« PoprzedniaDalej »
320 CONG..... 21 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Mr. Mason.
that it is fit and proper that the resolution should | whose remarks I listened, as I always do, not in this country, as to whether, in his opinion, the moment be then made, and that notice should be served on | only with pleasure, but with instruction, to be im
were not arrived when the two Governinents of Great Britain w
and the United States might not coine to some understandall mankind, I will go for it, with the proviso this pressed in some way that the doctrines thus as
ing with each other on the subject of the Spanish-American time, that the resolution never shall be outlawed, serted in the message of President Monroe, with colonies; and whether, if they could arrive at such underand that we shall not be under the necessity of re- reference to Spanish American affairs, were com
standing, it would not be expedient for themselves, and newing it again; but that all nations, for all time plicated with a like movement at that time on the
beneficial for the world, that ihe principles of it should be
clearly settled and plainly avowed." to come, shall take notice that this is the only 1l part of England; and that he gathered that immarket in which they can dispose of their colonies. I pression from the book published by Mr. Rush,
That was the first movement which brought the But I think the honorable Senator from Mich- || io which he referred. The message of President
Ministers of the two Powers together, and at the igan-for whom I have none but the kindest feel Monroe was his annual communication to Con
instance of Mr. Canning, who originated it. The ings, and the most profound respect-will not go | gress, in December, 1823. It took a general re
latter met Mr. Canning with the declaration that that far. view, of course, of all the foreign relations of
he had no power, having no instructions from his Mr. CASS. I will tell you when the time this country; and in speaking of the condition of
Government on that subject, but that it was a comes. the Republics, then independent, upon the conti.
matter of very great interest, and one that he knew Mr. HALE. I think the time has come now. || nent of South America, he reviewed the existing
his Government felt deeply concerned in; and There is the mistake. I think we are in an epoch, relations between them and their parent stock;
waiving the proposition of Mr. Canning, he availed (laughter,) and that if we ever mean to say it, now
himself of the occasion to press upon Mr. Canand it was in that connection, and in reference to is the time. I will not detain the Senate any longer, | Spanish America alone, that the principle adverted
ning, what England so far had not done, that she except simply to ask, when the vote is taken upon to was asserted. In March, 1822, Mr. Monroe,
should follow the example of the United States, my amendment that I may have the yeas and nays. by a special message, had solemnly invoked the
by recognizing the independence of those RepubMr. MASON. I wish to ask the honorable Congress of the United States to recognize the in
lics. The result was, that, after several days of Senator from Michigan, if I correctly understood dependence of certain of the South American Re
informal discussion and the exchange of notes, bim, in alluding to the conferences held by Mr.
| Mr. Rush consented, though without authority publics. He took the initiative in this, in advance Rush with Mr. Canning, then the British Secretary of all the Governments of the world, and called upon
from his Government, to make such a concerted of State for Foreign Affairs, to say that Mr. Rush Congress in the most solemn manner, declaring
declaration with England, provided England, as a was acting in pursuance of authority, or under the to them that the time had come to recognize the
preliminary, would recognize their independence. instructions of the President? independence of such of those Republics as had
In what position did England stand ? In a very Mr. CASS. Unquestionably. He had his con shown themselves equal to the new positions they
difficult and a very delicate one. It was then well sultation with Mr. Canning, after he had received had assumed. It was done. Congress, during
known that Spain was using every means to inthe declaration of Mr. Monroe, and knew the the same session of 1822, responded to the call.
duce her allies upon the continent to unite with whole views of the Government. At first, as I The House of Representatives passed a resolution
her in resubjugating her revolted colonies in Amerunderstand Mr. Rush's book, propositions had approving the recommendation, and Congress
ica, and it was equally well known that England been made, which he transmitted to the Govern- il made an appropriation to meet the necessary ex
was averse to it. It was well known that, beside ment, or on his own responsibility he had refused penses of diplomatic intercourse with them. That | grave political considerations, large commercial to join the American Congress, proposed to be was the first step which was taken by any Power
relations had grown up between England and held at Panama. The views of the Government toward the recognition of the independence of any
those Republics, which forbade the assent of Engwere fully conveyed to him before he had this part of South America.
| land to any such intervention, consultation with Mr. Canning; and he states ex At that time, as we are all well aware, the Gov
England felt herself in this position: If her conpressly that the first part of the declaration, with ernment of Old Spain-I mean the legitimate Gov
tinental allies yielded to the invitation of Spain, reference to the South American States, was well ernment of Spain—was held in a sort of pupilage
and united with her to resubjugate the colonies, it received by England, but the latter part, in refer by the Cortes, which had prescribed a constitutional
would involve England inevitably in a war with ence to anti-colonization by any European power, Il government for the King. When the act of the
those allies; and thus, though England was stimuwas not well received. American Government, recognizing the independ
lated by her subjects to recognize the independMr. MASON. Perhaps it would be as well for 'lence of the South American States, which had
ence of the South American States, the Governthe Senate to allow me five minutes to put this mat previously been colonies of Spain, came to them,
ment was deterred, and hesitated, because it might ter right, as a matter of history, and a very inter it first opened the eyes of Spain to the fact that its
drive her into a war with the whole continent of esting matter of history, connected with this dec- ll American colonies were in truth dismembered. Europe; and this recognition Mr. Rush had made laration of Mr. Monroe. I have no design to go | | There is a very interesting history of this subject
a condition precedent to any action on his part at length into the debate.
toward the concerted declaration. Eventually the given by Mr. Rush, who, at that time, was MinMr. BADGER. To accommodate the Senator, | ister of the United States in England. I wish to
subject was dropped between them, on the ground, I move that the Senate adjourn. refer to it, first, to show that the American Gov
as set forth by Mr. Canning, that Mr. Rush had Mr. GWIN. I hope this subject will go over ernment proceeded alone in everything that it did
no powers. So much is due to the history of that to next week. The Senator from Louisiana (Mr. relative to the affairs of Spanish America; and
occasion, to show that the United States as a GovSoule) intends to address the Senate upon it. secondly, that what the American Government
ernment never invited the coöperation of England The motion to adjourn was agreed to, and the then did was directed to Spanish America alone,
in the matter; that when the proposal was assentSenate adjourned. to the exclusion of any other matter connected
ed to in the modified form admitted by Mr. Rush, with our foreign relations. What is Mr. Rush's
it was assumed by him as his act, and without account? He says that, having occasion, in Au
authority from his Government, and that it was WEDNESDAY, January 19, 1853. gust, 1823, to ask an interview with the British
never subsequently confirmed by his Government. The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the joint resolutionMinister for Foreign Affairs, (then Mr. George
He, as a matter of course, communicated to his Canning,) after the object of the interview had
Government immediately and fully all that took Mr. MASON said: Mr. President, it may bebeen disposed of, (one which was totally foreign
| place; and in one of his letters, from which I come my duty, before the debate shall close, or the to the affairs of South America,) he“ transiently"
quote an extract, he told the Secretary of State vote be taken on the resolution offered by the Sen || asked Mr. Canning, as Mr. Rush expressed it,
this: ator from Michigan, to give my views at large
“Should the issue of things be different, and events, notabout the recent news from Spain. His inquiry upon the whole scope and tenor of that resolution.
withstanding, arise threatening the peace of the United of Mr. Canning was in these words, as stated in
States, or otherwise seriously to atfect their interest in any Yesterday, when the honorable Senator concluded ll his book: " The proper object of it [the confer way, in consequence of such a declaration by me, it would his introductory speech upon it, I was anxious to
still remain for the wisdom of my Government to disavow say a few words upon one branch of the subject notwithstanding the late news from Spain, we
my conduct, as it would manifestly have been without its only, in relation to a matter which, as I con
previous warrant." might not still hope that the Spaniards would get ceived, had been misinterpreted by the Senator the better of their difficulties?". The question was
Now, I think I have shown, in the first place, from Michigan in his remarks. I desired to do so thus transiently put upon a subject totally foreign that the true line of American policy of avoiding yesterday, in order that what I might say should to that which had brought them together. Mr. foreign alliances was not departed from in that go out contemporaneously with the speech of that Canning gave him the information, and it led to a
instance; and, secondly, that the Government of Senator; but I had not the opportunity, because of further conversation, in the course of which Mr. the United States not only preceded England, but the lateness of the hour; and I trust the Senate Canning inquired of Mr. Rush if the proper time preceded all other Powers in recognizing first, and will indulge me this morning in doing what I then had not arrived, in his opinion, for the two Govern alone, the independence of the South American coldesired to do. ments of England and the United States to make
onies. These propositions I may assume to be I wish to speak alone now of that portion of a concerted declaration upon the affairs of Spanish established. the message of President Monroe of 1823, which
America? This inquiry of Mr. Canning, as given I come now to the question, to what issue was was directed to the affairs of Spanish America, for by Mr. Rush, was as follows: “ Whether the this declaration of Mr. Monroe directed? With the purpose of showing that the principle asserted
• United States would join England in a concerted || a very limited knowledge of the practices of Govin that message had not been (as I understood |
declaration against the intervention of the Holy
ernments in their relations towards each other, but it to be asserted by the honorable Senator from · Alliance in the affairs of South America."
with some knowledge of human affairs and human Michigan) laid by in rust, and neglected as obso
In tracing this subject further, I have found the
conduct in the relations of the world, I apprehend lete and forgotten; but that the principle there as English account of this interview, given in a very that no principle can be more important to be mainserted had effected what it was intended to effect,
interesting work published by a gentleman who, tained than that declarations made, or positions aswhat alone it was intended to effect; and to show
I understand, was the Secretary of Mr. Canning sumed by the Powers of the world to regulate and that it cannot again be resuscitated by the Amer- | Mr. Stapleton- who wrote « The Political Life of define their intercourse with each other should not ican Government, unless the same contingency Canning." He states that
be extended by loose interpretation beyond their were to arise which brought it into being.
" Towards the latter end of August, 1823, Mr. Canning
legitimate scope and meaning.. What, then, was I understood the Senator from Michigan, to ll sounded Mr. Rush, the then Minister of the United States II the state of things to which this declaration by Mr.
320 Cong....20 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Messrs. Mason and Cass.
Monroe was directed? Why it was this, and this tested. Again, in a further paragraph, the mes “The question with regard to South America,” said Mr. alone: It was the imminently-threatened interven sage proceeds:
Brougham, " was now, he believed, disposed of, or nearly tion of the allied Powers of Europe to enforce on
so; for an event had recently happened, than which no
“With the existing colonies or dependencies of any Euthe continent of America, in the affuirs of Spain
event bad ever dispersed greater joy, exultation, and gratiropean Power we have not interfered, and shall not inter
free men of Europe: that event, which and her colonies, their continental system-"le Tere. But with the Governments who have declared their was decisive on the subject, was the language held with gitimacy.". It was directed to that, and confined
independence, and maintained it, and whose independence respect to Spanish Ainerica in the speech, or inessage of
we bave, on great consideration and on just principles, the President of the United States to Congress." to that, as I think I can show by a very few his
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the torical references. purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other
I shall not detain the Senate longer. All that Was that intervention threatened? The first manner their destiny, by any European Power, in any other I desired to do was to show, first, that there was piece of evidence I shall advert to on that point, light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition nothing to be found in the history of this occasion is a declaration made by Mr. Brougham, in the
showing any departure from the established policy House of Commons, in 1824, referring to the po
He then went on to speak of our policy in re of this Government to refrain from all foreign allisition of this Spanish question in the preceding gard to Europe. It was one of disconnection and ances whatever; secondly, that the declaration of year, as follows:
alienation. He referred to the system of the allied Mr. Monroe was guarded in its terms, and was « Mr. Brougham then proceeded to state, as an indispu
Powers on the continent of Europe, and concludes | designedly confined to the occasion then existing table tact, that' Ferdinand had been promised by the Emas follows:
-the apprehension that the Powers of Europe peror Alexander, that if the King of Spain would throw “ But in regard to these continents, circumstances are
would endeavor to establish their "continenial off the constitutional fetters by which he was trammeled, eminently and conspicuously difl'erent. It is impossible system” upon the continent of Ainerica. he would assist him in recovering his transatlantic do that the allied Powers should extend their political system I had a further object: to call upon the Senate minions.'»
to any portion of either continent, without endangering our At that time Louis XVIII. had been restored to peace and happiness ; nor can any one believe that our
and the country to prevent injustice to the memory southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of
of the great departed statesman whose act it was the Throne of France by the allied Powers. Fer their own accord.
to disclaim exiending his language beyond its true dinand of Spain, of the same family of Bourbons, “ It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should bewas upon his Throne it was true; but he was hold such interposition in any forın with indifference.”
import and its true meaning: You may establish
a principle, if you please, that European Powers fettered by the constitutional Cortes, who had As I read this matter, the true history of the oc shall not be permitted to do this, that, or the other, attempted to engraft upon the Spanish monarchy | casion was this: There was imminent reason to on this continent; but establish it as your own the free institutions of a representativegovernment. believe that the Powers of Continental Europe principle, and not as Mr. Monroe's. The act of The King of France had marched one hundred would come to the aid of Spain to resubjugate her Mr. Monroe was confined to a single object: the thousand men into Spain to set him free. The colonies in South America, then independent, and prevention of the intervention of the allied Powers King of Spain was calling upon his allies to come admitted to be so by the United States. England, of Europe to restore the colonial possessions of to his aid. Conferences were going on; notes conscious that when the time came, a necessity Spain on this continent, because their revolt was were being constantly exchanged, as the diplo- || would be imposed upon her to interpose, had not in violation of their established dogma of the legitmatic history of the times shows, between the yet interposed. The United States had acknowl- | imacy of Kings. Spanish Embassador at Paris and the Embassa- edged the independence of the South American There can be no doubt that if the United States dors of the other European Powers at that Court; | Governments, in 1822; England had not yet done | had not, by the message of Mr. Monroe, in Dethe great end and object of which was to bring so in August, 1823, when the conversation from cember, 1823, made such a declaration, England about a Congress of the allied Powers, to take which I have read took place between Mr. Rush would have been driven to do from necessity what into consideration the condition of the Spanish and Mr. Canning; and when Mr. Rush pressed | the United States had done from choice. The Throne, and to restore its legitimate rule both at it upon England as a preliminary to the proposed people of England would never have permitted home and in Spanish America. Mr. Brougham union, that England should recognize their inde their Government to stand by indifferently and says that this had been promised by the Emperor | pendence, the matter was waived on the part of the see the continental policy established between Alexander, upon condition that the King of Spain | British Secretary, and the whole affair was com Spain and her colonies on ihe continent of Amerwould free himself from the constitutional govern- | municated to the Government of the United States ica. But the fact remains, that the United States ment at home. Mr. Canning told Mr. Rush, as by our Minister.
went into it alone and in advance. the latter reports, in the course of the conversa What followed? The Government of the Uni The invitation of the 26th of December, 1823, tions which took place between them on the sub-ted States took that step singly, which it had been given by the Spanish Minister to the various ject to which I have alluded, that “ he had received | proposed on the part of the British Government European Powers to come to the rescue of Spain,
notice of measures being in projection by the thai the two Governments should take jointly. was of course made known to England, though • Powers of Europe relative to the affairs of Span- || It was a declaration made against the purpose, on the invitation was not addressed to her. It was ish America, as soon as the French succeeded the part of the allied Powers, to bring their “polil understood that there was to be this meeting of in their military movement against Spain." ical system” to this continent. It was narrowed the allied Powers upon the continent of Europe, England knew perfectly well that the occasion and confined to that, and that alone. Did it have
to which England was not invited; but when it was imminent. There was every reason to believe its effect? I will tell you what followed.
came to her knowledge, Mr. Canning immediately that the allied Powers of Europe would rally In December, 1823, as I find in looking at the gave them to understand that such an act on the around Spain, for the purpose of resubjugating political history of the day, a formal request was part of the allied Powers would be instantly folher colonies. England knew, not only that she
made by the Government of Spain to certain of lowed by a recognition of the independence of could not unite with them, but that she must resist the allied Powers, to carry into execution that pur South America on the part of England. them; and whenever that resistance was made, she pose against which the protest of Mr. Monroe All that I have wished to attain on this subject is would be involved in a war with the whole conti was directed-a request to those Powers that to show that the doctrines of Mr. Monroe, advertnent of Europe.
they would aid Spain in reëstablishing her legitimate ed to by the honorable Senator from Michigan, This state of things led to the invitation which | authority over the revolted colonies of Spanish and embraced in his resolution, was confined to a Mr. Canning gave to Mr. Rush. The latter as America. Here it is. It is a letter from the single issue, and that issue was the intervention of sented to it, but upon terms which England was
Prime Minister of the King of Spain to his Ma the allied Powers of Europe between Spain and not at once prepared to adopt-a previous recog- jesty's Ministers at Paris, St. Petersburgh, and her colonies, in order to establish their continental nition of the independence of the Republics-and Vienna, dated December 26, 1823, in these words:
system; and to insist, as I do insist, that, taking the whole matter was then, as a matier of course, “ His Majesty, confiding in the sentiments of his allies, || it as the doctrine of Mr. Monroe, we cannot excommunicated by Mr. Rush to his Government. hopes that they will assist him in accomplishing the worthy tend it one hair's breadth beyond that. We may
object of upholding the principles of ORDER and LEGITIIt must be remembered that the interview spoken MACY, the subversion of which, once commenced in Amer establish a new doctrine if we please, but that will of by Mr. Rush, took place in August, 1823. In ica, would presently communicate to Europe ; and that
not be the Monroe doctrine. December, 1823, President Monroe made his an they will aid bim, at the same time, in reëstablishing peace In the same message of 1823, Mr. Monroe denual communication to Congress, which contained between this division of the globe and its colonies."
clared, as an additional policy by this Governthe famous protest which has been so often quoted. The invitation was based upon a mutual recog. ment, that the American continents were not, What was the protest? We shall find, on looking | nition by those sovereigns of a concerted duty to thereafter, to be considered as fit subjects for Euback to it, that it was made in the most circum- acknowledge no Governments but such as were ropean colonization. I do not mean to go into that spect and guarded manner, and confined to a single || based on hereditary and legitimate descent. So
It is true that enunciation was made in the purpose. Every word seems to have been weighed, | far, the obligations of this alliance had been con same message of 1823, but it was connected with and its expressions sedulously guarded. Here is fined to the continent of Europe. With its opera a different matter, and asserted in a different manhis language:
tion there Mr. Monroe disclaimed all purpose of ner. I do not mean to go into that now, though “We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable re
interference, but protested against its extension to I shall probably have occasion to do so some time Jations existing between the United States and those Pow. either continent of America, as “the manifesta before the debate closes. ers, to declare that we should consider any attempts on their tion of an unfriendly disposition towards the Mr. CASS. I shall detain the Senate but a part to extend their system to any portion of this hemi United States,” and “ dangerous to our peace sphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety."
very short time. As Mr. Polk said, for a quarter and safety.'
of a century down to his day—and that is now “To extend their system to any portion of this That message effected its object. It averted some years since-the doctrine of Mr. Monroe had hemisphere." What system? Why, the system | the threatened interposition; and in proof of it we been distinctly understood by the American peoby which those Powers of Continental Europe have, first, the broad fact that they never did in ple, I thought it was a historical fact which had had been banded together the system which re terpose, that the invitation of Spain was declined. never been doubted, as far as I recollect, that Mr. cognized none but a legitimate throne, and which | The allied Powers never came to her aid. We Monroe protested against the recolonization of bound the sovereigns to each other to protect each have, secondly, the high testimony borne to the any portion of the American continents by any of in his throne, because it was legitimate. That is fact by Mr. Brougham in the British House of the European Powers. They expressly excluded the system, as I shall have occasion presently more Commons in the succeeding year, (1824,) when he the idea of interfering with existing rights; but he fully to develop, against which Mr. Monroe pro- li used this language:
protested forever afterwards against the recoloni.
320 Cong.....20 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Messrs. Soulé and Dixon.
zation of any portion of the North or South stood that language precisely as I have explained American continents. Every man, so far as I rec it. That was the distinct understanding both of ollect, has understood it so. Mr. Polk distinctly | Mr. Rush and of the English Government; and, understood it so. So did Mr. Canning and Mr. in fact, the whole world understood it so. Let Rush, as the paragraph which I read yesterday | me, upon this point, read again the extract which from Mr. Rush's book shows.
I read yesterday, from Mr. Rush's book. Mr. I have not a word to say with respect to the Rush, in his account of his conversation with Mr. history of the time given by the honorable Sena- || Canning, says: tor from Virginia. I agree to it all. I have no
“But although no joint movement took place, my disdoubt whatever that the existing condition of South patches had distinctly put before our Government the intenAmerica directed the eyes of our country to it.
tions of England; with which, in the main, our policy barHis whole narrative of the matter is correct. I
monized; and President Mouroe, in his opening message
to Congress, which followed almost immediately aftergive Mr. Rush great credit for the whole course
wards, in December, 1823, put forth the two following decof his negotiations, and the administration of Mr. larations: Monroe greater credit; because they, notwith
ci 1. That it was impossible for the allied Powers to ex
tend their political system to any part of America without standing the boast Mr. Canning made before the
endangering our peace and happiness; and equally imworld that it was he that called these States into
possible, therefore, that we should behold such interposiexistence or recognized them, recognized their in tion with indifference." dependence before him.
That is the first proposition. And here let me But allow me to say that that portion of the messay, that the honorable Senator is perfectly right sage of Mr. Monroe which the honorable gentle in his whole history of the controversy, the diffiman read, applies to all time hereafter. Its rea culties that led to it, and the ground taken by sonings are capable of general and universal ap- | the American Government. But what else does plication. The doctrine laid down is, that the Mr. Rush say? What is the second proposition American continents have interests of their own to which he alluded? It is : distinct from Europe; and Mr. Monroe's object
“ 2. Whilst alluding to discussions between the United was, in that existing state of things, to sweep the States and Russia, then commenced with a view to ar. allied Powers from this continent; to prevent them ranging the respective claims of the two nations on the from taking possession of any of the American northwest coast of America, the President also declared
that the occasion had been juged proper for asserting, as States. Everybody knows that if we were to
a principle in which the right and interests of the United allow recolonization, we would prefer that these States were involved, that the American continents, by colonies should be held by Spain, rather than by the free and independent condition which they had asEngland. What, then, would Mr. Monroe have sumed and maintained, were henceforth not to be consid
ered as subjects for future colonization by any European gained by his declaration, if it was to be restricted
Power."" to what some gentlemen seem to think it was restricted? What would he have gained by simply What said Mr. Canning and the British Govsaying: "We protest against these colonies being ernment to that?. “The first of these declararecolonized by Spain?"
tions,” (as to the intervention of the allied Powers It will be recollected that it ran through Eng- l of the American States,)“ was," says Mr. Rush, land, and it was announced on this floor, that the “probably expected by England, and was well extent of Mr. Monroe's declaration was to sweep received. Everybody saw at once that it referall the colonies on this continent out of existence. red to the hostile plans of the allied Powers But it was not so. Mr. Monroe expressly re
against the late Spanish Provinces;” which it served the rights of the existing colonies. In his undoubtedly did, although its general reasoning message, he merely referred to South America, to applied to all time to come, and to all similar cirthe precise state of things existing, and to no other. cumstances. But with respect to the second decThere was no object in putting in a reservation. laration, in which the general doctrine of anti
I agree with the honorable Senator from Vir- colonization was laid down, Mr. Rush says, it ginia in his estimate of Mr. Monroe. I consider "was unexpected, and not acquiesced in, as achim one of the best and wisest statesmen we ever counts I am yet to give of negotiations with the had. He was exceedingly guarded and cautious: British Government will make known." This in his language. I had the honor of knowing him is precisely what I said yesterday. I had no idea personally; and the panegyric of the Senator from of renewing the subject. My only intention was Virginia is one that he well deserves. His char to put myself right; and having done that, I yield acter ought to stand, as it does stand, high in the
the floor estimation of his countrymen. He was not only
Mr. SOULE. It was by the consent of the guarded and cautious, but, when the interests of | honorable Senator from California, that this debate his country required it, he took a firm and decided went on yesterday, and was resumed to-day; and stand.
it was with the understanding that it should not The declaration which the Senator has just read interfere with the bill which he was pressing upon is this in substance: We owe it to those Powers
the consideration of the Senate for the constructo declare that they shall not extend their system
tion of a railroad to the Pacific ocean. As he is to this continent, because we have peculiar inter- very anxious that the Senate should restore to him ests of our own, distinct from European interests.
its attention upon that bill, and as I am unwilling We had then, we have now, and we shall have
at present to divert it from that object, and as I am through all time; and every reason applying to desirous, however, to secure the floor, I will move that state of things applies with as much force to
that the further consideration of this joint resoany future state of things, in which there may be
lution be postponed until Tuesday next. attempts made to recolonize any portion of Amer
Mr. DIXON. Will the gentleman allow me to ica. In the same message, as the honorable gen
occupy the floor for a moment? tleman has said, the doctrine for which I contend
Mr. SQULE. I withdraw the motion for the was laid down still more distinctly: To be sure, present. the occasion for it was different; it was in refer
Mr. DIXON. Mr. President, I have not risen ence to some controversy with the Russians, who
to enter at large into this discussion, but to give wanted to extend their dominions on the western
notice to the Senate that I shall, at the proper coast of America down as far as a portion of Cal- time, move to refer the joint resolution offered by ifornia, and even including that.' Referring to
the distinguished Senator from Michigan, (Mr. that, President Monroe made a broad general dec- || Cass,) and also the amendment offered by the able laration, which went out to the world in his an
Senator from New Hampshire, (Mr. Hale,) to nual message to the American Congress, stating the Committee on Foreign Relations, with the distinctly what was the position of ihis Govern- || following instructions: ment. He said:
First. That the said committee be instructed to examine “In the discussions to which this interest has given rise,
the treaty concluded at Washington, on the 4th day of
July, 1850, between ller Majesty the Queen of Great Britand in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the ain, by her Minister Plenipotentiary, Sir Henry L. Bulwer, occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle and the Government of the United States, by John M. in which the rights and interests of the United Siates are
Clayton, Secretary of State; and ascertain whether the involved, that the American continents, by the free and in
Government of Great Britain, since the ratification of said dependent condition which they have assumed and main
treaty, has violated any of the provisions thereof, by the tain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for establishment of any colonial government, the construction future colonization by any European Power."
of fortifications in Central America, or otherwise; and It is utterly impossible for words to make the that they report the facts in connection therewith ; and if,
in their opinion, there has been any violation of said treaty, proposition plainer than it is here announced; and
that they make further report, by resolution, of such measthe whole world, from that day to this, has under ures as they may deem necessary to enforce a faithful ob
servance of the stipulations of said treaty, and preserve the honor and interest of the country.
Second. That said committee inquire and report whether or not the establislıment in the Bay of Honduras, by the Government of Great Britain, of the colony called "The Bay of Islands," is or is not a violation of the provisions of the said treaty, or of the doctrines of Mr. Monroe, as proclaimed in his message of the second of December, 1823, on the establishment of colonies on this continent by European Powers; and if it shall appear that the rights of the United States have been invaded, by either a disregard of the provisions of the said treaty, or of the doctrines proclaimed by Mr. Monroe in his message aforesaid, that they report the facts to the Senate, together with such measures as, in their judgment, may be deemed necessary to vindicate the honor of the country.
Third. That said committee inquire whether the seizure by the French Government of the peninsula of Samaná, in the Republic of Dominica, is or is not a violation of the same great principle proclaimed, as aforesaid, in the message of Mr. Monroe, and if so, what action is necessary on the part of this Government to protect itself against such encroachments on its rights.
If I were disposed, Mr. President, to take part in this discussion, such is the feeble condition of my health that I would not even dare to attempt it. I am anxious, however, that this debate shall have some point upon which it is to turn. I have listened with a great deal of pleasure to the very able discussion which has been going on here during the last ten days upon the various propositions which have been presented, not in the form of resolutions, but in the form of debate. Senators seem to think this Government has suffered under the construction given to the Bulwer and Clayton treaty, and which was the subject of discussion a short time since, and which treaty is alluded to in one of the instructions I have drawn up. But upon this question it is not my purpose to give any opinion; for, not having been a mentber of the Senate when that treaty was confirmed, of course I have no explanations to give of what the Senate's understanding was upon the question of whether British Honduras and its dependencies were intended to be excluded from its provisions or not.
But Senators seem to think, and indeed openly declare, that that treaty has been violated by the Government of Great Britain, by the establishment in the Bay of Honduras of the colony called “The Bay of Islands." If that be true, it is right that this Government should act upon it. If that treaty has been violated, it is proper that the Senate should know it. If this country has been outraged by the disregard of the principles contained in that treaty, it is useless for us to be talking and exhausting the time of the Senate in idle speculation of what may or may not be the future policy of European nations, in regard to the purchasing of Cuba, or the establishment of colonies on the continent, or what may be necessary for this Government to do, on the happening of such contingencies, should they ever happen. But rather the inquiry should be, whether the treaty had been violated, and if so, whether this country will fold its arms and tamely submit to such violation. Should the committee, Mr. President, find that the provisions of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty have been violated by the British Government, or that the principles as proclaimed by Mr. Monroe have been disregarded by the Government of Great Britain or of France, in the establishment by the one of the colony of "The Bay of Islands," in the Bay of Honduras, or the seizure by the other of the peninsula of Samaná, in the Republic of Dominica, the known experience and ability of the Senators who compose that committee will afford a sufficient guarantee to the whole country, that whatever measures they may propose will be dictated by prudence, and the exercise of a sound and patriotic judgment. For myself, although I should deprecate a war with England or with France as one of the greatest calamities that could befall this nation, yet I would rather see my country subjected to such a calamity, than dishonored by quietly submitting
wanton violation by any country, however powerful she may be, either upon the land or upon the sea, of a stipulation solemnly entered into, involving not only her rights, but her honor also. For, without, Mr. President, being a flibustier or a propagandist, in any sense of the word, I am for maintaining the principles upon which this Government has hitherto acted; of asking from other nations nothing but what is right, and submitting to nothing that is wrong.
32D CONG.....20 Sess.
Affairs of New Mexico Mr. Weightman.
Ho. OF REPS.
I understood from the very distinguished Sena ciples of that treaty inviolate. That, sir, is proper pointed, I intended no speech on that account. I tor from Louisiana, (Mr. Downs,) in his remarks and right, and I have risen, as I said before, not reflected, that there sits in the Cabinet of the Presthe other day, that he was of the opinion that the with a view to enter into any discussion of this ident an honorable gentleman, a citizen of Louisitreaty had been violated. If that is not his opin subject, but merely to give notice to the Senate ana, whose people are of “a different race speakion, what is the meaning of these remarks which that I shall, at the proper time, move that the res ing a different language,”and while he was silent, he made, and which I will now read to the Sen olution of the Senator from Michigan, together well might I be. This gentleman has been honate?
with the amendment of the Senator from New lored by the people of his district with a seat in " While we are on this subject--for it is an interesting
Hampshire, be referred to the Committee on this body. They confided to him the care of their one, and I think everything in regard to it ougbt to be un Foreign Relations, with the instructions which interests, and the protection of their honor. The derstood I would like the honorable Senators from Mary have been read to the Senate.
people of Louisiana, in their sovereign capacity land (Mr. PEARCE) and New York, [Mr. SewARD,) who
Mr. SOULE. I now renew the motion, Mr.
as a State, honored him with a seat in the Senate. have looked so closely into it, and talked so much about British rights, to explain what they mean by those British
President, if it be the pleasure of the Senate, that They confided to him the maintenance of the digrights. Do they mean that England retains after this treaty, the further consideration of this subject be post nity of that State, and the protection of its honor. or had before, the right not merely to cut wood in Honduras, poned until Tuesday next, at which time I wish If he could retain his seat in the Cabinet of a but to colonize it, as they have now, in a proclamation, de
to avail myself of the indulgence of the Senate, to President, who would not on his demand expunge clared their intention to do? That is the real question. We assuine that, by the treaty, it has renounced that right. The make some remarks upon the question.
a passage disrespectful, if not insulting io the late President of the United States seems to have entertained The motion was agreed to.
“ different race speaking a different language,” that view when the treaty was submitted to the Senate; and
who had honored him with their confidence, I I would like to know now if the gentlemen still think that,
might hold my peace. under the stipulations of that treaty, they have that right?"
AFFAIRS OF NEW MEXICO.
A day or two afterwards, we read in the papers I understand, also, that the distinguished Senator
the official report of the honorable gentleman to from Illinois [Mr. Shields] asserted it as a clear SPEECH OF MR. WEIGHTMAN, whom I have alluded, the Secretary of War. proposition that the treaty had been violated; for
OF NEW MEXICO, he said:
From this report I read an extract:
“What policy, however, it may be deemed proper to “Whether you give to this treaty the meaning put upon
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, adopt in reterence to the Indian tribes of Texas, California,
and Oregon, is a question only of humanity or of temporary it by the negotiators, their own private understanding, or
January 10, 1853,
policy, as a period cannot be very remote when they will whether you give it the meaning that the language imports, the treaty has been violated by the seizure of these islands. In the Committee of the Whole on the state of
be swept before the resistless tide of einigration, which conSo far as Balize, or what is termed British Honduras, is the Union, in regard to the censure conveyed
tinually flows towards those countries.
«The case is different with regard to New Mexico. That concerned, I am not disposed to enter into that question by the Report of the Secretary of War upon the Territory is so remote and inaccessible, and holds out so now, and for this reason: I think it might be impolitic for us at this time to construe the treaty in relation to it, as I
little inducement to emigration, that the struggle between People of New Mexico.
the two races is destined, in all probability, to continue apprehend, in doing so, it might embarrass our friends here Mr. WEIGHTMAN said:
there long after it shall have ceased in every portion of the after.”
No one, Mr. Chairman, can regret more than I continent. In the same speech, that honorable Senator said do that New Mexico has not an abler advocate
: By the last census, the total population of New Mexico,
exclusive of wild Indians, is (in round numbers) sixty-one than myself upon this floor. I regret that her further:
thousand souls; and its whole real estate is estimated at "I merely rose, not to enter into this doubtful question, Delegate is not a man experienced in parliament
(in round numbers) $2,700,000.but to show that no matter how this point is argued, the
ary debate, and gifted with eloquence. New "To protect this small population, we are compelled to seizure of the islands is a violation of the Clayton and Bul Mexico needs, but has not, such a man for her maintain a large military force, at an annual expense nearly wer treaty, and this has nothing to do with any pretension,
equal to one half the value of the whole real estate of the champion.' Of this, no one is more sensible than or any right, or any pretense, which Great Britain claims to
Territory. Would it not be better to induce the inhabitants the possession called Balize, or British Honduras." myself. A plain story, plainly told, is all that I
to abandon a country which seems hardly fit for the habitacan offer. I feel that a duty devolves upon me, tion of civilized man, by remunerating them for their propI understood the very distinguished Senator and I shrink not from its performance,
erty in money, or in lands situated in more favored regions? from Michigan, in the same debate, to concur fully
Even if the Government paid for the property quintuple its In the President's message which was read on the
value, it would still, merely on the score of economny, be in the opinions which had been expressed and
first day of the session, occurs the following pas largely the gainer by the transaction, and the troops now given out to the Senate by the Senators to whom sage. Afterspeaking of the invitation which France stationed in New Mexico would be available for the protecI have just alluded, that this treaty had been vioand England tendered to the United States to enter
tion of other portions of our own, and the Mexican terrilated; for he said, speaking of the action of the
tory." into a tripartite convention, in virtue of which the British Government: three Powers should severally and collectively,
When the portion of the documents accompa"I do know now, that, in the very face of this treaty, now and for the future, disclaim all intentions to
nying the message I have just read came to my she, in July last, went on to establish a colony called the obtain possession of the Island of Cuba, and his
knowledge, I determined that it was my duty to Bay of Islands.""
make a speech. The substantial interests of my Of course the honorable Senator meant to be
refusal to enter into such a convention because he understood, when he used the language, “ in the
constituents, indeed their very identity, was inthought the proposed measure of doubtful consti
tutionality, impolitic and unavailing, the President very face of this treaty," that the treaty had been
volved in this executive recommendation.
Though there was food for indignation in this violated by the establishment by the British Govproceeds:
proposition, that feeling was swallowed up in the ernment of the Bay of Islands; and if this was
“I have, however, in common with several of my pre
ridicule and contempt with which it has been redecessors, directed the Ministers of France and England to not his meaning, what was it?
be assured that the United States entertain no designs ceived in all quarters and from all parties. IndigMr. SHIELDS. Will the honorable Senator against Cuba; but that, on the contrary, I should regard its nation merged in the ridiculous. I say, however, permit me to make one suggestion ? 'It is clearly
incorporation into the Union at the present tine as fraught there was food for indignation in this recommend
with serious peril. my opinion that the authorities at the Balize who
«Were this island comparatively destitute of inhabitants,
ation. If it could be carried out, what a spectacle have erected these islands into a colony have done or occupied by a kindred race, I should regard it, if yolun should we see! so in violation of the treaty. But we have no
tarily ceded by Spain, as a most desirable acquisition. But, Passing by the preparation for departure, with official or authentic information on that subject.
under existing circumstances, I should look upon its incor the tears of bitterness and sobs that rend the heart, There is another point in the case: The act of poration into our Union as a very hazardous measure. It
let us be witnesses of the exodus of the people of would bring into the Confederacy a population of a differthose authorities may be disavowed by the British ent national stock, speaking a different language, and not New Mexico, Behold the multitude! The rich, Government; and my opinion is, it will be disa likely to harmonize with the other members. It would in their carriages; others in wagons and carts. vowed, if the point is made by our Government. probably affect in a prejudicial manner the industrial inter
See the domestic animals—the flocks and herds, ests of the South ; and it might revive those conflicts of Consequently, I think there may be, perhaps, opinion between the different sections of the country, which
the sheep and goats. The shepherd dogs are there, some impetus necessary in regard to our action. lately shook the Union to its center, and which have been leading and protecting their charge. But the poor My opinion is, if the British Government recog. 80 happily compromised."
-let me direct your attention to the poor. The nizes the act of its officers in the Balize, it is a On the same day on which was read the message, || patient ass bears his part in the mournful procesviolation of the treaty.
and soon after its reading, I obtained the floor and sion. On this patient beast are laden the aged Mr. DIXON. I fully concur, Mr. President, made the proposition that five thousand copies of poor-the gray-haired widow and the man bowed in the view taken by the Senator from Illinois, the message should be printed in the Spanish lan I with years; the mother, with child in arms, the (Mr. SHIELDS.] The British Government may guage. In my remarks in support of ihat propo- || sick, the lame, the halt, and the blind. No one disavow the act, but it has not yet done so. The sition, I took occasion to express my dissent from in all that multitude has forgotten to bring with Senator from Illinois has expressed it as his opin the view of the President, that differences of race, him his crucifix and his rosary, or his images, ion that the treaty has been violated; and the or differences of language, or any other sort of remembrancers of the Saviour, the Virgin, and the Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Downs] has ex differences, were detrimental to us as a people. I saints. Few are without some memento of their pressed his opinion that the treaty has been vio urged that diverseness was the centrifugal force homes—mayhap a fragment of the cross which lated; and the honorable Senator from Michigan in our Government which maintained the rights || stands in the Campo Santo, where lie buried their [Mr. Cass] has also expressed the same opinion. and authority of the States, and homogeneousness, 1 fathers for two hundred years. Now, then, as we have no information in regard which the President deemed so desirable, was the While this vast multitude pause on an eminence, to the violation of that treaty from the President centripetal force which tended towards consolida. || to take a last lingering look at the land they are of the United States, it is proper that a reference tion, and I then repudiated for myself the idea that I to behold no more forever, what is it we see? of this whole subject should be made to the Com this Government is capable of making happy but The uniform of the American army! There are mittee on Foreign Relations, that they may inquire one race of people.
the dragoons, their sabers flashing in the rays of into the whole matter, and report to the Senate ! I did not then, hearing the message for the first the setting sun; the serried infantry, with their whether or not, in their opinion, the treaty has | time read by the Clerk of the House, perceive the || bristling bayonets; the artillery troops, with their been violated; and, if in their judgment, it has covert fling at “different races speaking different || terrible batteries. All are galant men, w been, that they may also report the measures | languages."
covered themselves and their country with glory proper to be adopted by this Government with a | When, by reading the message, I did perceive ll in honorable war. Who commands the army of view to vindicate its honor and sustain the prin- ll that fling, whose meaning has since become so ll the exodus? There is no Haynau in our army.
Affairs of New Mexico—Mr. Weightman.
320 Cong.....20 Sess.
Ho. Of Reps.
But were there to be an exodus, it would not be time in idleness and vice; but that little they must have, print of his wonderful ability and genius, as inin this direction, Mr. Chairman. The people of and there is no way they can get it. The truth is, the only
effaceably as the tracks of men in the hard rock resource of this country is the Government money. All New Mexico would fee from our limits, carefully
classes depend upon it, from the professional man and made in ages passed away-Burke said he knew shaking the dust from their feet, as they crossed trader down to the beggar. Before we took the country, a not how to draw an indictment against a whole the boundary. But I am aware that it is not ne considerable part of the population earned a scanty liveli- il people. Not so with the commander of the ninth cessary to lay much stress upon this matter. In
hood at the mines; but this work was abandoned directly
military department and the Secretary of War. dignation has been merged in the ridicule with among them. These mines are not productive, and never
“Fools rush in where angels fear to tread." which this proposition has been received in all sec can be made so, in comparison to the inexhaustible mines
I desire to say a few words regarding the capations and by all parties.
of California ; but a part of this people managed to earn at
city of my constituents for self-government. That As I have said, I intended, when I became pos
will be obliged to return to this work again, as the only thing to which they have the greatest repugnance, sessed of the contents of the report of the Secre
means of living, while the rest must get from the soil the few to which they have the greatest indisposition to tary of War, to make a speech. Iintended, in that articles that are necessary for their subsistence. There can
submit, and which they think most destructive of speech, to display the folly of a Louisiana states never be any profitable agriculture in this country. There is but a very small part of it that is arable land; the valleys
the liberty of the people, is the assumption by the man, in recommending the depopulation of the
of the few streams comprise the whole of it; and much of military of the civil functions of the Government. best line for a railroad to connect the Mississippi this cannot be cultivated, owing to the efflorescence of salt; There are members of the House, who perhaps with the Pacific, which, in my judgment, we have and the residue requiring such a laborious kind of irrigation
remember that when I came here in 1850, as the within our limits. I mean from the head of
and cultivation that cori cannot be raised here for less than
agent of New Mexico, then seeking admission as a steamboat navigation, on the Red river, whose
as it is in Missouri, there would be no market for it beyond State, that there was then going on there a furious mouth is in Louisiana, in the direction of El Paso the wauts of the Goverument; and no agricultural product
quarrel between the people and the military-a del Norte, to California. I intended to display would ever pay transportation from this remote country.
contest for power and control of civil affairs. The
With regard to their protection from the Indians, they the folly of a Secretary of War, in thwarting the
would have the same that was extended to them by the people claimed that the military government exconstruction of a railroad, which, on the line he
Mexican Government-that is to say, permission to defend isted not by law, but by acquiescence, and in this, proposes to yield to savage enemies, more effectu- | themselves. Besides, they would be much better armed the opinions expressed by President Polk susally than many armies, would prevent the inroads than they have ever been before, and the Indians would have more respect and fear for them. There is, too, a
tained them. In their memorial to Congress, the of our Indians upon our neighbor. Mexico.
growing disposition on the part of the Indians to remain at Legislature said as follows: Before I could obtain the floor to submit the re
peace, and support themselves by cultivation. The Nava. marks I proposed, the second part of the docu
"In putting in operation the form of government set joes and Utalis are perfectly quiet, and the Apaches, the
forth in the constitution, they believe they have done no ments accompanying the message of the President only hostile band now in the Territory, have committed no
act inconsistent with a proper respect to the Government of was laid upon our desks. depredations within the last month, and have sent in word
the United States. The forin of government adopted by that they wish to make peace. If the Mexicans should act Amongst those transmitted from the Department
the people of New Mexico is set up in opposition to no justly by the Indians, I think there would be no difficulty ; of War, and coming from the ninth military de
government recognized by Congress, or known to the Conbut if they did not, and war should ensue, the Mexicans
stitution and laws, but simply takes the place, under cirpartment, which includes New Mexico, I find a would always steal from the Indians quite as much as the Indians would steal from them, and thus they would be no
cunstances of urgent necessity, of an unacknowledged letter, which I ask the indulgence of having read
governinent, which has utterly failed to protect the inbabit losers in the end. On this point, too, I would remark that at the Clerk's desk:
ants of New Mexico in their dearest rights, or to preserve il' this Territory was erected into a State, it would be exNEW MEXICO, SANTA FE, May 27, 1852. pected that the people would take care of themselves, and
the plighted faith of the Government of the United States." Sir: It may be well to premise that I consider it certain ihey would be no better able to do it then than they are now. This was in 1850. Colonel Munroe, the then that some radical change must and will be made, in the Again, why are we bound to give any more protection to government of this Territory, sooner or later, that the peo
military commander and governor, maintained, by this Territory than we give to Oregon and Utab? Those ple of the United States will not consent to bear this heavy people are obliged to defend themselves against the Indians. force, the existence of this repugnant governmeni, burden, endlessly, without receiving the slightest return, Why should not this people do the same? I should think and sent to Washington for instructions. He reand without even the possibility of bettering the condition it would be well to give the Mexicans a liberal allowance of
ceived them by special messenger sent from Washof this people. It would, therefore, seem to be a question arms and ammunition, especially as there is a large supply
ington to Santa Fé, on the 22d day of October, only as to time.
here that is not worth transporting back. I would respectfully submit the following project:
It would be impossible for our troops to remain here with 1850. He was directed, through the Secretary of Place the Territory in the same relation to the Govern. Mexican civil officers, for we should have to interpose in War, by the President, the constitutional comment of the United Stares that it held towards the Mexican their squabbler, which would make them serious matters.
mander of the Army, “to abstain from all further Government before the war.
There would be no danger of any attempt to throw off our Withdraw all the troops and civil officers, and let the sovereignty; the authorities (and they would soon be ab
interference in the civil and political affairs of that people elect their own civil officers, and conduct their Gov solute) would be too much interested in getting appropria country. Did he do it? He did not. His unreernment in their own way, under the general supervision of tions; besides this, they would know that we could apnihi buked contempt for the orders of his lawful suour Government. It would probably assume a similar form late them at any time.
perior has had its consequence. to the one we found here in 1846, viz: a civil government, There would be very few Americans remain in the Terbut under the entire control of the Governor. This change ritory; the number has already diminished very much.
In a speech delivered at the last session, I gave would be higbly gratifying to this people, and I believe they They are nearly all adventurers, not intending to reside here a full account of the military government in New would cheerfully pledge themselves never to ask for any permanently; and, when they can no longer make money, Mexico. I denounced it, and the documents I then further aid from the United States than the same appropriathey will soon leave. At all events, the few that would re
read proved the truth of my denunciations, and tions that were granted to the other Territories. There main could take care of themselves quite as well as those would be a pronunciantento every month or two, but these did who were here before the war.
laid bare the shocking details of a government would be of no consequence, as they are very harmless
It may be thought that the abandonment of the new posts in which the military was supreme; in which the when confined to Mexicans alone. so recently established would be a great sacrifice; but it
commanding officer was supreme-a government would not be so. They were built entirely by the troops,
which harassed the people, which interfered with With all the economy that can be used, and exertions in and cost but little, and labor was beneficial to the command. agriculture, &c., so long as we hold this country, as we do I am, sir, wiih high respect, your obedient servant,
their religion, which disturbed congregations in the now, it must be a very heavy burden to us; and there
E. V. SUMNER, control of their own temples, which fined and imnever can be the slightest return for all this outlay-not
Breret Col., Lieut. Col. 1st Dragoons,
prisoned the people without the intervention of even in meliorating the condition of the people; for this dis
9th Department, in charge of executive office. tribution of public money makes them more idle and worth- || Hon. C. M. CONRAD, Secretary of War.
juries, which iaxed them without their consent, Jess. There is no possibility of any change for the better.
which embezzled the taxes when collected, and Twenty-fifty years hence-ibis Territory will be precisely Mr. WEIGHTMAN, (resuming.) Mr. Chair which scourged them without trial. I might add the same it is now. There can never be an inducement for
man, when I read the atrocious libel which you to this list of enormities which have taken place any class of our people to come here whose example would improve this people. Speculators, adventurers, and the
have just heard, I determined to make a speech of under the military government. And, sir, notwithlike, are all that will come, and their example is rather per a different character to the one I previously intend standing the act of Congress organizing the Terrinicious than beneficial.
ed. Yet, sir, for forty-eight hours after, I did not tory of New Mexico, giving to it a civil governNo civil Government, emanating from the Government of desire to obtain the floor. When a man is filled ment, we have just heard read a recently-written the United States, can be maintained here without the aid of a military force; in fact, without its being virtually a mil
with honest, healthful, well-grown indignation, he letter of another commander of the ninth military itary Government. I do not believe there is an intelligent is apt to scatter epithets, as an ancient and bar department, signing himself in charge of the man in the Territory who is not, at the present time, fully barous people did their barbed javelms, at their Executive office.” sensible of this truth. All branches of this civil govern
foes; and although, sir, I, as the representative of
U Mr. SWEETSER. If the honorable gentleman ment have equally failed the executive, for want of power; the judiciary, from the total incapacity and want of
an insulted and slandered people, am under no from New Mexico will allow me, I desire to put principle in the juries; and the legislative, from want of obligation to be choice in my words, or to select an inquiry to him, with a view of replying to some knowledge-a want of identity with our institutions, and an my expressions in speaking of an Administration portions of his remarks. In order that he may extreme reluctance to impose taxes ; so much so, that they
to which I owe no duty or respect, yet, sir, I was understand the point I desire to make, and that have never even provided the means to subsist prisoners, and, consequently, felons of all kinds were running at large.
not unmindful of the respect due to this House, the House may understand it, I hope he will yield The New Mexicans are thoroughly debased and totally || the respect I owe myself, and my duty to the cause me the floor for a moment. incapable of self-government, and there is no latent quality of the people I represent.
'Mr. WEIGHTMAN. I will yield to the genabout them that can ever make them respectable. They have more Indian blood than Spanish, and in some respects
tleman with pleasure.
For forty-eighi hours I did not desire to obtain | are below the Pueblo Indians, for they are not as honest or |the floor. My just anger rendered me unfit then
Mr. SWEETSER. I desire, then, to inquire of industrious. In this remark, I allude to the lower classes; to address the House,
the gentleman whether Colonel Sumner took upon there are some educated gentlemen, with respectable fami
| Sir, the people I represent are grossly calumni himself the civil government of the Territory of lies-about enough for magistrates and other official per
lated by the leiter of Colonel Sumper, which has New Mexico during the time that there were any sons. There is not much increase in the population, owing to their gross depravity. I doubt if there is a tribe of In | been adopted as an Executive document. Some of civil executive officers there? I am informed, and dians on the continent who are more abandoned in their l the charges are of such a character that I can hardly so charge, that Colonel Sumner never undertook to commerce between the sexes than the great majority of this discuss them. So sweeping is the denunciation meddle with the civil affairs of the Territory until people. The reduction of Government expenses was, no doubt,
of the people, that it includes every man, every after Governor Calhoun and the Secretary of the the primary cause of the recent disatfection. As a conquered matron, every inaiden, every child, every child in Territory, upon whom the functions of the Execpeople, they feel a natural dislike towards us; but so long its mother's womb, and the unborn children of utive would have fallen in the absence of the Govas we kept them supplied with money, and they had nothing that unborn child.
ernor, had both left; that he assumed to control to do but revel in their vices, they were content to stifle their patriotism. It requires but very little to subsist them,
Sir, Burke, the great Irish orator, who stamped at the urgent request and desire of the judges of and, therefore, a small pittance enables them to pass their l upon the annals of the British Parliament the im- ll the supreme court; that prior to his assumption