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but which, at the same time, does 80 no further than the planters shall please. The slave cannot legally pass the bounds of his master's estate without his written permission.

The other Act, for which the legislature of Jamaica desire credit, is one for "removing Impediments to the Manumission of Slaves by Owners having only a limited interest ;”—not for removing impediments in the way of the slave who wishes to obtain his free dom, but in the way of the master who, from interest or favour, may wish to give it. This vaunted Act, therefore, goes no further than the point at which the planters of Demerara are resolved to stop, if they can prevail on Lord Bathurst to permit them to do so.'

“ Slave Colonies of Great Britain," &c. pp. 48, 9. Of the spirit of the Jamaica legislature, indeed, we have damning proofs. A bill was introduced in November 1824, admitting the evidence of slaves under certain regulations ; and the Governor, the Duke of Manchester, expressed his. hope that it would pass. On the second reading, it was re jected by a majority of thirty-four to one. The violence of opposition manifested by this Assembly has been exceeded only by the still more unmeasured resistance of the parish vestries, and the absolute rage of the Journalists. At the same time, insurrections have been got up, all of which have issued in the destruction, not of any white life, but of the lives of numbers of negroes. The details will be found among the mass of evidence contained in the pamphlet above cited. Suffice it to say, that, with regard to the alleged conspiracy at St. James's, two of the Court were of opinion, that there was

nothing but common amusement;' yet, the jury found thirteen of the prisoners guilty, His Grace, the Governor, however, felt himself called upon to declare, that, after the most * careful perusal of the evidence, he had not been able to disconcert or combination

among

the negroes for any criminal purpose. Four of the thirteen had their sentence commuted for a brief imprisonment, and the remainder were discharged. The two individuals on whose testimony the alleged conspiracies at St. George and St. Mary's rested, have since been ordered off the island as persons of most dange

character,' their infamy and falsehood having become notorious. Yet, on the evidence of these two desperadoes alone, eight slaves were condemned to death, and eight more to transportation, of whom three were actually executed.

In Antigua, nothing has been done, Lord Bathurst's despatch not having, so far as appears, been taken into consideration. In the Bahamas, a new consolidated slave-law has been framed, at essential variance with the Order in Council, the provisions of which the Colonists vehemently impugnaš

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unjust and injurious. They contend, that it is far better for all parties, that the negro should be left to the voluntary and unforced kindness of his master, than be protected by law; frankly declaring their resolution not to alter their legislation, from a decided conviction of the correctness of the principles

on which they are acting,'--principles worthy of the most barbarous

age. In Barbadoes, a new slave-code has also been adopted, of which it might be sufficient to say, that it is worthy of the Barbadians. It removes none of the obstructions to manumissions ; it does not cause slaves to cease to be chattels ; it provides no means of instruction for them ; it does not abolish Sunday markets and Sunday labour; it does not legalize marriage among them, nor put an end to the driving system, or to the flogging of women, or to arbitrary punishments to an almost unlimited extent: in fact, it scarcely advances a single step towards the end contemplated in Mr. Canning's Resolution,--their participation in the civil rights and privileges of British subjects. This island, however, has distinguished itself lately in a way which leaves no room for any surprise at the iniquities of its legislation. On Sunday, October 5, 1823, a series of riotous outrages were commenced under the sanction of the magistrates, conducted by a white mob consisting of planters, merchants, and traders, and carried on for above a fortnight, without an attempt at interference on the part of the Governor or any other authority, the object and issue of which will best be seen from the following proclamations of the rioters.

• Great and signal Triumph over Methodism, and total Destrućtion of the Chapel!!! Bridgetown, Tuesday, Oct. 21, 1823.

« The inhabitants of this island are respectfully informed, that, in consequence of the unmerited and unprovoked' attacks which have repeatedly been made upon the community by the Methodist Missionaries (otherwise known as the agents of the villainous African Society), a party of respectable Gentlemen formed the resolution of closing the Methodist concern altogether : with this view, they commenced their labours on Sunday evening, and they have the greatest satisfaction in announcing, that, by twelve o'clock last night, they effected the total destruction of the Chapel. To this information they have to add, that the Missionary made his escape yesterday afternoon, in a small vessel, for St. Vincent; therehy avoiding that expression of the public feeling towards him personally which he had so richly deserved. It is to be hoped, that as this information will be circulated throughout the different islands and colonies, all persons who consider themselves true lovers of religion will follow the laudable example of the Barbadians, in putting an end to Methodism and Methodist Chapels throughout the West Indies.'

The next day, the Governor issued a proclamation offering a reward for the detection of the rioters, who were well known. This brought out a counter proclamation in daring defiance and ridicule.

• Whereas a Proclamation having appeared, &c. &c. public notice is hereby given to such person or persons as may feel inclined either from pecuniary temptation or vindictive feeling, that, should they attempt to come forward to injure in any shape any individual, they shall receive that punishment which their crime will justly deserve. They are to understand, that to impeach is not to convict, and that the reward offered will only be given upon conviction; which cannot be effected while the people are firm to themselves. And whereas it may appear to those persons who are unacquainted with the circumstances which occasioned the said Proclamation, that the demolition of the Chapel was effected by the rabble of this community, in order to create anarchy, riot, and insubordination, to trample upon the laws of the country, and to subvert good order ;-It is considered as an imperative duty to repel the charge, and to state; firstly, that the majority of the persons assembled were of the first respectability, and were supported by the concurrence of nine-tenths of the community :~2ndly, that their motives were patriotic and loyal, namely, to eradicate from this soil the germ of Methodism, which was spreading its baleful influence over a certain class, and which would ultimately have injured both Church and State. With this view, the chapel was demolished, and the villainous preacher who headed it and belied us, was compelled, by a speedy flight, to remove himself from the island. With a fixed determination, therefore, to put an end to Methodism in this island, all Methodist preachers are warned not to approach our shores ; as, if they do, it will be at their own peril. God save the King and the People.'

When the Governor saw this treasonable proclamation, he asked the Council what he should do. The answer was, “Nothing at all ;' and nothing was done. Yet, a more honour

able class of persons, we are unblushingly assured by Mr. Manning, does not exist in any part of his Majesty's do* minions, than the inhabitants of Barbadoes.'

• So are they all, all honourable men.' These are the injured and aspersed Colonists, to whose enlightened sense of justice and humanity, we are to commit the task of legislating for themselves and their own slaves !

In Berbice, nothing has been done, the Governor having repeatedly pressed the subject on the Council of that Colony without effect; and he informs Lord Bathurst, that he has

no hope of their acceding in any manner to the proposed measures of his Majesty's Government.' In Bermuda, not the slightest movement has been made towards reform. From Demerara, where the Missionary Smith was sentenced to be hanged, to the eternal infamy of his judges, -- from that scene of legalised

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atrocities, what could be expected? Their attempts to resist
or to evade the directions transmitted to them, have compelled-
Lord Bathurst to intimate, that. however desirous his Majes-
• ty's Government may be that the origination of this measure
of melioration should proceed from the Court of Policy, they
I would feel it their paramount duty to issue without further
• delay an Order of Council for the purpose of carrying them
• into effeci,'- in the event of their not being inimediately
adopted. In Dominica, nothing has been done. In Grenada,
a bill had, after considerable delay, passed the Assembly, the
particulars of which have not transpired. From Montserrat,
no information has been received. Nevis waits till it learns
what has been done by St. Christophers; and St. Christophers
gives fair promises of doing something “ upon the express sti-

pulation of full and fair indemnity for every interest that shall
• be injured thereby.' St. Lucia objects to Lord Bathurst's
instructions,—especially to the abolition of Sunday markets.
and of the flogging of women, and to the proposed facilities
for manumission : religious instruction is deemed scarcely
practicable.' There is not, it seems, a Protestant minister
or Protestant place of worship in the whole colony, nor a
place of worship of any kind at the chief town. The legis-
lature of St. Vincent begs leave to reject Lord Bathurst's very
unnecessary innovations. In Tobago, some improvements
have been made on their former slave-code, but the House of
Assembly have rejected the Trinidad order entirely. In Trini-
dad itself, that order was received with grief and dismay, and
the planters affected to regard it as the work of the Abolition-
ists; but happily, no legislative assembly exists there to as-
sume the high airs of independence, and the order has taken
effect. Thus, then, the reader will see, that, in all the colo-
nies, more or less, a spirit of determined resistance has mani-
fested itself on the part of the local legislatures, to the mode-
rate requisitions of his Majesty's ministers; and the colonists
generally exult in the refusal, encouraging each other to per-
severe in the same contumacious course. What remains, then,
but for the British Parliament to do its duty ?

The people of England, however, have first a duty to perform. Their voice must be heard, without which the best intentioned and most powerful Administration will find it impossible to stem the broad and deep tide' of Colonial influence. The abolition of the Slave-trade, Mr. Stephen remarks, would have been finally lost, though supported by Mr. Pitt and many of his powerful colleagues, had not the public voice supported the influence of the Crown, though in the hands of such ministers as Lord Greuville and Mr. Fox, against the clamours of the colonists and their advocates in this country. It is not

every where.

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the less necessary now, that that support should be given to Ministers, to enable them fearlessly to prosecute the good work which they have to their own honour taken in hand. There cannot be a more mistaken or pernicious notion, than that the cause is safe, because Parliament are pledged, and Ministers committed to accomplish the desired reform. On both sides of the House, the Abolitionists have to contend with numerous and powerful enemies. Colonial influence insinuates itself

*It is felt,' says Mr. Stephen, even in the Cabinet; it is potent in every department of the State; and ‘no inconsiderable part of the aristocracy is, by property or family connexion, placed under its guidance or control. As to the commercial body, a great part of it in the principal seats of foreign commerce, London, Liverpool, Bristol, and Glasgow,

is, directly or indirectly, chained by private interest to the • Colonial cause.' Giving Mr. Canning and Earl Bathurst all the confidence, honour, and thanks that they deserve, they do not constitute the entire Cabinet; nor must it be forgotten, how unwelcome soever the recollection, that they are linked with men who ranked foremost among the advocates of the Slave-trade itself. That that infernal traffic shall not be revived, we have no adequate security so long as the present system of West India slavery and colonial legislation is suffered to survive. It was the voice of the nation that carried the Abolition after a struggle of twenty years; and it remains with the nation to determine, whether that victory of Christian philanthropy over the demons of cupidity and infernal cruelty shall be rendered abortive by the white mobs of our own West India islands.

Efforts will no doubt be made to gain further time for the purpose of delusion. This was the policy of the apologists for the Slave-trade : the same tactics will be adopted by the advocates of slavery. For this purpose, Parliamentary legislation will be deprecated ; and even Mr. Canning may be prevailed upon to give further space for repentance and amendment to the intractable and faithless Colonial Assemblies. On this point, the words of the Right Honourable Secretary in reference to the Slave Trade, in 1799, supply a forcible admonition at the present juncture.

• Trust not the masters of slaves in what concerns legislation for, slaves. However specious their laws may appear, depend upon it, they must be ineffectual in their operation. It is in the nature of things that they should be so. Let then the British House of Com. mons do their part themselves. Let them not delegate the trust of doing it to those who cannot execute that trust fairly. Let the evil be remedied by an Assembly of freemen, by the Government of a

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