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vey has to complain of, is, that he could i can help it.The dry matter is this: not set up the truth in justification; but, shall the Catholics have a share of the seats in this respect, he is upon the same footing in parliament, and of the high offices in the as the rest of us. I was not allowed to State, in the army, and in the navy, or prove the truth of my publication; nor is shall they not; or, in other words, shall any man who is prosecuted criminally. If they come into a full share, with the ProI were to detect a man in the act of theft, testants, of the public money. Twist real, vulgar, poor-man's theft, and were and turn the thing as you please; talk about to state the fact in print, he might indict superstition, bigotry, liberty of conscime for it; might prosecute me; and I must ence, or what you like; but, at last, this be convicted; for, if there were a witness is the plain, dry question. And, I do not to the fact, I should not be allowed to pro- think that the Protestants, who are now in duce him to prove the truth of what I had the possession of these good things, will, said.Therefore, Mr. Creevey's case is if they can avoid it, permit these new and not singular. He has the same law for famishing candidates to come in and share him as we all have; and, Mr. Brougham with them. If I thought that the Bill would have done much better to complain was likely to pass, I should use my best on this score; to make a general complaint endeavours to prevent its passing; because against the law, than to stand upon any I think it is a Bill, calculated to make the particular privilege. Catholic Clergy the tools of the government, and to a much greater extent than the Church Clergy can be expected to be.
-The Abstract, which I here insert, will shew, in a moment, that this is the case. "This Bill enables Roman Ca"tholics to sit in either House of Parlia
ment, and to hold all civil and military "offices, upon their taking and making a "certain Declaration and Oath, instead of "the Oaths of Allegiance, Abjuration, and
"GERMAN PATRIOTS."- The subscription, I see, goes on for these people; and a correspondent begs me to think better of them. I do not think ill of the people of Germany. There are no bad people naturally. When they are bad, they are made bad by their governments. But, what I do think, is, that there will be no population found in Germany disposed to resist Buonaparte. This is what I think," and I have heard no reasons in opposition to my opinion. If it be merely a war of soldier against soldier, my firm persuasion is, that the French will triumph. How-" ever, it is useless to deal in conjectures and opinions. The proof is at no great dis
Supremacy, and the Declarations against "Transubstantiation and the Invocation of "Saints, required by the present laws, "except the offices of Lord High Chancellor, Lord Keeper or Lord Commis"sioner of the Great Seal of Great Britain, or of Lord Lieutenant or Lord Deputy, or Chief Governor or Governors of Ire"land. Roman Catholics are also to conCATHOLIC QUESTION.Upon this sub-tinue disqualified to hold or to present to ject a Bill is now before the House of Com- any office, benefice, place or dignity, mons, the second reading of which stood" belonging to the Established Church, or for Tuesday last, when Sir JOHN Cox" the Church of Scotland, or to any EccleHIPPISLEY moved to put off the matter by referring to a Committee an inquiry into the existing laws against the Catholics.This, I must confess, greatly astonished" me, who always regarded this gentleman as the great champion of the Catholic cause, but who, it seems, has now discovered them to be a very dangerous body; or, at least, to entertain notions very dangerous" No Roman Catholic shall present to any to the Church and State. -His motion "Protestant advowson; if any ecclesiastiwas lost by a great majority; but, I do not "cal patronage be attached to any office to believe, that the Bill will, at this time," which a Roman Catholic is appointed, become a law for all that.. -It is, as I "the patronage shall be executed by such said before, a question of temporal inte- " Protestant Privy Councillor as His Marests; and, it is not likely, that those, "jesty may appoint. Roman Catholic who are in possession of good things, will "Clergymen shall take an oath, purportadmit others to share with them, if they" ing that they will not recommend, sanc
"siastical Court of Judicature, or to any "of the Universities of this realm, or to "the Colleges of Eton, Westminster, or Winchester, or to any public School of "Royal or Ecclesiastical foundation within "this realm, otherwise than as they are "by the law, as now existing, qualified "to hold, or presented to the same.
❝tion, or concur in the appointment or "conspiracies and attempts whatever, that "consecration of any Bishop, of whose loy-" shall be made against his person, crown, "ally they are not well informed. Per- or dignity; and I will do my utmost ensons discharging spiritual functions with- "deavour to disclose and make known to "out taking this oath, will be guilty of a " His Majesty, his heirs, and successors, "misdemeanour.- None but a natural-"all treasons and traitorous couspiracies "born subject, having been resident in the "which may be formed against him or "kingdom five years immediately previous" them; and I do faithfully promise to "to consecration, shall exercise the functions of Bishop.- -These are the heads "to Mr. Grattan's Bill, to which Mr. "Canning has proposed several supple❝mentary clauses to the following purport: That every Roman Catholic Bi"shop to be hereafter appointed shall ob"tain a certificate from five English Ca"tholic Peers, named in the bill, as to his "loyalty; and any Bishop officiating with-" out this certificate, may be sent out of the kingdom. That all bulls or briefs "received from Rome, shall be immedi-" "ately communicated to Commissioners appointed by the bill, namely, five Ca"tholic Peers, the Roman Catholic Bishop "of the London district, the Lord Chan"cellor, and one of the Secretaries of State, "being a Protestant, excepting such bulls
"maintain, support, and defend, to the "utmost of my power, the succession to "the Crown (which succession, by an " Act entitled, An Act for the further "Fimitation of the Crown, and the better "securing the rights and liberties of the "subject, is, and stands limited to the "Princess Sophia, Electress and Du"chess Dowager of Hanover, and the heirs of her body being Protestants); hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring "any obedience or allegiance unto any other person claiming or pretending a " right to the Crown of this Realm. I do "declare, that I do not believe that the "Pope of Rome, or any other foreign "Prince, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or preas relate to the spiritual concerns of indi- "eminence, directly or indirectly, within "viduals, which must be certified upon "this Realm: I do further declare, that it "oath to be purely of such a nature.-The "is not an article of my faith, and that I "penalty of not complying with that pro-" do renounce, reject, and abjure the opi"vision, 15, that they are liable to be sent "nion, that Princes excommunicated by "out of the kingdom.-The Commis-" the Pope or Council, or by the Pope and "sioners to be sworn to secrecy.-There" Council, or by any authority of the See "is a similar provision for Ireland."The Commissioners to certify for the loy"alty of Bishops to be five Irish Catholic The Commissioners for the in- "I do swear that I will defend, to the utspection of bulls to be the same five Peers, "most of my power, the settlement and "the Roman Catholic Arch-bishops of " arrangement of property within this "Dublin and Armagh, the Lord Chan- "realm, as established by the laws. I do "cellor, and Secretary of State, or one of swear that I do abjure, condeinn, and "the Privy Council, being a Protestant." detest, as unchristian and impious, the -In the event of the death or absence principle, that it is lawful to destroy or "from the kingdom of any of the five Ca- any ways injure any person whatsoever, "tholic Peers in either of the kingdoms, a "for or under the pretence of such person "substitute to be appointed by His Ma-" being an Heretic. I do declare solemnly 66 jesty from among the remaining Catholic" before God, that I believe that no act, in "Peers; or, if there should not be a suf-" itself unjust or immoral, can ever be "ficient number of Catholic Peers, any "justified or excused, by or under the pre"Roman Catholic Gentleman, possessing "tence or colour that it was done, either "a landed estate of £1,000 a year may be " for the good of the Church, or in obediappointed. -The following is the new "ence to any Ecclesiastical Power whatso"oath — I, A. B. do hereby declare," ever. I do also declare, that it is not an "that I do profess the Roman Catholic" article of the Roman Catholic Faith, nei"Religion and I do sincerely promise" ther am I thereby required to believe or "and swear that I will be faithful and bear "profess, that the Pope is infallible, or "true allegiance to His Majesty King "that I am bound to obey any order, in its George the Third, and him will defend" own nature immoral, though the Pope or to the utmost of my power against all" any Ecclesiastical Power should issue or
"of Rome, or by any authority whatso" ever, may be deposed or murdered by "their subjects, or any person whatsoever,
direct such order: but, on the contrary, "I hold, that it would be sinful in me to "pay any respect or obedience thereto. I "further declare, that I do not believe that "any sin whatsoever committed by me, can be forgiven at the will of any Pope, or of any Priest, or any person or perแ sons whatsoever; but that sincere sorrow "for past sins, a firm and sincere resolu❝tion to avoid future guilt, and to atone to "God, are previous and indispensable re"quisites to establish a well-founded expectation of forgiveness, and that any 66 person, who received absolution without "the previous requisites, so far from obtaining thereby any remission of his sins, "incurs the additional guilt of violating a "Sacrament. I do reject and detest, as an "unchristian and impious principle, that "faith is not to be kept with Heretics or "Infidels. I do hereby disclaim, disavow, "and solemnly abjure any intention to sub"vert the present Church Establishment, "for the purpose of substituting a Roman "Catholic Establishment in its stead. I "do solemnly swear that I will not use any "privilege, power, or influence, which I "do now, or may hereafter possess, to "overthrow or disturb the present Church "Establishments of the United Kingdom; "and that I never will, by any conspiracy, "contrivance, or device whatsoever, abet "others in any attempt to overthrow or "disturb the same. And that I will make "known to his Majesty, his heirs and suc66 cessors, all attempts, plots, or conspira"cies whether at home or abroad, which "shall come to my knowledge, for effect"ing either of these purposes. I do so"lemnly, in the presence of God, profess, "testify, and declare, that I do swear this "Oath, and make this Declaration, and "every part thereof, in the plain and ordi"nary sense of the words, without any " evasion, equivocation, or mental reser"vation whatever, and without any dis"pensation, already granted by the Pope, "or any authority of the See of Rome, or any person whatever, and without thinksecuring the liberties of the people,” "ing that I am, or can be acquitted before which had been thought to be endangered "God or man, or absolved of this Decla- by the Romish doctrines as applied to poli"ration, or any part thereof, although the tics; but, in this Bill, not a word seems to "Pope or any other person or authority be said about the liberties of the people; it "whatsoever shall dispense with or annulis the Crown and the Church, which are "the same, or declare that it was null and "void from the beginning. So help me "God."—As to their swearing, I do not care a straw for that; but, I do not like the power of punishing those Clergymen, who may concur in appointing any Bishop,
"of whose loyalty they are not well in"formed." This word loyalty is of so equivocal a meaning; it is a word which allows of such latitude of interpretation, that I would not trust any ministry with the power of interpreting it.—- Ask any sinecure placeman what loyalty means, and he will tell you, that, amongst other things, it means an acquiescence in his living upon the public. Ask what it means amongst the hordes of Contractors and Jobbers, and they will exclaim, that you must be a fool not to see that it means an approbation of their mode of making money. Put the same question to all those who are interested in the prolongation of the war; and they will, to a man, tell you, that it is disloy alty to talk about peace with France; and their mothers, wives, sons, daughters, grandfathers, grandmothers, uncles, aunts, and cousins, to the fourteenth generation, will say the same.A word of such latitude should never have been introduced into an Act of Parliament. Loyalty will, in fact, be a devotion to the ruling faction of the day; and, of course, if this bill were to pass, the ready way to become a Catholic Bishop would be to become a time-serving politician.Besides, why should this quality of loyalty be more insisted upon than the quality of patriotism? Mr. GRATTAN, the supposed author of this Bill, has heretofore shone as a patriot; and, why should now greater care be taken of the throne than of the people's rights. For my part, I can see no reason for this. I see greater reason to object to the Bill on this account than on any other. It is said to give securities to the Protestant Church; it is said to give securities to the throne; but, where are its securities to the people's rights? Where is the security, that, for the sake of interest, the Catholic Church will not join a corrupt faction against the freedom of the people? When the Act of Settlement was passed: that Act which sent down the crown in the Protestant succession, it was called an Act for
to be secured; and, so that they be but secured, it would seem to have been thought of no consequence what becomes of the people's rights.-In short, what advantage are we to derive from Catholics being allowed to become Judges,
Generals, Admirals, and Members of Parliament? I do not say, that they ought to be excluded from these situations, but, what good will the nation, or even the great mass of the Catholics, derive from such a change? Very little, I believe; and, if the Catholic clergy are to be made more dependent than those of the church, I am sure the change will be an evil. I always was of opinion, that this measure alone would do Ireland no good; I have always understood that the great body of the Irish Catholics viewed it with indifference, if not with contempt; and I do not believe, that any Irish gentleman, well-informed upon the subject, will assert the contrary. "Boon!" what boon is it to the two or three millions of potatoe-planters and linen weavers, who have no more chance of a seat in parliament than they have of a belly-full of meat once a day? We have been told, that this bill will bring forth the population of Ireland to fight our battles: why, if we were to believe all that we have heard, it is the Irish and Scotch that do now fight all our battles, or, at least, win all our victories. What can they do more for us in this way? We "o' tha Sooth," have long stood with our fingers in our mouths, and seen all the laurels taken off twig by twig, by our "sister kingdoms." I shall never forget the acclamations, the uproar of boasting, in the House of Commons, upon the news of General Graham's victory, which the Spaniards, by-the-by, spoke rather queerly of. The Scotch claimed the honour on account of the commander, and the Irish on account of the men; and there sat the 426 English members as if struck dumb. Mr. Sheridan told them how the wondrous Commander, while ly ing upon the ground in Spain, sketched out cottages for his tenantry at home. But, the barely thinking of that scene makes one sick. The point I aim at is this: if the "true Irish heroes," as GENERAL MATHEWS called them, upon the occasion here referred to, fight our battles now; if Ireland, as others tell us, feeds us now; why make any change at all? Can she do more than fight our battles and feed us? The truth is, that the soldiers and sailors from the three kingdoms, are, I believe, all equally brave; and that they are, when not impressed, all induced to go into the service, with the hope of gelling more victuals and better clothing, or of escaping something which they dread more than they dread the service. These are the causes which send men into the naval and military service;
and it is an insult to common sense to suppose, that men, influenced by such motives, should find an additional motive in this Catholic Bill; to suppose, that a man, who, in these kingdoms, is at all likely to enter as a common soldier or a common sailor, should be the more disposed to do it, because a law has been passed, which removes the obstacle to his becoming a fieldofficer, of which he has, indeed, perhaps, a better chance than he has of being enrolled in the Calendar of Saints, but of which the chance is so very small as never to enter, even in a dream, into his mind; to suppose this, is something so very wild, that one cannot help being astonished at its being seriously mentioned by men of sense. But, do not those, who affect to hold this opinion, contradict themselves? They never fail to remind us, or, rather, to assert, that the far greater part of our sailors and soldiers are Irishmen. Now, if this be the case, how comes it that it is so? It is always taken for granted, as Doctor Duigenan once shrewdly observed, that all these Irish soldiers and sailors are Catholics. If this be true, it seems, then, that the protestants, against whose becoming Marshals and Commanders in Chief there is no prohibition, are less eager to enter the service than the Catholics, who are, by law prohibited from experiencing such advancement. How will the advocates for the Bill account for this! -Oh! it is a
sad mockery of poor, hungry, half-naked fellows, to ascribe to them any such ridiculous motives. They act from the plain, undisguised motive of making their lives better; of getting rid of evils which they feel press upon them; and having become soldiers and sailors, they generally behave valiantly and faithfully. In gratitude for the services of Catholics, it may be just to indulge them in their religious opinions; but, I abominate the talk about their being induced to become soldiers or sailors by a Bill, which, if it becomes a law, may cause a score or two of the sons of Catholic Noblemen and Gentlemen to obtain elevated rank in the navy or the army.
The great objection to the building of the measure upon reasons like this, is, that it will produce disappointment. The people of Ireland want more than this Bill will give them. They feel the tithes, and not the prohibition to become Field-marshals. I dare say, that, out of a million, you would not find one, who would not sell his reversion to a Staff for a pottle of potatoes. The measure proposed by Mr. Parnell about
tithes, would have done some good; but all the men of sense from Ireland, whom I have conversed with upon the subject, are of opinion, that a total change, as to Church property, is necessary in that country. Perhaps they, too, deceive themselves; for, when once a whole population, or the great mass of it, is become miserable, it is very hard to say what remedy can be applied. -To know the state of Ireland we need not go thither; we need not go to be witness of the man and his inmate, the pig, going to the same source for their dinner, the one helping himself with his paws and the other with his snout. We need not go thither; all we have to do is to observe, that, let what will happen to agitate the public mind, not a movement is seen in Ireland. Upon any of the occasions, with in these ten years, when Addresses, or Petitions, for redress of any grievance, have poured in from the different parts of England, who has heard a word from any part of Ireland? It is manifest that there is no public mind. It is manifest, that, with a climate and soil better than those of the greater part of England; and with a population naturally robust, brave, acute, eloquent, and generous; that with all these, Ireland is rendered comparatively nothing. And, will she be restored by a Bill which may put half a dozen lawyers' heads into big wigs, and clap two shoulder-knots upon the shoulders of a hundred or two of officers who can now wear but one? Will a measure like this re animate the mind of Ireland, who, while all the rest of the world is in noisy life, like Lethe sleeps beneath "the storm?". "Tranquillity!" We are told, that this Bill will effect the "tranquillity of Ireland." Really, to hear some people talk, one would imagine, that, in their view of the matter, death was the most desirable of all things. Why, the people are tranquil enough in Turkey and Algiers. Formerly men talked of the freedom of a nation; they cited its bustle and agitation as signs of its spirit of liberty. But, now-a-days, tranquillity seems to be the only thing that we ought to look after; except, indeed, in France, where we most anxiously seek for commotions and insurrections.- -But, if tranquillity be the object, Colonel Dillon's plan is certainly far preferable to this plan of Mr. Grattan. Ireland, as I have above observed, seems to enjoy tranquillity as perfect as can well be enjoyed on this side of the grave; but, if it were otherwise, how is the change to be effected by this Bill? Some five or six
score of lawyers, who see in this Bill the chance of elevation, may, perhaps, be silenced, and, Mr. Grattan may, indeed, ask me, if it be doing nothing to shut their mouths. Why, yes; it is something, I confess; but, we are not talking of getting rid of mere noise and froth. We are talking about keeping a people quiet; or, in other words, preventing insurrection and rebellion. And, in what way is this Bill to produce any such effect in Ireland? Those who are to be benefited by the Bill, are the very persons who must naturally be indisposed to insurrection and rebellion.
-Colonel Dillon's plan was of a kind better suited to the wished-for effect. That gentleman, who is also a Member of Parliament, proposed, in a work addressed to the Prince Regent, to keep Ireland tranquil by the means of inland fortresses, with regular works, well mounted with cannon? That was his plan, and a much more sensible plan it was than that of Mr. Grattan. He proposed to employ the people in raising the works, and then to man the works with a part of them, to keep the rest in order.- -What does all this scheming prove? Only that Ireland is in a most wretched state, and that she is to be relieved effectually only by some measure, which shall produce a great change in the condition of the people; and, assuredly, no such change will be, or can be, produced by the Bill in question.