions on trade with Cuba, and you will have the legitimate population, the merchants and traders of the island, the proper exponents of the wishes of that people, here among you. You will establish with them the ties of commerce, and the ties of marriage. You will educate their children; you will send them abroad as proselytes of your institutions; you will teach them the value of the ballotbox, of trial by jury, of habeas corpus; in fact, you will hold up to them an image by which they can contrast their own political condition, and then, and when you shall have done this, the annexation of Cuba will have commenced.

The honorable Senator from New York threw out an intimation that Cuba was an expense to the Spanish Government, as the colonies of England and France had formerly been to those countries.

It is said to be to the advantage of the shipping interest of this country to keep things precisely as they are. I say it is only the apparent interest of that class of our fellow-citizens, and if this bill is opposed in Congress, the opposition will come from that small shipping interest which engrosses the carrying-trade between the United States and Cuba: a few vessels in Massachusetts, a few in New York, and a few in Charleston. It is but as a drop in the bucket, in comparison to the vast agricultural and manufacturing interests of the country, and in comparison with the political consequences to which I have alluded. But if we examine this subject properly, we shall find that even the shipping interest will be benefited by the repeal of these restrictive laws. It is well known to me, as it is to every person who has given attention to the question, that Spain is not prepared to compete in the carrying-trade with American vessels within thirty-three and one third per cent. In the first place she has not got the vessels or the seamen, and she is behind American shipping at least one hundred years; and if these acts shall be repealed, only the small vessels of Cuba will engage in the trade; they have none which can compete with our vessels of a larger class. Then, when the question comes to be discussed, as I am told it will be, on the other side, I shall be prepared to show that it is just as much to the advantage of the shipping interest of the country to these measures as it is for the agricultural interest.

Let us, then, sir, avail ourselves of eighteen years of experience in this unprofitable labor of retaliation, to retrace our steps. Let us permit their tonnage to seek our commercial marts. Depend upon it, sir, no Cuban, having lived a week in our atmosphere of freedom, will return to her with any increased admiration of martial law.

But to this I will not advert; the train of consequences is too evident. Let us remove our commercial restrictions, and leave the rapid strides of Young America to do the rest.

Mr. GWIN. I know that there are a number of Senators who wish to address the Senate on this question before the vote is taken on the resolution. I know that a number of Senators claim the right of addressing the Senate, and therefore I move to postpone the further consideration of the resolution until the 4th of March next. I will give my reasons for it. We shall then have an Executive session, and we shall then have this subject properly before us. It is intended, I believe, for senatorial action alone, and not for the legislative action of the two Houses of Congress. It is well adapted to an Executive session, and there is scarcely a member of the Senate who does

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not wish, before he votes, to give his views upon the question. We have only about thirty days of the session remaining in which to legislate, and yet we have passed none of the important appropriation bills. Other measures of momentous importance to the country are before the Senate for consideration, and I feel it to be my duty to move the postponement of this subject until the 4th of March next; and on that motion I shall ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. HALE. I think it is hardly courteous in the honorable Senator from California to make such a motion.

Mr. GWIN. I have not spoken upon it. Mr. HALE. I know the Senator has not spoken upon it, but he moves to postpone the subject until he has got rid of a considerable number of gentlemen who are interested in it. [Laughter.] I am exceedingly sorry that, after I have been so unfortunate as to introduce a practical measure, it has been taken up by those gentlemen who are so ambitious to display their oratorical powers upon it. The motion I introduced was simply an amendment looking to Canada; and I am prepared to show, notwithstanding what the honorable Senator from Florida has said, that, so far as the commerce of the country is concerned, Canada is as four to one when compared with Cuba. And when he speaks of the outlet of the valley of the Mississippi, I must say that I can show him that the produce of one half of that very valley finds its way to market over the lakes and through the New York canals. It is but a short time since I saw an account of the sale of flour in the Boston market which was raised in Virginia, and brought to market by way of the northern lakes, and down over the Vermont Central railroad to Boston. Virginia flour found its way to Boston for a market by that route; and I am told that the barrels were made of Virginia timber, and certainly the flour was manufactured there.

As this is a matter of so much importance, I hope we shall have a vote upon it. The honorable Senator from Michigan certainly did not introduce his resolution for the purpose of making a speech. I know I did not introduce my amendment for that purpose. The Senator from Michigan and myself are practical men, both of us.

Mr. CASS. Exactly.

Mr. HALE. And we want votes instead of speeches upon the propositions which we have submitted to the Senate.

Mr. CASS. We do not want any more speeches. [Laughter.]

Mr. HALE. No, sir; and I will agree to give way, although I have a great many things to say to the Senate. I see the Senator from California wants to get on the locomotive, and ride west, and I am willing to allow him to do so. I shall not delay him. I shall forego the satisfaction it would give, both to myself and the Senate, to make a speech upon the subject, for the purpose of having a vote. And the first vote, let it be remembered, will not be upon the resolutions of the Senator from Michigan, but upon the motion to refer, made by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Dixon.] If it shall be agreed to, it is probable the Committee on Foreign Relations will give us a luminous report; and when their report shall be under consideration, it will be the proper time to make speeches.

Mr. BUTLER. I think so; and I am reserving myself for that.

Mr. HALE. I am told by the Senator from South Carolina, that he has been keeping himself in reserve in the same way that I have been, for the report. I think that is the time when the speeches should be made, and I hope the vote will be taken upon the reference.

Mr. SEWARD. I have a note from the honorable Senator from Alabama, [Mr. CLEMENS,] who is detained from his seat by sickness, asking me to obtain the consent of the Senate to postpone the consideration of this resolution until next Tuesday, at which time he hopes to be able to address the Senate upon it.

Mr. MANGUM. I am glad to hear from the gentleman from New Hampshire, and to hear the remarks assented to by the honorable Senator from Michigan, that they are both practical men. Now, I desire to cut out a little practical work for

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these gentlemen to perform to-day-a little real work. Let them stop talking upon the subjec I think the resolution has been debated quite enough; I think the country will derive very little service from the debate; and, therefore, as a test question, at least as far as I can make it so, I move that the resolution lie upon the table. That will cut off debate, and upon that question I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. GWIN. That will do.

Mr. MASON. If the Senator will withdraw the motion, I will renew it if he desires.

Mr. MANGUM. Very well.

Mr. MASON. The object of this motion I presume is to arrest the debate. The debate has gone to some length. It is one that has become very interesting to the country. That is shown by the public press from every quarter. And although I have as little disposition as most gentlemen to enter into or protract a debate which appears to be of an abstract character, yet it is very certain that there is one subject at least of very great practical interest to the country, which if not immediately connected with the resolution, is worthy of engaging in public debate the attention of the Senate. It affects a ground, and a very material ground, which is covered by one portion of this resolution. I allude to the message of the i President, which is now before the Committee on Foreign Relations, although, since it went there, it has been the subject of some debate in the Senate. It is in reply to a resolution of the Senate asking for information concerning a recent proclamation that appeared in the public journals, issued by the British authorities at Balize, declaring a colony established--not about to be established-but a British colony established in certain islands designated, which lie off the coast of Honduras. That becomes a question of great practical interest. Within the last few days we have received intelligence that a British colony is about to be established at the Balize. The President of the United States, it appears from his message, does not consider that there is any source of official communication open to him by which he could inform us whether or not the report in reference to the establishment of the colony of the Bay of Islands is true; but it comes in such a shape as to make it necessary that its existence for the present should be assumed by the Legislative branch, as the Executive branch is uninformed, and seeks no information.

legislation by Congress on this question. I did not understand him to say that any legislative question would come before Congress, connected with this debate, or the subject brought to the attention of the Senate, by this resolution; and, therefore, I have been very anxious to progress with the business which we wish to bring to a conclusion during the present session. But if the Senator intends any legislation in which both Houses of Congress are to participate, I shall not interpose any obstacle in the way of his presenting it; but if he is going to do that, it must be upon some of the appropriation bills. If he intends to press positive legislation on this subject to the Congress of the United States, instead of an abstract debate in the Senate alone, it is his duty to ask to be heard, and it is his privilege. If he intends anything like legislation, I shall not interpose any objection; but if his motive is simply for the purpose of speaking to a question about which we are to have no legislative action, with all the respect I entertain for that gentleman-and he knows I entertain as much as any other Senator does-I must insist on my motion, that this question be postponed until the 4th of March. I think that is the first question; but if the Senator intends to propose practical legislation, I shall withdraw that motion.

Mr. MASON. I said this: The message of the President in reference to the alleged establishment of a British colony on the coast of Honduras is before the Committee on Foreign Relations; but the President in that message declared himself unable to give any certain information on the subjeet. It presents itself in such a form as to impress me, and doubtless others, with the belief that the proclamation alleged to have been issued by the British authorities at the Balize, and which we have seen in the public journals, declaring the colony there established, is official and is true. It is more than probable, indeed it is almost certain, in the present state of that question, that the Committee on Foreign Relations will feel themselves called upon to make a report upon it; and if a report be made, it may probably be necessary to follow it by legislation. Therefore, I am here free to declare, as one of the Senators of the United States, if it be true that the Government of Great Britain has established a colony at the place designated, whether it be or be not in contravention of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, that colony must be discontinued. I am prepared to say that at once. I do not know whether a colony has been established, but I agree that the probability is that it is so, and that before the close of the sesthere must be actual legislation upon the subject. All that I mean to say at present is, that I think it would be desirable for the country that this debate should not be arrested, as the Senator from California proposes. For myself, I ask only that I may be heard upon the general question involved in the resolution of the Senator from Michigan on Monday next; and if it is in order, pending the motion of the Senator from California, I ask that the question may be put on my motion to postpone the subject until that day.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. My colleague [Mr. DIXON] has put a practical question before the Senate upon this subject, for he has made a motion to refer the resolution and amendment to the Committee on Foreign Relations, with certain instructions. The gentleman from Michigan, who introduced the resolution, has informed us that he moved in the matter in consequence of the apprehension that Great Britain was violating the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, in reference to the establishment of colonies on the coast of Central America. The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations has informed us that the President does not know how the fact is. I think, with the chairman, that it will be important if we could ascertain what the fact is. I think, therefore, that the best course which we can pursue is to make the reference which has been proposed by my colleague, and let the whole subject go before the Committee on Foreign Relations. When the committee shall report, the chairman can accompany the report with any remarks he may be pleased to make, and the debate can be resumed. I hope this course will be pursued. I am like the gentleman from California; I feel very much disposed to begin to act upon other matters, and I am inclined to think it is time for us to take up the ordinary business

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of the session and dispose of it. I hope the course I have suggested will meet the approbation of the Senate. I trust the subject will be referred, and that the discussion will be postponed until the report of the committee shall come in.

Mr. SHIELDS. I made an attempt, a short time ago, to postpone the consideration of this resolution until next week, for the purpose of making a few observations upon it. I did not intend to make a speech. I am not, as the Senate very well know, accustomed to occupy their time in making speeches. I try, as well as I know how, to do a little work here, and I am rather astonished that my friend from California should endeavor to throw me completely aside, and out of the question in this matter. I have not made a speech this session, nor did I make one at the last session, and I do not mean to make one now. My only object was, so far as I knew how, to give this debate a practical application, and I intend to do that in a very few observations. I trouble the Senate very seldom with speeches, as that honorable Senator well knows.

I agree with the Senator from Virginia that it is now too late to arrest this discussion; it would be arresting it only midway. Two years ago, I brought forward, as will be recollected by the Senate, a proposition in relation to Central America. I took the initiative in that respect, and perhaps I may claim it, if there be any honor in that. I have not interfered in this debate, because I did not believe I could throw any light upon it. But I know it is a matter of great importance to my constituents, and having brought forward the proposition to which I alluded, I did intend to say a few words upon that branch of the subject, and as to the necessity of giving the debate some practical application. But I shall not force upon the Senate any observations of mine. I am as anxious to get at practical business as is the honorable Senator from California. I think, however, that the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations is fairly entitled to be heard upon this subject. I care nothing about the treatment I myself may receive, for I have no claim upon the Senate in this particular matter; but I think it would be treating him very badly, after this discussion has gone so far, not to permit him, as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, to present his views upon it.

Mr. BUTLER. I think this is a case which calls for reference. I am unable to give any judgment on the subject, unless I have the requisite information. The honorable Senator from Virginia, the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, has made inquiries, and I have no doubt those inquiries will enable bim to bring forward much information upon which Senators can form a judgment. Ordinarily, subjects of this kind come before the Senate through Executive communications, and I think it much the safest mode; but as this subject has been brought up for discussion, and as we are to take jurisdiction of matters of negotiation of this kind, I want to learn one important fact, and that is, if Great Britain has committed a trespass upon the rights of anybody, upon what political community she has committed this trespass. Now, her settlement upon the Bay of Honduras, if a trespass, is one either upon Guatemala or upon Honduras, or some other Central American State. The honorable Senator from Virginia no doubt can give us a great deal of information as to the true character of these States or communities; and it may be that, in the end, I shall be compelled to vote for something that would look like a mission to Guatemala, with a view to guaranty her rights so far as our interests and policy are involved; but before I can do that, I want information. How can I give a judgment until I have information? And therefore I would suggest that the reference should at once take place, and that the honorable chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations should give us the information in a report, even before he makes his speech; and I will promise, though I intended to speak upon the subject, if he gives full information in regard to it, such as I can understand, and upon which I can form a judgment, that I will not make a speech. I will be entirely satisfied with his explanation. If we refer the matter at once, I think we shall accomplish something; but if we carry on this debate in this

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cursory manner, shooting at a barn door all the while, and having no mark, I do not know what may not be brought within its scope. The honorable Senator from Florida, in discussing another subject, I thought, made it very germane to this. It strikes me, however, that the whole question ought to be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and let their report be the vehicle of information upon which we shall pronounce a responsible judgment, for we are in some measure involving ourselves in Executive business. I say, at once, then, let the subject be referred.

Mr. HOUSTON. I am not in favor of referring this subject to the committee. I am anxious to hear the honorable chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations on the subject. Other gentlemen have spoken upon it, and I desire some information which may be important to the decision of this body. I want the privilege of speaking upon it myself. I have occupied but very little of the time of this body at this session, or at previous sessions; and though I am as anxious as any Senator to see the Pacific railroad bill progress, I imagine we shall not bring it to any satisfactory conclusion this session; and until a report is made from the special committee on the subject, I do not think that we can progress with it at all. I shall, therefore, vote against any reference until I can hear the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Mr. GWIN. I did not wish to prevent any Senator from speaking by making the motion which I have made. The honorable Senator from Illinois knows well that I would be very much delighted to hear him; but there are many in his condition. I do not know a member of the Senate but will be compelled to say something about this question before we come to a final and decisive vote upon the resolution.

Mr. SHIELDS. Will the Senator permit me to say that I have no wish whatever to trespass upon the time of the Senate? This is a much larger and much more important subject than that Senator seems to imagine. I have the honor to represent, in this body, the Committee on Military Affairs, and I wanted to convert this into what I deemed to be a practical subject-a subject

that interests him. I mean the fortification of the coast of his State, the fortification of the southern

coast, and some other matters. I felt that in doing so, I should give it, perhaps, about as practical an application as it would receive in this body. Whether I shall be permitted to do so or not, I care not. I shall do my duty in my own humble way, anyhow.

Mr. GWIN. The honorable Senator must recollect that I am chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, and that I understand the bearing of this question probably as well as he does. The State of California would be as deeply interested in a controversy with England as any State in this Confederacy. I have no doubt that this resolution is to have an important bearing upon the future foreign intercourse of this country, and therefore we must give our reasons for our votes; and the question presents itself, if no practical question of legislation comes up in connection with these resolutions, whether we had not better let them go over for an Executive declaration. That was the very question I had in view. I know the Senator is examining this question with regard to the military defenses of the country, and he has collected a great deal of the most valuable information on the subject, and I hope the result of his examination and his labors will be put in the form of a law before this Congress adjourns. I am sure that will be done, so far as the committee is concerned, for we have had an indication of their intentions.

As to any discourtesy to the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, I never thought of it. I never dreamed of it when I made the motion to postpone the resolutions until the 4th of March. Imade that motion because I believed we could not come to a vote on them before the 4th of March. That is my belief. I am perfectly willing that they should go to the Committee on Foreign Relations, with the understanding that they will come back in a form in which we can discuss them with a practical end in view.

Mr. DAVIS. While these resolutions declare general principles which I approve, I do not

think that they meet the question at issue at all. The real question for the consideration of the Government is one growing out of a treaty between us and Great Britain; and we need some further information before we undertake to give an interpretation to that. The great question, in my mind, is whether or not Great Britain has organized a colony in what is called the Bay of Islands? If she has done that, the next inquiry is, is that, or is it not, an infringement of the late treaty which has been made?

Mr. SHIELDS. Will the honorable Senator permit me to correct him in one point? It is not the Bay of Islands," but the islands in the bay of Honduras which the British have erected into a colony.

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Mr. CASS. Thirty years ago Mr. Jefferson said that this question of European influence was the most momentous question that had been presented to him since the 4th of July, 1776. It is just as momentous now as it was then. But I desire to correct the idea which gentlemen seem to entertain, that this is a mere abstract principle. I consider it one of the most practical principles presented to the American Congress-practical in its application from day to day as a guide to the Executive of the opinions of the American Congress. No principle can be more practical; and none is more liable from day to day to be called into actual use. It is an entire mistake to call it an abstract question. And allow me to say, with reference to what has been said by the Senator from Massachusetts, that I cannot for my life understand the necessity of sending these resolutions to a committee. They have no reference to the colony of the Bay of Islands, or any other colony. They assert a great and important principle; and whether the British have the right to establish a

Mr. DAVIS. It is quite immaterial which form of expression is used. There is a colony by some such name, as it is said, and a colony recently organized. Now, I do not know that it is entirely easy to ascertain all the facts which have a direct bearing upon this question. I am anxious that the facts in regard to it should be pre-colony there or not, and whether they have estabsented to us in a reliable form. I understand that by the treaties of 1783 and 1786, between Spain and Great Britain, the latter expressly renounced all claim to every part and portion of this country, except that conditional title which was granted to her, in what is called the Balize. If she renounced that-and the islands, as it appears to me, from examining the treaties, constitute no part of the Balize then she renounced all right to them. Then, where do they belong? If I comprehend the facts correctly, the boundaries of Central America, of the five States constituting Central America, are coincident with the old kingdom of Guatemala, with this exception: there was a small province at the lower end, called Chiapas, that was taken off and annexed to Mexico. If, then, those boundaries are coincident, the Bay of Islands was renounced in the treaties, and belong to Central America, and probably to that portion of it called the province of Honduras.

I wish to have these facts ascertained. I wish for a reliable report from some source or other, which shall determine whether we are correct in this; and if it turns out to be true that the islands which are now claimed as a colony, were part and portion of Honduras, or of the Mosquito coast

for both were alike renounced-then I apprehend that Great Britain had no title to them whatever; that they were a portion of the country to which she renounced all sovereignty, and that they did belong to what is called Central America -that is, they were a part and portion of the ancient kingdom of Guatemala.

I am, therefore, with the honorable Senator from South Carolina, in favor of referring this subject to the committee, that they may present to us the facts which belong to it; and when they have presented them, we shall have a tangible subject to act upon. I think, as other gentlemen do, that it is a subject of a good deal of importance; for if what I suppose to be true turns out to I be so, a great question arises, whether or not the treaty, in its very terms, has not been violated. That is the subject with which we have to deal. There can be no question but that, when there is a governmental difference of opinion between us and Great Britain, it is an important question. The dignity, and character, and power of each of the countries make it important. But I do not wish to make any mistake in the matter. I desire, when I move in it, to move understandingly; and if there has been a colony organized contrary to the terms of the treaty, as I am rather disposed to think there has been, I am willing, for one, to meet the question in the manner which becomes the dignity, and honor, and character of the country. It seems to me that we cannot approach this subject understandingly until we have this information. I shall, therefore, believing it to be the best course we can pursue, cheerfully vote for the commitment of this question to the Committee on Foreign Relations. If the honorable chairman of that committee desires to make his remarks before the commitment, I shall not interpose any objection, though I think it is obvious, for many reasons, that it would be better for him to reserve his remarks until the committee shall have reported. It seems to me that this will be the better course for all of us. I hope, therefore, it will be taken.

lished one or not, is perfectly immaterial to this question. The principles which guide us are everlasting in their nature, and call for the declaration of the American Congress, which Mr. Jefferson said ought to have been done in 1823. The reference is not to establish the fact with respect to the colony of the Bay of Islands. I repeat, the resolutions do not refer to that, but they are upon a great principle, and every gentleman who is willing now to say that that shall be the principle of the American Government, is prepared to vote upon them. They need no reference. The establishment of no fact that can be investigated by the Committee on Foreign Relations can touch that great principle. It remains everlastingly the same. Establish your principle; apply it to cases as they arise; and then, before questions arise with foreign nations, ascertain the facts. What objection there can be to establishing the principle now, or what reference the resolutions have to any individual case, I cannot understand.

Mr. DAWSON. I desire to be heard upon this question at the proper time. I am a little surprised that the Senator from Michigan, who speaks so often and so interestingly upon this subject, should say that there is no necessity for having a practical question to act upon. As I understand it, the in

troduction of the resolutions was founded on the facts, supposed to be true, that there was such a colonization going on within the limits of Central America. Hence the propriety of their introduction. Now, the consequences growing out of their introduction are to be vastly important, and already are they assuming a very portentous aspect. Some language which I have heard uttered here to-day is well calculated to strike the minds of the American people. The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations-the man, above all others, to whom we look for information upon foreign affairs-has uttered words and sentiments to-day that will be noticed throughout the civilized world. He said that he believed British colonization has taken place in the Bay of Islands, and that if that be true," it must be discontinued." Hence, if all the facts be true, action becomes necessary. What action? Congressional action; war, in the view of the peace-abiding gentleman from New Hampshire, [Mr. HALE.] Before we proceed an inch, in the language of my friend from Massachusetts, should we not be able to place ourselves upon firm ground, and move, not only understandingly, but firmly to the consequences, whatever they may be? But the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations proposes to postpone this subject until next Monday, when he desires to be heard upon these important questions, without the presentation of a single fact arising out of the communication from the President of the United States; and when his speech shall have been made in this instance, what becomes of the reference of the message of the President?-and where are the facts to go before the country upon which we are finally to act? Nowhere.

I maintain that these filibustering resolutions in relation to foreign relations are incompatible with the dignity of the body upon an occasion like this, and that we should never deal in abstractions, and declare what shall be, and what shall not be. When we intend to act upon facts already ascer

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tained or supposed to be ascertained, let us call upon our Committee on Foreign Relations to lay them before the body. Let us have all the facts connected with colonization in Central America, whether in Honduras, or in any other section of the country; and whenever those facts shall be presented to us, we can act. What do I know about it? What does any Senator on this floor know about it? The President tells you, in the language of the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, that he has no facts which he can communicate to us. The chairman, then, must do the best he can; and if it so turns out that there are no facts to establish the position that an organization or colonization has taken place, what is the result? Why, that no organization or colonization has taken place. But if it be true that it has taken place, give us the facts, and then the Monroe doctrine will come in, and come in as it was intended to come in by the honorable Senator from Michigan, founded upon the idea that this colonization had already taken place. But that fact is not officially ascertained. Let us get the official information, and then act upon it.

Let these resolutions be laid upon the table. What are they? Abstractions; a reaffirmation of the Monroe doctrine, which, although never introduced by way of resolution before, has been firmly fixed in every American statesman's mind and determination. There is no necessity of resolving that we will do so and so, in such a state of affairs. Let us ascertain the state of affairs which exists, and then resolve, if it displeases us, that it shall not exist as it is. Let the resolutions be laid upon the table, or referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations; let the distinguished Senator at the head of that committee bring in his report, and accompany that report by the speech which he desires to deliver; and I will ask now what speech is it he desires to deliver? A speech upon colonization in the abstract-not upon existing colonization, because he says he knows not whether it be true or not that a British colony has been established in Central America, though he thinks it is true. Why should the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations make a speech of that kind unless it be based upon facts, and unless the facts be such as to authorize it? Should we influence the kingdom of Great Britain or any other, by saying that if they do a certain thing we will do so and so? Let us ascertain what has been done, and then, if we dislike it, ask the Government of Great Britain to disavow it; and if she will not do so, then let us decide what course we shall pursue.

Mr. MASON. I think if the exact posture of the question were understood by the Senate, there would be no difficulty in disposing of this subject. The message of the President of the United States, in connection with this alleged colonization on the coast of Honduras, is now before the Committee on Foreign Relations. There is, therefore, before them, a distinct question upon which they may, and probably will, report. The resolution of the Senator from Michigan covers certain great principles of American policy, alleged by him to have been laid down as early as the year 1823thirty years ago. What I meant to say was this: It seems to me that the debate which has commenced, should go on in reference to these general principles of American policy, and upon them I wish to be heard. The report that may, and probably will be made upon the message of the President of the United States, in reference to a specific colony, affects the application of certain of those principles, and certain of them only. I see no necessity for the reference of the resolution of the Senator from Michigan-none in the world, so far as regards the specific question now before the

committee.

Mr. DAWSON. That is the very ground upon which I go. I would say again, that I presume there is scarcely a dissenting voice in this body, with reference to the mere abstract questions which are involved in the resolution of the Senator from Michigan. But why this constant repetition and declamation upon principles in regard to which we all agree? I cannot see the necessity of it. Yet, underneath this, it is clearly to be perceived that we are going on to a particular object on the allegation that there has been a violation of these principles, by the establishment of a British colony in

Tehuantepec Grant-Mr. Mason.

Central America. That is the idea. Why not, as practical men, investigate the question, ascertain the existence of the facts in the case, and then apply the principle to it? Why send out in advance these speeches to the country?—and they are read, I know, with the utmost anxiety, for people suppose there is something concealed, and that war is in our front; that the cloud is gathering. We are thereby affecting by this discussion the great commercial interests of this country. We are probably bringing ruin upon many great interests of the Union, when I know it is not the intention of gentlemen to involve the country in

a war.

I repeat that the remark of my honorable friend from Virginia, that a British colony has been established in Central America, and that "it must be discontinued," is the strongest allegation which has yet been made that war is before us, or that there is danger, because a great principle has been violated. But I think the country will see that the filibustering portion of the Congress of the United States do not want to act upon the case presented; they want to commit a majority of Congress to certain principles, and then they will present a case so that the majority cannot back out, but war must follow. That is the idea; and you cannot conceal it from the public mind, for the commercial, agricultural, and manufacturing interests are too sensitive not to perceive that legislation like this would be destructive. Hence it is that I say, come boldly up to your principles; and I stand upon them myself. 1 would permit no foreign country to colonize this continent if we have power to prevent it. Stand upon that principle, but do not be continually speaking of it, and repeating it. It is like saying to a man, "If you say so and so about me I will flog you. I understand you have said it, and I believe it, and I have made up my mind to flog you, if you have done it." You should first ascertain the facts and then apply your principle to them.

I do not make these observations with the most distant apprehension that there is any danger of a war. I do not wish any interests of the Union to feel alarmed upon this subject. I see no occasion for believing that there is to be a war. I see no disposition in foreign countries to interfere with any great American principle. On the contrary, I believe that the industrial interests of the world, and especially of the European and American people, are now the controlling power; and that common sense, common honesty, and common justice will prevail, and keep down everything in conflict with the rights and happiness of the people. I look upon the scene which has occurred here upon this resolution, and the speeches which have gone forth, as evidence of the belligerent disposition of some gentlemen, or as an outburst of that desire for war which now and then will occur, especially in a Republic like ours.

I concur with the Senator from California-and we do not agree very often-that this subject should be put out of the way, and that practical legislation, affecting the interests of the country, should be taken up. Let us proceed to business affecting the people for whom we have to act, and if there is any violation of our principles of foreign policy, let the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations ascertain it, communicate it to us officially, and I will be one of the first to suspend all other business and act upon it.

On motion by Mr. HALE, the Senate adjourned.

THE TEHUANTEPEC GRANT.

SPEECH OF HON. J. M. MASON, OF VIRGINIA,

IN THE SENATE, February 1, 1853,

On the Resolutions reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations, in regard to the Tehuantepec Grant.

Mr. MASON said:

Mr. PRESIDENT: What I have to say on the subject of this right of way across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec can involve but little more than dry detail; but yet, in my apprehension, and in the judgment of the Commitee on Foreign Relations, to whom this subject was referred, it is one of very great importance to the country.

SENATE.

During the last session, the Senate passed a resolution requesting the President of the United States to communicate to the Senate all the correspondence and documents, which had passed between the Government of the United States and the Government of Mexico, concerning this right of way across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The correspondence was sent in at a late day of the session, and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. That committee took the subject under consideration, and before the close of the session, but too late to be acted upon, made a report, accompanied by several resolutions. That report has been before the Senate, therefore, since the last session of Congress, and it will be found by those who have looked at the resolutions, that the committee considered the subject as one of no little interest and moment to the Government. I will ask permission to read them. The report concludes by recommending to the Senate the adoption of the following resolutions:

"Resolved, (as the judgment of the Senate,) That in the present posture of the question on the grant of a right of way through the territory of Mexico, at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, conceded by that Republic to one of its citizens, and now the property of citizens of the United States, as the same is presented by the correspondence and documents accompanying the message of the President of the United States of the 27th July, 1852, it is not compatible with the dignity of this Government to prosecute the subject further by negotiation.

2. Should the Government of Mexico propose a renewal of such negotiation, it should be acceded to only upon distinct propositions from Mexico, not inconsistent with the

demands made by this Government in reference to said grant.

"3. That the Government of the United States stands

committed to all of its citizens to protect them in their rights, abroad as well as at home, within the sphere of its jurisdiction; and should Mexico, within a reasonable time, fail to reconsider her position concerning said grant, it will then become the duty of this Government to review all existing relations with that Republic, and to adopt such measures as will preserve the honor of the country and the rights of its citizens."

The Senate will see from the character and tone of these resolutions, that the Committee on Foreign Relations have considered that this subject, by the action upon it of the two Governments, and by its intrinsic importance, has been elevated into one of very grave consideration. Mr. President, the acquisition of California, lying upon the Pacific border, and of the intervening territory, at the close of the war with Mexico, placed this Government in the embarrassing position of having some of its most important dependencies-for California was then a dependency-at the distance of some three thousand miles from the Atlantic settlements, and inaccessible unless across deserts and mountains, requiring months to pass them. It is known to the Senate, that in the instructions. which were given by President Polk to the commissioner of the United States, by whom the treaty of peace was negotiated-a President who closed a very successful, and indeed brilliant administration, by the successful issue of the war with Mexico-he was directed, in view of the high and great importance of obtaining an accessible way to those Pacific possessions, to offer Mexico for the right of way a very large sum of money. The proposition was declined on the part of Mexico, because, as was alleged, that right of way was no longer within her control-that she had parted with it.

Since the acquisition of California since it was erected into a State-and more especially since the discovery of the immense deposits of gold which have attracted the attention, not only of the people of this country, but of the entire world, the way to get access to California has filled the public mind. The enterprise of our people, with their capital, was embarked in seeking a right of way some two thousand miles distant from our coast, where the continent, or rather the isthmus that connects the two continents, was contracted to its smallest extent, across the Isthmus of Panama; and within a very short time, by the investment of a very large capital, and with some risk on the part of those who did it, a communication was opened there, in order to give us access to our possessions on the Pacific. That communication has continued since in the course of successful

use.

Under the convention made between the Governments of the United States and Great Britain, another communication was intended to be opened -how far it has yet been opened I am not fully