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ing devoted a part of their territory to the raising of grain. (Adelung, Mithradates, vol. 2, p. 96) PictóNes, a people of Aquitanic Gaul, a short distance below the Ligeris or Loire. Their territory corresponds to the modern Poitou. Ptolemy assigns them two capitals, Augustoritum and Limonum, but the former in strictness belonged to the Lemovices. The city of Limonum, the true capital, answers to the modern Poitiers. Strabo gives the name of this people with the short penult, Ptolemy with the long one. The short quantity is followed by Lucan (1, 436): Ammianus Marcellinus uses the form Pictavi. (Amm. Marcell., 15, 11.) Picum.NUs and Pilu MNUs, two deities of the Latins, presiding over nuptial auspices. (Non., c. 12, n. 36. —Varro, ap. Non., l.c.) The new-born child, too, was placed by the midwife on the ground, and the favour of these deities was propitiated for it. Pilumnus was also one of the three deities who kept off Silvanus from lying-in women at night. (Varro, frag., p. 231.) The other two were Intercido and Deverra. Three men went by night round the house, to signify that these deities were watchful : they first struck the threshold with an axe, then with a pestle (pilum), and finally swept (decerrere) with brooms; because trees are not cut (carduntur) and pruned without an axe, corn bruised without a pestle, or heaped up without brooms. Hence the names of the deities, who prevented the wood-god Silvanus from molesting parturient females. (Keightley's Mythology, p. 537.) Servius, in place of Picumnus, uses the name Pithumnus, and makes this deity to have been the brother of Pilumnus, and to have discovered the art of manuring land ; hence he was also called Stercutius and Sterquilinus, from stercus, “manure.” The same authority makes Pilumnus, to have invented the art of pounding corn in a mortar (pilum), whence his name. (Serp. ad Virg., AEn., 9, 4.—Compare Plin., 3, 18.) Some of the ancient grammarians regarded these two deities as identical with Castor and Pollux, than which nothing can be more erroneous. Piso, one of this class of writers, deduced the name Pilumnus from pello, “to drive away” or “avert,” because he averted the evils that are incident to infancy, “quia pellit mala infantia.” (Spangenberg, Wet. Lat. Relig. Domest., p. 65.) Picus, a fabulous king of Latium, son of Saturn, and celebrated for his beauty and his love of steeds. He married Canens, the daughter of Janus and Wenilia, renowned for the sweetness and power of her voice. One day Picus went forth to the chase clad in a purple cloak, bound round his neck with gold. He entered the wood where Circe happened to be at that time gathering magic herbs. She was instantly struck o love, and implored the prince to respond to her passion. Picus, faithful to his beloved Canens, indignantly spurned her advances, and Circe, in revenge, struck him with her wand, and instantly he was changed into a bird with purple plumage and a ..". ring around its neck. This bird was called by is name Picus, “the woodpecker.” (Ovid, Met., 14, 320, seqq.—Plut., Quast. Rom., 21.) Servius says that Picus was married to Pomona (ad AEn., 7, 190). —This legend seems to have been devised to give an origin for the woodpecker after the manner of the Greeks. (Keightley's Mythology, p. 538.-Compare Spangenberg, Wet. Lat. %. Dom, p. 62.) Pieria, I. a region of Macedonia, directly north of Thessaly, and extending along the Thermaic Gulf. It formed one of the most interesting parts of Macedonia, both in consideration of the traditions to which it has given birth, as being the first seat of the Muses, and the birthplace of Orpheus; and also of the important events which occurred there at a later period, involving the destiny of the Macedonian empire, and many other parts of Greece. The name of Pieria,
which was known to Homer (Il, 14, 226), was derived apparently from the Pieres, a Thracian people, who were subsequently expelled by the Temenidae, the conquerors of Macedonia, and driven north beyond the Strymon and Mount Pangaeus, where they formed a new settlement. (Thucyd., 2, 99–Herod., 7, 112.) The boundaries which historians and geographers have assigned to this province vary; for Strabo, or, rather, his epitomiser, includes it between the Hallacmon and Axius. (Strab., 330.) Livy also seems to place it north of Dium (44, 9), while most authors ascribe that town to Pieria. Ptolemy gives the name of Pieria to all the country between the mouth of the Peneus and that of the Ludias. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 204.)—II. A district of Syria, bounded on the west by the Sinus Issicus, on the north by Mount Pierius (the southern continuation of Amanus), from which the region received its name. (Ptol.—Bischoff und Möller, Worterb. der Geogr., p. 851.) Piekipes, I. a name given to the Muses, from the district of Pieria, their natal region. (Wid. Musae.)— II. The nine daughters of Pierus, who challenged the Muses to a contest of skill, and were overcome and changed into magpies. Some suppose that the victorious Muses took their name, just as Minerva, according to some authorities, assumed that of the giant Pallas after she had conquered him. (Ovid, Mct., 5, 300.) Piłrus, a native of Thessaly, father of the Pierides who challenged the Muses. (Vid Pierides, II.) PIGRUM M Are, an appellation given to the extreme Northern Ocean, from its being supposed to be in a semi-congealed or sluggish state. (Plin., 4, 13– Tacit., Germ., 45.) PILUMNUs. Vid. Picumnus. PIMPLEA, a small town of Macedonia, not far from Dium and Libethra, where Orpheus was said by some to have been born. (Strab., Epit., 330.—Apollon. Rhod., 1, 23, et Schol. ad loc.—Lycophr., v. 273.) Pin ARII and Potitii, two distinguished families among the subjects of Evander, at the time when Hercules visited Italy on his return from Spain. A sacrifice having been offered to the hero by Evander, the Potitii and Pinarii were invited to assist in the ceremonies and share the entertainment. It happened that the Potitii attended in time, and the entrails were served up to them ; the Pinarii, arriving after the entrails were eaten, came in for the rest of the feast; hence it continued a rule, as long as the Pinarian family existed, that they should not eat of the entrails. The Potitii, instructed by Evander, were directors of that solemnity for many ages, until the solemn office of the family was delegated to public servants, on which the whole race of the Potitii became extinct. This desecration of the rites of Hercules was brought about, it is said, by the censor Appius Claudius, who induced the Potitii by means of a large sum of money to teach the manner of performing these rites to the public slaves mentioned above. (Liv., 1, 7–Id., 9, 29.—Festus, s. v. Potitium.—Serv. ad AEm., 8, 269) PINKrus, a river of Cilicia Campestris, rising in Mount Amanus, and falling into the Sinus Issicus near Issus. The Greek and Persian armies were at first drawn up on opposite banks of this stream: Darius on the side of Issus, Alexander towards Syria. The modern name of the Pinarus is the Deh-sou. (French Strabo, vol. 4, pt. 2, p. 384.) Pindirus, a celebrated lyric poet of Thebes, in Boeotia, born, according to jo. in the spring of 522 B.C. (Olympiad 643), and who died, according to a probable statement, at the age of eighty. (Pindar, ed. Böckh, vol. 3, p. 12.-Compare Clinton, Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. 17, who makes his birth-year 518 B.C.) He was, therefore, nearly in the prime of life at the time when Xerxes invaded Greece, and when
the battles of Thermopyle and Salamis were fought; and he thus belongs to that period of the Greek nation when its great qualities were first distinctly unfolded, and when it exhibited an energy of action and a spirit of enterprise never afterward surpassed, together with a love of poetry, art, and philosophy, which produced much, and promised to produce more. His native lace was Cynocephalae, a village in the territory of Thebes, and the family of the poet seems to have been skilled in music: since we learn from the ancient biographies of him, that his father or his uncle was a flute-player. But Pindar, very early in life, soared far beyond the sphere of a flute-player at festivals, or even a lyric poet of merely local celebrity. Although, in his time, the voices of Pierian bards, and of epic poets of the Hesiodean school, had long been mute in Boeotia, yet there was still much love for music and poetry, which had taken the prevailing form of lyric and choral compositions. That these arts were widely cultiwated in Boeotia is proved by the fact that two females, Myrtis and Corinna, had attained celebrity in them during the youth of Pindar. Both were competitors with him in poetry. Myrtis strove with the bard for a prize at public games; and although Corinna said, “It is not meet that the clear-toned Myrtis, a woman born, should enter the lists with Pindar,” yet she is said (perhaps from jealousy of his rising fame) to have often contended against him in the agones, and five times to have gained the victory. (AEluan, W. H., 13, 24.) Corinna also assisted the young poet with her advice; and it is related of her, that she recommended him to ornament his productions with mythical narrations; but that, when he had composed a hymn, in the first six verses of which (still extant) almost the whole of the Theban mythology was introduced, she smiled and said, “We should sow with the hand, not with the whole sack.”—Pindar placed himself under the tuition of Lasus of Hermione, a distinguished poet, but probably better versed in the theory than the practice of poetry and music. Since Pindar made these arts the whole business of his life, and was nothing but a poet and musician, he soon extended the boundaries of his art to the whole Greek nation, and composed ems of the choral lyric kind for persons in all parts of Greece. At the age of twenty he composed a song of victory in honour of a Thessalian youth belonging to the family of the Aleuada (Pyth. 10, composed in Olympiad 69.3, B.C. 502). We find him employed soon af. terward for the Sicilian rulers, Hiero of Syracuse and Theron of Agrigentum; for Arcesilaus, king of Cyrene, and Amyntas, king of Macedonia, as well as for the free cities of Greece. He made no distinction according to the race of the persons whom he celebrated: he was honoured and loved by the Ionian states for himself as well as for his art : the Athenians made him their public guest (rpáševoc); and the inhabitants of Ceos employed him to compose a processional song (rpoočátov), although they had their own poets, Simonides and Bacchylides. Pindar, however, was not a common mercenary poet, always ready to sing the praises of him whose bread he ate. He received, indeed, money and presents for his poems, according to the general usage previously introduced by Simonides; yet his poems are the genuine expression of his thoughts and feelings. In his praises of virtue and good fortune, the colours which he employs are not too vivid : nor does he avoid the darker shades of his subject; he often suggests topics of consolation for t and present evil, and sometimes warns and exso, to avoid future calamity. Thus he ventures to speak freely to the powerful Hiero, whose many great and noble qualities were alloyed by insatiable cupidity and ambition, which his courtiers well knew how to turn to a bad account; and he addresses himself in the same manly tone to Arcesilaus IV., king of Cyrene, who afterward brought on the ruin of his dynasty by his tyrannical severity, Thus lofty and dignified
was the position which Pindar assumed with regard to these princes; and, in accordance with this, he frequently proclaims, that frankness and sincerity are always laudable. But his intercourse with the princes of his time appears to have been limited to poetry. We do not find him, like Simonides, the daily associate, counsellor, and friend of kings and statesmen; he plays no part in the public events of the time, either as a politician or a courtier. Neither was his name, like that of Simonides, distinguished in the Persian war: partly be
cause his fellow-citizens, the Thebans, were, together
with half of the Grecian nation, on the Persian side, while the spirit of independence and victory was with the other half. Nevertheless, the lofty character of Pindar's muse rises superior to these unfavourable circumstances. He did not, indeed, make the vain attempt of gaining over the Thebans to the cause of Greece; but he sought to appease the internal dissensions which threatened to destroy Thebes during the war, by admonishing his fellow-citizens to union and concord (Polyb., 4, 31, 5.-Frag. incert., 125, ed. Bockh); and, after the war was ended, he openly proclaims, in odes intended for the AEginetans and Athenians, his admiration of the heroism of the victors.Having mentioned nearly all that is known of the events of Pindar's life, and his relations to his contemporaries, we proceed to consider him more closely as a poet, and to examine the character and form of his poetical productions. The only class of poems which enable us to judge of Pindar's general style are the trivirua, or triumphal odes. Pindar, indeed, excelled in all the known varieties of choral poetry; namely, hymns to the gods, paeans, and dithyrambs appropriate to the worship of particular divinities, odes for processions (Tpooãówa), songs of maidens (raptéveta), mimic dancing songs (tropx?uara), drinking songs (akożuń), dirges (9pivot), and encomiastic odes to princes (8) routa), which last approached most nearly to the étruikua. The poems of Pindar in these various styles were nearly as renowned among the ancients as the triumphal odes, which is proved by the numerous quotations of them. Horace, too, in enumerating the different styles of Pindar's poetry, puts the dithyramb first, then the hymns, and afterward the epinikia and the dirges. Nevertheless, there must have been some decided superiority in the epinikia, which caused them to be more frequently transcribed in the later period of antiquity, and thus rescued them from perishing with the rest of the Greek lyric poetry. At any rate, these odes, from the vast variety of their subjects and style, and their refined and elaborate structure, some approaching to hymns and paans, others to scolia and hyporchemes, serve to indemnify us for the loss of the other sorts of lyric poetry. We will now explain, as briefly as possible, the occasion of an epinikian ode, and the mode of its execution. A victory has been gained in a contest at a festival, particularly at one of the four great games most prized by the Greeks. Such a victory as this, which shed a lustre not only on the victor himself, but on his family, and even on his native city, demanded a solemn celebration. This celebration might be performed by the victor's friends on the spot where the prize was obtained; as, for example, at Olympia, when, in the evening, after the termination of the contests, by the light of the moon, the whole sanctuary resounded with joyful songs after the manner of encomia; or it might be deferred till after the victor's solemn return to his native city, where it was sometimes repeated in following years, in commemoration of his success. A celebration of this kind always had a religious character; it often began with a procession to an altar or temple, in the place where the games had been held, or in the native city of the conqueror; a sacrifice, followed by a banquet, was then offered at the temple, or in the house of the victor; and the whole solemnity conclu
ded with the merry and boisterous revel called by the Greeks köuor. At this sacred and, at the same time, joyous solemnity (a mingled character frequent among the Greeks), appeared the chorus, trained by the poet or some other skilled person, for the purpose of reciting the triumphal hymn, which was considered the fairest ornament of the festival. It was during either the procession or the banquet that the hymn was recited, as it was not properly a religious hymn, which could be combined with the sacrifice. The form of the poem must, to a certain extent, have been determined by the occasion on which it was to be recited. From expressions which occur in several epinikian odes, it is probable that all odes consisting of strophes without epodes were sung during a procession to a temple or to the house of the victor; although there are others which contain expressions denoting movement, and which yet have epodes. It is possible that the epodes in the latter odes may have been sung at certain intervals when the procession was not advancing; for an epode, according to the statements of the ancients, always required that the chorus should be at rest. But by far the greater number of the odes of Pindar were sung at the Comus, at the jovial termination of the feast: and hence Pindar himself more frequently names his odes from the Comus than from the victory. The occasion of the epinikian ode—a victory in the sacred games—and its end—the ennobling of a solemnity connected with the worship of the gods—required that it should be composed in a lofty and dignified style. But, on the other hand, the boisterous mirth of the feast did not admit the severity of the antique poetic style, like that of the hymns and nomes; it demanded a free and lively expression of feeling, in harmony with the occasion of the festival, and suggesting the noblest ideas connected with the victor. Pindar, however, gives no detailed description of the victory, as this would have been only a repetition of the spectacle which had already been beheld with enthusiasm by the assembled Greeks; nay, he osten bestows only a few words on the victory, recording its place, and the sort of contest in which it was won. On the other hand, we often find a precise enumeration of all the victories, not only of the actual victor, but of his entire family: this must evidently have been required of the poet. Nevertheless, he does not (as many writers have supposed) treat the victory as a merely secondary object ; which he despatches quickly, in order to pass on to objects of greater interest. The victory, in truth, is always the point upon which the whole of the ode turns; only he regards it, not simply as an incident, but as connected with the whole life of the victor. Pindar establishes this connexion by forming a high conception of the fortunes and character of the victor, and by representing the victory as the result of them. And as the Greeks were less accustomed to consider a man in his individual capacity than as a member of his state and his family, so Pindar considers the renown of the victor in connexion with the past and the present condition of the race and state to which he belongs. Even, however, when the skill of the victor is put in the foreground, Pindar, in general, does not content himself with celebrating this bodily prowess alone, but he usually adds some moral virtue which the victor has shown, or which he recommends and extols. This virtue is sometimes moderation, sometimes wisdom, sometimes filial love, sometimes piety to the gods. The latter is frequently represented as the main cause of the victory; the victor having thereby obtained the protection of the deities who preside over gymnastic contests, as Mercury or the Dioscuri. —Whatever might be the theme of one of Pindar's epinikian odes, it would naturally not be developed with the systematic completeness of a philosophical treatise. Pindar, however, has undoubtedly much of that sententious
wisdom, which began to show itself among the Greeks at the time of the Seven Wise Men, and which formed an important element of elegiac and choral lyric poetry before the time of Pindar.—The other element of his poetry, his mythical narratives, occupies, however, far more space in most of his odes. That these are not mere digressions for the sake of ornament has been fully proved by modern commentators.-This admixture of apophthegmatic maxims and typical nar ratives would alone render it difficult to follow the thread of Pindar's meaning; but, in addition to this cause of obscurity, the entire plan of his poetry is so intricate, that a modern reader often fails to understand the connexion of the parts, even where he thinks he has found a clew. Pindar begins an ode full of the lofty conception which he has formed of the glorious destiny of the victor; and he seems, as it were, carried away by the flood of images which this conception pours forth. He does not attempt to express directly the general idea, but follows the strain of thought which it suggests into its details, though without losing sight of their reference to the main object. Accordingly, when he has pursued a train of thought, either in an apophthegmatic or mythical form, up to a certain point, he breaks off, before he has gone far enough to make the application to the victor sufficiently clear; he then takes up another thread, which is, perhaps, soon dropped for a fresh one ; and at the end of the ode he gathers up all these different threads, and weaves them together into one web, in which the general idea predominates. By reserving the explanations of his allusions until the end, #. cotttrives that his odes should consist of parts which are not complete or intelligible in themselves; and thus the curiosity of the reader is kept on the stretch throughout the entire ode.—The characteristics of Pindar's poetry, which have just been explained, may be discovered in all his epinikian odes. Their agreement, however, in this respect, is quite consistent with the extraordinary variety of style and expression which belongs to this class of poems. Every epinikian ode of Pindar has its peculiar tone, depending upon the course of the ideas and the consequent choice of the expressions. The principal differences are connected with the choice of the rhythms, which again is regulated by the musical style. ...; to the last distinction, the epinikia of Pindar are o three sorts, loric, Æolic, and Lydian ; which can be easily distinguished, although each admits of innumerable varieties. In respect of metre, every ode of Pindar has an individual character, no two odes being of the same metrical structure. In the Doric ode the same metrical forms occur as those which prevailed in the choral lyric poetry of Stesichorus, namely, systems of dactyls and trochaic dipodies, which most nearly approach the stateliness of the hexameter. Accordingly, a severe dignity pervades these odes; the mythical narrations are developed with greater fulness, and the ideas are limited to the subject, and are free from personal feeling; in short, their general character is that of calmness and elevation. The language is epic, with a slight Doric tinge, which adds to its brilliancy and dignity. The rhythms of the AEolic odes resemble those of the Lesbian poetry, in which hght dactylic, trochaic, or logaoedic metres prevailed: these rhythms, however, when applied to choral lyric poetry, were rendered far more various, and thus often acquired a character of greater volubility and liveliness. The AEolic odes, from the rapidity and variety of their movement, have a less uniform character than the Doric odes; for example, the first Olympic, with its joyous and glowing images, is very different from the second, in which a lofty melancholy is expressed, and from the ninth, which has an air of proud and complacent self-reliance. The language of the Æolic epinikia is also bolder, more difficult in its syntax, and marked by rarer dialectic forms. Lastly, there are the Lydian odes, the number of which is inconsiderable: their metre is mostly trochaic, and of a particularly soft character, agreeing with the tone of the poetry. Pindar appears to have preferred the Lydian rhythms for odes which were destined to be sung during a procession to a temple or at the altar, and in which the favour of the deity was implored in an humble spirit. (Müller, Gr. Lit., p. 216, seqq.) —The scholar comes to the study of Pindar, as to that of one whom sable and history, poetry and criticism, have alike delighted to honour. The writers of Greece speak of him as the man whose birth was celebrated by the songs and dances of the deities themselves, in joyous anticipation of those immortal hymns which he was to frame in their praise; to whom in after life the God of Poetry himself devoted a share of the of. ferings brought to his shrine, and conceded a chair of honour in his most favoured temple. These were indeed fables, but fables that evinced the truth: the reputation which they testified went on increasing in magnitude and splendour. The glory of succeeding poets, the severity of the most refined criticism, the spread of sceptic philosophy no way impaired it ; it was not obscured by the literary darkness of his country; it was not overpowered by the literary brightness of rival states. The fastidious Athenian was proud of the compliment paid to his city by a Boeotian; the elegant Rhodian inscribed his verses in letters of gold within the temple of his guardian deity; and, in a later age, Alexander, the son of Philip, “bade spare the house of Pindarus,” when Thebes sell in ruins beneath his hand. Pindar has not improperly been called the Sacerdotal Poet of Greece; and that he must have been of high consideration with the priesthood will be easily believed. He stood forth the champion of the “graceful religion of Greece;” and he seems to have laboured, on the one hand, to defend it from the sneers and profaneness of the philosophers; and, on the other, to spiritualize it, and to prevent its degenerating into the mere image-worship of the vulgar. His deities, therefore, are neither like those of Homer, nor the insulted Olympians of AEschylus; they come in visions of the night; they stand in a moment before the eyes of the mortal who prays to them, and whom they deign to favour; they see and hear all things; they flit in an instant from land to land, and the elements yield, and are innoxuous to their impassible forms. But these forms are not minutely described; the sables respecting them are rejected in the whole as untrue, or better versions of them are given. With Pindar the deity is not the capricious, jealous being, whose evil eye the fortunate man has reason to tremble at ; but just, benignant, the author and wise ruler of all things; whom it is dreadful to slander, and with whom it is idle to contend : he moulds everything to his will ; he bows the spirit of the high-minded, and crowns with glory the moderate and humble; he is the guardian of princes, and if he deign not to be a guide to the ruler of the city, it is hard indeed to restore the people to order and peace. Nor is this all. Pindar is not merely a devout, but he is also an eminently moral poet. Plato observes of him, in the Menon, that he maintained the immortality of the soul; and he lays down, with remarkable distinctness, the doctrine of future happiness or misery. On principles such as these, it is no wonder that Pindar's poetry should abound with maxims of the highest morality in every part ; not a page, indeed, is without them. They spread a colour over the whole, of which no idea can Ye given by a few extracts. (Quarterly Review, No. 56, p. 410, seqq.)—We have remaining, at the present day, forty-five of the Epinikia, or triumphal odes of Pindar, together with some few fragments of his other productions. The Epinikia are divided into four classes or kinds, and derive their names respectively from
the four great games of Greece. Thus we have, 1st, Olympic Odes, to the number of fourteen ; 2d, Pythian, to the number of twelve; 3d, Nemean, eleven in number; and, 4th, Isthmian, amounting to eight. This division, however, is not that of the poet himself; we owe it to the grammarian Aristophanes of Byzantium. This individual selected out of the general collection of Epinikia a certain number of pieces that had reference, more or less, to victories gained at the several games of Greece. It did not suffice, in the eyes of this critic, that an ode should celebrate some victory gained in these assemblies in order to be judged worthy of a place in his selection; for there are fragments remaining of the poems of Pindar which have direct allusion to such subjects, and yet were excluded by Aristophanes. On the other hand, we find, in the selection made by him, one ode, having no reference to any particular victory, namely, the second Pythian; as well as some others, which, though they celebrate deeds of martial prowess, contain no mention whatever of those peculiar exploits, of which the four great national celebrations of the Hellenic race were respectively the theatres.—Hermann has shown, that the basis of Pindar's diction is epic, but that he employs Doric forms as often as they appear more expressive, or are better adapted to the metre which he employs. Sometimes he gives the preference to Æolic forms, which was his native dialect. Hermann also remarks, that the verses of Pindar abound in hiatus, without there being any appearance of his having used the diamma, which in his days had partially disappeared
rom the AEolic dialect, and which Alcaeus and Sappho
had only occasionally employed. After the example of the ancient poets, he makes the vowel long which is followed by a mute and liquid. The remark of Hermann respecting the mixture of dialects in Pindar has been j in by Böckh, who observes, that the copyists have frequently removed the Doricisms from the Olympic Odes, while they have been preserved more carefully in the other works of the poet.—The best edition of Pindar is that of Böckh, Lips., 1811–22, 3 vols. 4to. The text is corrected by the aid of thirty-seven MSS. Previous to the appearance of this edition, that of Heyne was regarded as the best. Heyne's work appeared in 1773, Götting, 2 vols. 8vo. A second edition of it was published in 1798, Götting, 3 vols. 8vo, containing Hermann's commentary on the metres of Pindar. The third edition appeared, after Heyne's death, in 1817, under the supervision of Schaeffer. An excellent school and college edition, by L. Dissen, based on that of Böckh, forms part of Jacobs's and Rost's “Bibliotheca Graeca,” Goth, et Erfurdt., 1830, 8vo. (Schöll, Gesch. Gr. Lit., vol. l, p. 196, seqq.—Id. ib., vol 3, p. 598.) INDENIssus, a city of Cilicia, belonging to the Eleuthero-Cilices. It was situated on a height of great elevation and strength, forming part of the range of Amanus. Cicero took it after a siege of 57 days, and compelled the Tibareni, a neighbouring tribe, to submit likewise. The modern Behesni is supposed to occupy its site. (Cic., Ep. ad Fam, 15, 4.—Id., Ep. ad Att., 5, 20.) PINdus, I. a name applied by the Greeks to the elevated chain which separates Thessaly from Epirus, and the waters falling into the Ionian Sea and Ambracian Gulf, from those streams which discharge themselves into the Ægean. Towards the north it joined the great Illyrian and Macedonian ridges of Bora and Scardus, while to the south it was connected with the ramifications of CEta, and the AEtolian and Acarnanian mountains. (Herodotus, 7, 129.-Strabo, 430.Pind, Pyth., 9, 27.—Virgil, Eclog., 10, 11.-Ovid, Metamorph., 2, 224. — Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 1, p. 353.)—II. A town and river of Doris in Greece. The river flowed into the Cephissus at
Lilaea, a Phocian town. According to Strabo, the earlier name of the town was Acryphas. (Strabo, 427.) Pir AEUM, a small fortress of Corinthia, on the Sinus
Corinthiacus, and not far from the promontory of Olmiae. It was taken on one occasion by Agesilaus. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 4, 5, 5–Id., Wit. Ages, 2, 18.) We must not confound this place with the Corinthian harbour of Piraeus, on the Sinus Saronicus, near the confines of Argolis. (Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 3,
. 34.) P Piræus (IIeupatóc), or Pir AEEUs (IIeupatetic), a celebrated and capacious harbour of Athens, at some distance from it, but joined to it by long walls, called Flaxpú reixn. The southern wall was built by Themistocles, and was 35 stadia long and 40 cubits high; this height was but half of what Themistocles designed. The northern was built by Pericles; its height the same as the former, its length 40 stadia. Both of these walls were sufficiently broad on the top to admit of two wagons passing each other. The stones were of an enormous size, joined together without any ce. ment, but with clamps of iron and lead, which, with their own weight, easily sufficed to unite walls even of so great a height as 40 cubits (60 feet). Upon both of the walls a great number of turrets were erected, which were turned into dwelling-houses when the Athenians became so numerous that the city was not large enough to contain them. The wall which encompassed the Munychia, and joined it to the Piraeus, was 60 stadia, and the exterior wall on the other side of the city was 43 stadia, in length. Athens had three harbours, of which the Piraeus was by far the largest. East of it was the second one, called Munychia; and, still farther east, the third, called Phalerus, the least frequented of the three. The entrance of the Piraeus was narrow, being contracted by two projecting promontories. . Within, however, it was very capacious, and contained three large basins or ports, named Cantharus, Aphrodisus, and Zea. The first was called af. ter an ancient hero, the second after Venus, the third from the term ša, signifying bread-corn. The Piraeus is said to have been capable of containing 300 ships. The walls which joined it to Athens, with all its fortifications, were totally demolished when Lysander put an end to the Peloponnesian war by the reduction of Attica. . They were rebuilt by Conon with the money supplied by the Persian commander Pharnabazus, aster the defeat of the Lacedæmonians, in the battle off the Arginusae Insulae. In after days the Piraeus suffered greatly from Sylla, who demolished the walls, and set fire to the armory and arsenals. It must not be ima
ined, however, that the Piraeus was a mere harbour. t was, in fact, a city of itself, abounding with temples, porticoes, and other magnificent structures. Strabo compares the maritime part of Athens to the city of the Rhodians, since it was thickly inhabited, and enclosed with a wall, comprehending within its circuit the Piraeus and the other ports. Little, however, remains of the former splendour of the Piraeus. According to Hobhouse, nothing now is left to lead one to suppose that it was ever a large and flourishing port. (Journey, vol. 1, p. 299.) The ancient Zea is a marsh, and Cantharus of but little depth. The deepest water, is at the mouth of the ancient Aphrodisus. He adds, that the ships of the ancients must have been extremely small, if 300 could be contained within the Piræus, since he saw an Hydriote merchant-vessel, of about 200 tons, at anchor in the port, which appeared too large for the station, and an English sloop of war was warned that she would run aground if she attempted to enter, and was therefore compelled to anchor in the straits between Salamis and the port once called Phoron. The Piræus is now called Draco by the Greeks, but by the Franks Porto Leone, from the figure of a stone lion with which it was anciently adorned, and which was carried away by the Venetians.
1. Athenian Imports and Exports.
The commodities which Attica did not produce within her own territory, were obtained by soreign commerce, and, unless the importation was prevented by some extraordinary obstacle, such, sor example, as war, there could be no danger of a scarcity, even in the case of a failure of the crops, because it consumed the surplus produce of other countries. (Xen., Repub. Ath, 2, 6.) Although not an island, yet it possessed all the advantages of insular position, that is, excellent harbours conveniently situated, in which it received supplies during all winds; in addition to which, it had sufficient facilities for inland traffic : the intercourse with other countries was promoted by the purity of the coin, as the merchant, not being obliged to take a return freight, had the option of carrying out bullion, although Athens abounded in commodities which would meet with a ready sale. (Xen., de Vect., 1, 7.) If a stagnation in trade was not produced by war or piracy, all the products of foreign countries came to Athens ; and articles which in other places could hardly be obtained single, were collected together at the Piraeus. (Thucyd., 2, 38.-Isocr., Paneg., p. 34, ed. Hall.) Besides the corn, the costly wines, iron, brass, and other objects of commerce, which came from all the regions of the Mediterranean, they imported from the coasts of the Black Sea slaves, timber for shipbuilding, salt fish, honey, wax, tar, wool, rigging. leather, goatskins, &c.; from Byzantium, Thrace, and Macedonia, timber, slaves, and salt fish; also, slaves from Thessaly, whither they came from the interior; and carpets and fine wool from Phrygia and Miletus. “All the finest products,” says Xenophon, “of Sicily, of Italy, Cyprus, Lydia, the Pontus, and the Peloponnesus, Athens, by her empire of the sea, is able to collect into one spot.” (Repub. Ath, 2, 7.) To this far-extended intercourse the same author attributes the mixture of all dialects which prevailed at Athens, and the admission of barbarous words into the language of ordinary life. On the other hand, Athens conveyed to different regions the products of her own soil and labour; in addition to which, the Athenian merchant trafficked in commodities which they collected in other countries. Thus, they took up wine from the islands and shores of the AEgean Sea, at Peparethus, Cos, Thasus, and elsewhere, and transported it to the Euxine. (Demosth. in Lacrit., p. 935.) The trade in books alone appears to have made but small advances in Greece, a branch of industry which was more widely extended in the Roman Empire after the reign of Augustus. There was, it is true, a bookmarket (ra Bib2a) at Athens (Jul. Poll., 9, 47), and books were exported to the Euxine and to Thrace (Xen., Anab., 7, 5, 14), but there can be no doubt that the books meant were merely blank volumes. The trade in manuscripts was in the time of Plato so little common, that Hermodorus, who sold the books of this writer in Sicily, gave occasion to a proverb, “Hermodorus carries on trade with writings.” (Cic, Ep. ad Att., 13, 21.—Suid., s. v. 26)owaiv "Epudé-pot outropečerau.) At a subsequent period, while Zeno the Stoic was still a youth, dealers in manuscripts are mentioned as having been at Athens. (Dog. Laert., in Wit.) The merchant-vessels appear to have been of considerable size; not to quote an extraordinary instance, we find in Demosthenes (in Phorm.) a vessel of this kind, which, besides the cargo, the slaves, and the ship's crew, carried 300 free inhabitants. (Böckh, Public Economy of Athens, vol. 1, p. 65, seqq., Eng. transl.)
2. Credit System of the Athenians.
The advocates for a credit system at the present day will be agreeably surprised to find one fully established among the Athenians, and deemed by that in