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means of warding off that punishment with | Equality inscribed on his banners. To which both were menaced.- I am not cer- compel the sovereigns of Germany and tain, indeed, that the people of France ever Russia to aid him in a war against England heard of these denunciations of our press; was his avowed object. And, if he met but, they might hear of them, and our chil- with no resistance from the people then, dren may have to rue the consequences.- why was he to meet with it now?It was manifest to me, and to some others, to the people feeling the grasp of his tyranfrom the time that Napoleon was compelled ny, we are to consider what sort of people to retreat out of Russia, that his future fate it was, who must have felt that grasp. depended, not upon the disposition of the Those who had been most opposed to him, Poles or the Germans, but upon that of the if any had been conspicuous in that way, people of France only. If they were still would naturally feel it the most. He would on his side; if the love of glory, or any assuredly not squeeze his friends, or those other passion, would still give him a French who became his friends. Besides, his exarmy, there appeared no good reason, why actions of money would fall upon the rich, he should not again cross the Vistula.- and it is not the rich who fight battles. It Those who expressed an opposite opinion is very certain, that, if you injure the rich, reasoned thus: They said, that the people the poor, for a while, at least, must be inof Germany and Poland would now be jured too. But, they do not see the real against him; and, it was not unpleasing, cause of their new sufferings, and are, as at the end of a series of years, during which all experience proves, always ready to they had treated the people as nothing, to ascribe these new sufferings to their old hear them rest their hopes upon the dispo- masters. If, indeed, the old governments sition and voluntary exertions of the peo- of Germany were so very mild and just, ple, and thus to make the people every and the people so free and happy under thing. But, at any rate, this was their them that any change must have been for new doctrine. They said, that, on former the worse, I allow that the people must occasions, the people had not risen against naturally be disposed to resist him now; him; though, by-the-by, they, at the time, and I cannot say, that they were not such told us the people did rise against him to a excellent governments because I never was However, this was their new doc-in Germany; but, then comes this diffitrine, that the people were deceived by him culty, that, if the people were so very perbefore; but, that, now, having felt the verse as to fold up their arms and suffer grasp of his tyranny, they were no longer him to over-run their country before, in to be deceived; that they now abhorred spite of the excellence of their governments, him, and were all ready to shed the last why are we to believe, that they will shed drop of their blood in order to prevent the their blood now for the restoration of these réturn of his authority, or that of his de- very governments? And, if, on the other puty sovereigns.This reasoning was hand, the old governments were of a conclusive enough if the premises were left somewhat different description, what reaout of consideration; and, in such cases, son have we to believe, that the people men seldom embarrass themselves with will now die to the last man, rather premises. I have no means of knowing than relinquish their endeavours to prowhat was the precise difference between the cure their restoration?This is my operation of Napoleon's governments in grand difficulty, and I should be very much Germany, and that of the governments ex-obliged to any of the enlightened editors isting there before; and, therefore, I could of our press, if they would condescend to not positively assert, that the people might get me out of it.In the mean while I not wish for a counter-revolution. But, I do really see no signs of any resistance to must confess, that I took the non-resistance Napoleon on the part of the people of Gerof the people upon the former occasions to many. I read, indeed, about the volunbe but too strong a presumptive proof that teer corps and the levy-en-mass in Prussia; they were still disposed in his favour. For, but, I read about them before, not many as to his deceiving them; how was such a days, previous to the arrival of the news, deception to be practised? He was then that Napoleon had gone to the theatre at an Emperor as much as he now is. His Berlin amidst the acclamations of the peogovernment was well known. The sort of ple. I have no faith, therefore, in these sway that he exercised in France was no accounts. I every where see volunteers secret in Germany. He did not advance, and levy-en-mass until he approaches, and as he formerly had done, with Liberty and then I hear no more of them.

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lately read of the patriotic stir in Hanover; | pers, any abuse of our King or of any of the but the map shows me, that Napoleon has Royal Family. Those papers do not call not been afraid, "coward" as he is be- them monsters, nor do they revile them in come, to leave that patriotic and inestima- any degree. They very seldom say thing ble Electorate in his rear; and I am not personal of any body in this country. It without my apprehensions, that he will would, surely, be wise to follow their exhave the insolence to treat many other re- ample. They seem not to be in a passion. spectable seats of patriotism in the same They seem to take things coolly. The truth way.In my opinions upon this sub- is, they have not to gratify readers who are ject I may be deceived; I am by no filled with rage because they are afraid of means sure that I am right; but, I am not the result of the contest. While we storm, willing to dupe myself, and wish to prevent they smile. And this is the effect of a my readers from being duped. There is war, begun twenty years ago against the nothing which so degrades a nation, in my Republicans of France. In speaking of eyes, as its being the dupe of designing the prospects of the war, I forgot to take knaves. The abuse which is heaped into the account, against Napoleon, the upon Napoleon is very odious, and can presence of the Duke of Cumberland with not do any good. If, indeed, the calling the allied army, though a circumstance of of him "the monster on the banks of the no small importance. It was reported, Elbe" would drive him back from that that His Royal Highness was about to take river, or, better still, plunge him into it, out the German Troops with him; but, it there might be some sense in the use of appears, it was thought much better to such appellations; but, as they can be of leave them here. I have long wished to see no use, either to us or to our magnanimous some one of our Royal Family pitted Allies, it would, surely, be better to re- against Napoleon. We have seen German, frain from the use of them. If they ever and Russian, and Italian Princes often enough reach him, they cannot fail to make him pitted against him, but, never until now laugh at us. This is, however, taken for an English Prince of the blood Royal, and a mark of patriotism in this country, though we shall now see the effect that it will proit seems very difficult to find out the rea- duce. We now see a Royal Duke in the son. Any fool may call Buonaparté a mon- field against the Dukes of Napoleon, the ster. Nothing is easier; but, let any one greater part of whom were farmers' or shew me what valour or what sense there shop-keepers' or labourers' sons. We is in such reviling.- -For my part, I saw shall now see, whether these low-born a man prosecuted and found guilty of a men will be able to stand before him. Libel for abusing this same Buonaparté, But, I protest before-hand against any atand, from that moment, I resolved never tempt to make us believe, that he has not to speak of him again in any other terms been in this or in that battle. We have than they would allow me to speak of any been assured, that he is with the allied other sovereign, whether at peace or at army, and, in that light we must constantly war with us; for, what a base thing must view that army. I consider him as a printhe press be, if it is to be muzzled or let cipal person in that army; I consider loose, as to the very same person, accord- him as carrying with him the spirit ing to the varying circumstances of peace of England to that army; and, I must or war - -LORD CATHCART, I perceive, beg the gentlemen editors of the newscalls Napoleon "the Ruler of France.' papers not to suffer him, by any means, to If this could check him in his march to- drop out of sight in their details. wards Petersburgh, it would be very right When his Royal Brother, the Duke of to use it; but, as it cannot do that, I see York, was engaged in the celebrated camno use in these nick-names. In all the ca-paign with the Russians, against a man lendars of Europe, not excepting those of England, he is styled an Emperor; and, therefore, if I were in the place of Lord Cathcart, I would not have made use of this phrase of affected contempt, which, I repeat, can do no good. -The best way, I believe, is to be civil. Good manners are due towards enemies; and, by a contrary conduct men only show that they are stung.- -We never see, in the French pa

whom Mallet du-Pan called "a printer's boy of Limosin," I remember what a harvest of glory was anticipated; and, I have been very respectably assured, that, if it had not been for the baseness of the Dutch, who fought like devils against us instead of for us, the convention of the Helder would not have graced the Republican annals. But, we are not, according to our newspaper, and; indeed, our official accounts,

a year past, though I have not remarked on them; I have noted their toad-eating toasts; and I am glad to see them defeated.

liable to the same obstacles now, the people | to me (and I have observed them very nar-of Germany being all for the Allies. rowly) to be as stout "anti-jacobins" as His Grace of Cumberland has, therefore, any going. I have read their speeches for fairer play. Indeed, if only a quarter part of what we have heard be true, His Grace stands a good chance of pursuing Napoleon to the borders of Old France, at the very least. -The Duke is a General, and, of course, must be well skilled in the science of war. There is no man in this country, no public wriler, at least, who will attempt to call in question either his skill or his courage. That being the case, I say, that we have a right to put his presence with the allied army into the scale against Napoleon, who has before fought the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Russia, but who never, until now, saw opposed to him an English Prince.I conclude, therefore, this long article by observing, that we ought, all of us, to keep our eye steadily fixed upon this important

circumstance.

-Perfectly ready at all times I am to join my feeble voice to that of any man who shall ask for the placing of all dissenters upon a level with the people of the church in all respects. But, I am for no partial boons to this sect or to that sect. I am for no caballings of religious parties, by which the people are kept in a divided state, while the government gains strength. One sect comes after another, and is ready to give up the great cause of freedom, if those in power will but humour them in their religious whims.I have no objection to the religion of the Catholic. I think a Catholic priest just as well qualified to forgive sins, and to have just as good authority for it, as our priests, who are authorized so to do by the Rubric. EngCATHOLIC BILL. As I expressed my land was great and free when our fathers opinion it has turned out. This Bill has were Catholics. But, what I dislike is, been rejected. On Monday last, upon the that this description of dissenters from the motion of the Speaker to leave out the church should come and demand a partial Clause giving the Catholics seats in Parlia- boon; and, more especially, that they ment, there was for the motion a majority should pretend, that it is for the good of all of four, upon which the partisans of the the sect, when they well know, and we Bill gave up the rest.I am, for my know too, that it is only for the sake of part, glad of this result. The Bill would gratifying a set of place-hunters.—I rereally have done nothing at all for the great peat, that I have observed in their proceedbody of the Catholics, while it would have ings nothing in favour of public liberty; opened the way for a new and hungry set of and I do firmly believe, that, if the door of placemen. There are Protestant barris-place had been opened to them, we should ters enough aspiring to big wigs, without adding three or four score of Catholics to the number. I have quite enough of the hundred Protestant members of parliament from the "sister kingdom." And, as to the army and navy, if any one doubts of our having generals and admirals enough, let him look at the lists. My firm belief is, that we have twice, if not thrice, the number that Napoleon has.—It is a scandalous abuse of words to call the partisans of such a Bill, the "friends of civil and religious liberty." They should be called the friends of a new drove of placemen. The Bill would have given not one particle of liberly to any Catholic, or to any priest; -The article is very curious, and I will but, on the contrary, would have taken insert it." After the Speaker had resome of the liberties of the latter away, for "sumed the Chair on Monday night, we the sake of putting some of the laity into" rejoice to learn that Lord Rancliffe gave places. I never could discover, in any of" notice of a motion on the subject of Parthe proceedings of the Catholic boards or "liamentary Reform, for the 11th of June other bodies, any thing in favour of pub-" next. Every day's experience shews the lic liberty. On the contrary, they appear necessity of such a reform as shall restore

have found them amongst the most active and zealous of our persecutors. And, for this reason, that they are hungry. They want to share in the good things; and they very well know the only way to obtain their object. The Speaker objected to them upon precisely the opposite ground with me. He was afraid, they would range themselves in opposition to the Government: I think they would have been amongst the most ready and most useful of all its instruments.——The Morning Chronicle seems to think, that now we ought to have a parliamentary reform, and that we ought to have it, too, in consequence of the rejection of this Bill.

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it now is! I never heard that they objected to the system of boroughs. This is, then, a sudden thought of theizs, or of yours. No, Mr. Perry, they can, surely, never object to the mode of electing that very parliament, into which, without any complaint against it, they were so eager to obtain admittance. If the parliament was good enough for them to sit in by the means of borough elections, it was surely good enough to decide upon their petition. But, the worst of it is, that those, in general, who voted for the Catholics are amongst the sturdiest enemies of reform. Will Mr. GANNING, for instance, give us a lift in the way of reform? It is very true, that a reform of the parliament would soon settle all these religious disputes; but, of those who were for this Bill, five would not vote for a parliamentary reform.I am very glad to hear, that there are petitions for reform; but, I am sure they will be signed by very few of those who take a lead in religious sects. Those people have always some little boort to ask for themselves; and they well know, that the way to get that is not to ask for a reform of the parliament. Nay, I will bet Mr. Perry a trifle, that the very persons, in whose behalf this Bill was brought in, would be amongst the foremost in opposing parliamentary reform; because that would cut up, root and branch, the very things they are seeking for.--I do not mean to say, that all those, who have taken an active part in pressing for this measure, wish to get money by it. I know the contrary. Mr. BUTLER, for instance, I am satished, is actuated by no selfish motive. I could say the same of many others; but, generally speaking, the object is to get a share of the public money by one mean or another.- But, how comes it, that the Catholics, if they were friends of reform, never talked of it before? I have read, in some of their speeches, as bitter reflections on the Reformers as ever escaped the lips of any scoundrel Borough-monger, of any corrupt trafficker in seats; and, having heard this, and perceiving from the tenor of all their toasts and resolutions, that they are amongst the enemies of Relorm, am [ ́ now to be made believe, that their cause ought to produce that change?—I venture to assure Mr. Perry, that MAJOR CARTWRIGHT, that most able, most zealous, and most disinterested friend of freedom, will find no material support from the Catholics, or, at least, from those who were calling for this Bill.We are now,

"the just rights of the people in the Commons House: and it cannot be said that "it is not called for, when it is known that "Major Cartwright, on Monday evening, "said he now held in his hands, ready to "be presented to the House, 320 petitions, "uniform in their prayer for reform, and signed by one hundred and twenty thou"sand men.—— We know not in what "terms to speak of the disappointment "which the friends of civil and religious "freedom have suffered by the loss of the "Bill for the relief of the Roman Catho"lics; because with that reverence for the "House of Commons which it is our desire to cherish, we cannot reconcile with any "rule of principle the vote of Monday night on a single clause of the Bill, with "the former votes on the whole of it. "There must be a secret history in the ma་་ nagement of the division in the Commitwhich if it could be fairly promulgated, would prove to every unbiassed mind the necessity of that reform in the representation which it is the object of "Lord Rancliffe to bring into discussion. "Some of the arts practised on the occasion "have been whispered, and we may be enabled to speak of them hereafter. But certainly the triumph is not to be boasted "of that was obtained by the means which we hear were practised, and which, after "all the efforts that were made, was so trifling in its number. The Bill is lost, indeed, and the consequences may be such, as we shudder to contemplate; but "what must be the feeling of the temporary winners, when they shall reflect on "the very trifling majority by which they "have contrived to continue the thraldom "in which millions of their fellow-subjects are held! Their triumph will be short, indeed, if the result of this vote shall be "to quicker the public mind in the cause of parliamentary Reform; and we sincerely hope that that will be the "first fruits of the decision.' -Upon my word, Mr. PERRY, this is being very sanguine indeed! Can you believe, that the reform which was rejected upon Mr. MADOX's exposure of 11th May, 1809, will be produced by the rejection of this Bill? Can you believe, that the reform, the necessity of which has not been evident enough in 20 years' war, and 800,000,000 of debt, and in the property tax, will become evident in the refusal to let two or three score of Roman Catholics into place? The Catholics wished, it seems, to get into this same parliament as

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it seems, to expect dreadful consequences | tion, who, if again in power, would again in Ireland. And why? Do you see the insult the people much more than the What! Did Bill that is passing about arms in Ireland? Pittites have ever done. Do you keep in mind the powers which the not Mr. Tierney and Mr. Ponsonby and Irish government has over the people? Lord Milton join Mr. Canning and Mr. Do you remember the Act, which was Perceval in making the famous "STAND drawn up by the Whigs, which was left "against POPULAR ENCROACHby them as a legacy to the Pittites, and "MENT," when Mr. MADOX, on the which was said to have been penned by 11th of May, 1809, offered to prove the Mr. Grattan himself? Do you remember sale of a seat? And, with this fact in our that Act? Have you its powers in your minds, will any one attempt to persuade eye? If you have, you will be at perfect us, that we ought to look to the Whig ease upon the score of disturbances in Ire-faction as friends of reform! land; and, you will also be able to judge, how far the supporters of the Bill now AMERICAN WAR. -PRISONERS thrown out, seeing that they were the real War.- Mr. BARLOW.— It appears authors of the Act above alluded to, merit that the loan, which our hireling prints the exclusive appellation of "friends of assured us the American President was un"civil and religious liberty."--Besides, able to raise, has been raised, and that, I again ask, what reason have the mass of too, in the single city of Philadelphia. —— the Irish Catholics to be more discontented It also is stated, that Mr. MADISON has now than they were before this Bill was actually named plenipotentiaries to negocirejected? The Bill, if carried, would ate a peace with us, under the mediation of have done them no good. Why, then, if Russia.I hope we shall accept of the not deluded, if not deceived, should they mediation, and put an end to this the worst regret its failure?-Oh, no! Mr. Perry, of all our wars. But, the hireling press is we are in no danger of disturbances in Ire- against such acceptance. It labours hard land! The people of Ireland appear to be to perpetuate this war and to make it as a perfectly loyal and orderly race. You cruel as possible, by adding to the animonever hear from them any noise about any sity on both sides.- -There is a circumthing. They are as quiet as any people stance, which I have heard of, relating to can be; and, really, it is a pity, that any Americans, who were serving on board of hints should be thrown out, like those of our ships, which it will be sufficient, I am Mr. Perry, calculated to disturb their sure, barely to state.- The Americans minds. At any rate, they ought not to always asserted, that we detained many of be deceived. The Bill would have done their native seamen on board of our ships of them no good, as I have frequently shown; war. This now appears to have been by the rejection of the Bill, the great body true. For, since the war has been going of the Catholics have lost nothing, nor have on, our government have thought it pruthey been deprived of the chance of gaining dent (and it was certainly just) to put these any thing. What new reason, therefore, men, or some of them, at least, out of our can they have to be disaffected towards a service, it not being at all probable that an government, with which they appear from American would, without force, fight their silence to have been hitherto so well against his country. I have only to add, satisfied?- To return, for a moment, to that the men I allude to, have, as I underthe subject of parliamentary reform, I beg stand, been, not discharged, not sent home, the reader to bear in mind, that the Morn but made prisoners of war, to be exchanging Chronicle never speaks on the subject, ed against persons, whom the Americans except at times when its faction has receiv- may have taken from us in actual war.— ed a blow. I confess that it would be a I do not positively assert this to be a fact, remedy for almost all our evils; but, the but I have heard it stated as such, and I do worst of it is, the Whigs never talked think that it is a matter which calls for about this remedy, when they were in public attention. Being upon the subject power. Nay, have not all the leaders of of America, I cannot refrain from noticing them talked against it, of late years, in a certain letters, which appeared in the most vehement style? What, then, are COURIER, the MORNING POST, and other we to expect from them? The people newspapers, a few days ago, purporting to must rely upon themselves only; upon their be letters, written by Mr. JOEL BARLOW to own lawful exertions, and not upon the Mr. MADISON, from France. These letgood will or exertions of this deceitful fac-ters our newspapers say they have copied