vey has to complain of, is, that he could i can help it. The dry matter is this: not set up the truth in justification; but, shall the Catholics have a share of the seats in this respect, he is upon the same footing in parliament, and of the high offices in the as the rest of us. I was not allowed to State, in the army, and in the navy, or prove the truth of my publication; nor is shall they not; or, in other words, shall any man who is prosecuted criminally. If they come into a full share, with the ProI were to detect a man in the act of theft, testants, of the public money.Twist real, vulgar, poor-man's theft, and were and turn the thing as you please; talk about to state the fact in print, he might indict superstition, bigotry, liberty of conscime for it; might prosecute me; and I must ence, or what you like; but, at last, this be convicted; for, if there were a witness is the plain, dry question. And, I do not to the fact, I should not be allowed to pro- think that the Protestants, who are now in duce him to prove the truth of what I had the possession of these good things, will, said. Therefore, Mr. Creevey's case is if they can avoid it, permit these new and not singular. He has the same law for famishing candidates to come in and share him as we all have; and, Mr. Brougham with them.If I thought that the Bill would have done much better to complain was likely to pass, I should use my best on this score; to make a general complaint endeavours to prevent its passing; because against the law, than to stand upon any I think it is a Bill, calculated to make the particular privilege. Catholic Clergy the tools of the government, and to a much greater extent than the Church Clergy can be expected to be.

"GERMAN PATRIOTS.". The subscription, I see, goes on for these people; -The Abstract, which I here insert, and a correspondent begs me to think better will shew, in a moment, that this is the of them. I do not think ill of the people case.. "This Bill enables Roman Caof Germany. There are no bad people na- "tholics to sit in either House of Parliaturally. When they are bad, they are ment, and to hold all civil and military made bad by their governments. But," offices, upon their taking and making a what I do think, is, that there will be no "certain Declaration and Oath, instead of population found in Germany disposed to "the Oaths of Allegiance, Abjuration, and resist Buonaparte. This is what I think," Supremacy, and the Declarations against and I have heard no reasons in opposition "Transubstantiation and the Invocation of to my opinion. If it be merely a war of" Saints, required by the present laws, soldier against soldier, my firm persuasion "except the offices of Lord High Chanis, that the French will triumph. How- "cellor, Lord Keeper or Lord Commisever, it is useless to deal in conjectures and "sioner of the Great Seal of Great Britain, opinions. The proof is at no great dis-" or of Lord Lieutenant or Lord Deputy, or Chief Governor or Governors of Ire"land. Roman Catholics are also to con

tance.

CATHOLIC QUESTION. -Upon this sub-tinue disqualified to hold or to present to ject a Bill is now before the House of Com-"any office, benefice, place or dignity, mons, the second reading of which stood" belonging to the Established Church, or for Tuesday last, when Sir JOHN COX "the Church of Scotland, or to any EccleHIPPISLEY moved to put off the matter by "siastical Court of Judicature, or to any referring to a Committee an inquiry into the "of the Universities of this realm, or to existing laws against the Catholics. "the Colleges of Eton, Westminster, or This, I must confess, greatly astonished" Winchester, or to any public School of me, who always regarded this gentleman" Royal or Ecclesiastical foundation within as the great champion of the Catholic cause, "this realm, otherwise than as they are but who, it seems, has now discovered "by the law, as now existing, qualified them to be a very dangerous body; or, at "to hold, or presented to the same. least, to entertain notions very dangerous" No Roman Catholic shall present to any to the Church and State.- His motion" Protestant advowson; if any ecclesiastiwas lost by a great majority; but, I do not "cal patronage be attached to any office to believe, that the Bill will, at this time," which a Roman Catholic is appointed, become a law for all that. It is, as I "the patronage shall be executed by such said before, a question of temporal inte- "Protestant Privy Councillor as His Marests; and, it is not likely, that those, "jesty may appoint. Roman Catholic who are in possession of good things, will" Clergymen shall take an oath, purportadmit others to share with them, if they" ing that they will not recommend, sanç,

"tion, or concur in the appointment or "conspiracies and attempts whatever, that "consecration of any Bishop, of whose loy-" shall be made against his person, crown, "ally they are not well informed. Per- "or dignity; and I will do my utmost en66 sons discharging spiritual functions with- "deavour to disclose and make known to "out taking this oath, will be guilty of a "His Majesty, his heirs, and successors, "misdemeanour.-None but a natural-" all treasons and traitorous couspiracies "which may be formed against him or

"born subject, having been resident in the "kingdom five years immediately previous" them; and I do faithfully promise to

"to consecration, shall exercise the func-
"tions of Bishop.-
-These are the heads

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"maintain, support, and defend, to the "utmost of my power, the succession to "to Mr. Grattan's Bill, to which Mr. "the Crown (which succession, by an Canning has proposed several supple-"Act entitled, An Act for the further mentary clauses to the following pur- "Fimitation of the Crown, and the better port: That every Roman Catholic Bi- securing the rights and liberties of the shop to be hereafter appointed shall ob- "subject," is, and stands limited to the "tain a certificate from five English Ca- "Princess Sophia, Electress and Du"tholic Peers, named in the bill, as to his "chess Dowager of Hanover, and the loyalty; and any Bishop officiating with-" heirs of her body being Protestants); "out this certificate, may be sent out of "hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring the kingdom. That all bulls or briefs" any obedience or allegiance unto any "received from Rome, shall be immedi-" other person claiming or pretending a ately communicated to Commissioners "right to the Crown of this Realm. I do "appointed by the bill, namely, five Ca- "declare, that I do not believe that the "tholic Peers, the Roman Catholic Bishop 66 Pope of Rome, or any other foreign "of the London district, the Lord Chan- Prince, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath, cellor, and one of the Secretaries of State, or ought to have, any temporal or civil "being a Protestant, excepting such bulls "jurisdiction, power, superiority, or preas relate to the spiritual concerns of indi-eminence, directly or indirectly, within "viduals, which must be certified upon "this Realm: I do further declare, that it oath to be purely of such a nature.-The "is not an article of my faith, and that I penalty of not complying with that pro-" do renounce, reject, and abjure the opivision, is, that they are liable to be sent "out of the kingdom.-The Commissioners to be sworn to secrecy."is a similar provision for Ireland."The Commissioners to certify for the loy"alty of Bishops to be five Irish Catholic

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ever, may be deposed or murdered by "their subjects, or any person whatsoever, I do swear that I will defend, to the utmost of my power, the settlement and

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" arrangement of property within this "realm, as established by the laws. I do "swear that I do abjure, condeinn, and "detest, as unchristian and impious, the principle, that it is lawful to destroy or

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spection of bulls to be the same five Peers, "the Roman Catholic Arch-bishops of Dublin and Armagh, the Lord Chancellor, and Secretary of State, or one of "the Privy Council, being a Protestant. -In the event of the death or absence "from the kingdom of any of the five Ca- any ways injure any person whatsoever, "tholic Peers in either of the kingdoms, a "for or under the pretence of such person "substitute to be appointed by His Ma- "being an Heretic. I do declare solemnly "jesty from among the remaining Catholic" before God, that I believe that no act, in "Peers; or, if there should not be a suf-" itself unjust or immoral, can ever be "ficient number of Catholic Peers, any" justified or excused, by or under the pre"Roman Catholic Gentleman, possessing "tence or colour that it was done, either

a landed estate of £1,000 a year may be "appointed.The following is the new ence to any Ecclesiastical Power whatso"oath: I, A. B. do hereby declare, 66 ever. I do also declare, that it is not an "that I do profess the Roman Catholic" article of the Roman Catholic Faith, nei"Religion and I do sincerely promise" ther am I thereby required to believe or "and swear that I will be faithful and bear" profess, that the Pope is infallible, or "true allegiance to His Majesty King" that I am bound to obey any order, in its George the Third, and him will defend" own nature immoral, though the Pope or "to the utmost of my power against all 66 any Ecclesiastical Power should issue or

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"direct such order: but, on the contrary, "I hold, that it would be sinful in me to pay any respect or obedience thereto. I further declare, that I do not believe that 66 any sin whatsoever committed by me, "can be forgiven at the will of any Pope, ❝or of any Priest, or any person or per"sons whatsoever; but that sincere sorrow "for past sins, a firm and sincere resolu❝tion to avoid future guilt, and to atone to "God, are previous and indispensable requisites to establish a well-founded expectation of forgiveness, and that any person, who received absolution without "the previous requisites, so far from ob"taining thereby any remission of his sins, "incurs the additional guilt of violating a "Sacrament. I do reject and detest, as an "unchristian and impious principle, that "faith is not to be kept with Heretics or "Infidels. I do hereby disclaim, disavow, "and solemnly abjure any intention to sub"vert the present Church Establishment, "for the purpose of substituting a Roman "Catholic Establishment in its stead. I "do solemnly swear that I will not use any "privilege, power, or influence, which I do now, or may hereafter possess, to "overthrow or disturb the present Church "Establishments of the United Kingdom; " and that I never will, by any conspiracy, "contrivance, or device whatsoever, abet "others in any attempt to overthrow or "disturb the same. And that I will make "known to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, all attempts, plots, or conspiracies whether at home or abroad, which "shall come to my knowledge, for effect"ing either of these purposes. I do so"lemnly, in the presence of God, profess, "testify, and declare, that I do swear this "Oath, and make this Declaration, and "every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of the words, without any " evasion, equivocation, or mental reser"vation whatever, and without any dis"pensation, already granted by the Pope, "or any authority of the See of Rome, or "any person whatever, and without think-" securing the liberties of the people," ing that I am, or can be acquitted before which had been thought to be endangered "God or man, or absolved of this Decla- by the Romish doctrines as applied to poli❝ration, or any part thereof, although the tics; but, in this Bill, not a word seems to "Pope or any other person or authority be said about the liberties of the people; it "whatsoever shall dispense with or annulis the Crown and the Church, which are "the same, or declare that it was null and "void from the beginning.-So help me "God."—As to their swearing, I do not care a straw for that; but, I do not like the power of punishing those Clergymen, who may concur in appointing any Bishop,

"of whose loyalty they are not well in"formed." This word loyalty is of so equivocal a meaning; it is a word which allows of such latitude of interpretation, that I would not trust any ministry with the power of interpreting it.—- Ask any sinecure placeman what loyalty means, and he will tell you, that, amongst other things, it means an acquiescence in his living upon the public. Ask what it means amongst the hordes of Contractors and Jobbers, and they will exclaim, that you must be a fool not to see that it means an approbation of their mode of making money. Put the same question to all those who are interested in the prolongation of the war; and they will, to a man, tell you, that it is disloy alty to talk about peace with France; and their mothers, wives, sons, daughters, grandfathers, grandmothers, uncles, aunts, and cousins, to the fourteenth generation, will say the same.-A word of such latitude should never have been introduced into an Act of Parliament. Loyalty will, in fact, be a devotion to the ruling faction of the day; and, of course, if this bill were to pass, the ready way to become a Catholic Bishop would be to become a time-serving politician.Besides, why should this quality of loyalty be more insisted upon than the quality of patriotism? Mr. GRATTAN, the supposed author of this Bill, has heretofore shone as a patriol; and, why should now greater care be taken of the throne than of the people's rights. For my part, I can see no reason for this. I see greater reason to object to the Bill on this account than on any other. It is said to give securities to the Protestant Church; it is said to give securities to the throne; but, where are its securities to the people's rights? Where is the security, that, for the sake of interest, the Catholic Church will not join a corrupt faction against the freedom of the people? When the Act of Settlement was passed: that Act which sent down the crown in the Protestant succession, it was called an Act for

better

to be secured; and, so that they be but secured, it would seem to have been thought of no consequence what becomes of the people's rights.-In short, what advantage are we to derive from Catholics being allowed to become Judges,

Generals, Admirals, and Members of Parliament? I do not say, that they ought to be excluded from these situations, but, what good will the nation, or even the great mass of the Catholics, derive from such a change? Very little, I believe; and, if the Catholic clergy are to be made more dependent than those of the church, I am sure the change will be an evil. I always was of opinion, that this measure alone would do Ireland no good; I have always understood that the great body of the Irish Catholics viewed it with indifference, if not with contempt; and I do not believe, that any Irish gentleman, well-inforined upon the subject, will assert the contrary.

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and it is an insult to common sense to suppose, that men, influenced by such motives, should find an additional motive in this Catholic Bill; to suppose, that a man, who, in these kingdoms, is at all likely to enter as a common soldier or a common sailor, should be the more disposed to do it, because a law has been passed, which removes the obstacle to his becoming a fieldofficer, of which he has, indeed, perhaps, a better chance than he has of being enrolled in the Calendar of Saints, but of which the chance is so very small as never to enter, even in a dream, into his mind; to suppose this, is something so very wild, that one cannot help being astonished at its "Boon!" what boon is it to the two being seriously mentioned by men of or three millions of potatoe-planters and sense. -But, do not those, who affect to linen weavers, who have no more chance hold this opinion, contradict themselves? of a seat in parliament than they have of a They never fail to remind us, or, rather, to belly-full of meat once a day? We have assert, that the far greater part of our sailbeen told, that this bill will bring forth the ors and soldiers are Irishmen. Now, if population of Ireland to fight our battles this be the case, how comes it that it is so? why, if we were to believe all that we have It is always taken for granted, as Doctor heard, it is the Irish and Scotch that do Duigenan once shrewdly observed, that all now fight all our battles, or, at least, win these Irish soldiers and sailors are Catholics. all our victories. What can they do more If this be true, it seems, then, that the for us in this way? We "o' tha Sooth," protestants, against whose becoming Marhave long stood with our fingers in our shals and Commanders in Chief there is mouths, and seen all the laurels taken off no prohibition, are less eager to enter the twig by twig, by our "sister kingdoms.' service than the Catholics, who are, by I shall never forget the acclamations, the law prohibited from experiencing such aduproar of boasting, in the House of Com-vancement. How will the advocates for mons, upon the news of General Graham's | the Bill account for this! -Oh! it is a victory, which the Spaniards, by-the-by, sad mockery of poor, hungry, half-naked spoke rather queerly of. The Scotch claimed the honour on account of the commander, and the Irish on account of the men; and there sat the 426 English members as if struck dumb. Mr. Sheridan told them how the wondrous Commander, while ly ing upon the ground in Spain, sketched out cottages for his tenantry at home. But, the barely thinking of that scene makes one sick. The point I aim at is this: if the "true Irish heroes," as GENERAL MATHEWS called them, upon the occasion here referred to, fight our battles now; if Ireland, as others tell us, feeds us now; why make any change at all? Can she do more than fight our battles and feed us? The truth is, that the soldiers and sailors from the three kingdoms, are, I believe, all equally brave; and that they are, when not impressed, all induced to go into the service, with the hope of gelling more victuals and better clothing, or of escaping something which they dread more than they dread the service. These are the causes which send men into the naval and military service;

fellows, to ascribe to them any such ridiculous motives. They act from the plain, undisguised motive of making their lives better; of getting rid of evils which they feel press upon them; and having become soldiers and sailors, they generally behave valiantly and faithfully. In gratitude for the services of Catholics, it may be just to indulge them in their religious opinions; but, I abominate the talk about their being induced to become soldiers or sailors by a Bill, which, if it becomes a law, may cause a score or two of the sons of Catholic Noblemen and Gentlemen to obtain elevated rank in the navy or the army.

The great objection to the building of the measure upon reasons like this, is, that it will produce disappointment. The people of Ireland want more than this Bill will give them. They feel the tithes, and not the prohibition to become Field-marshals. I dare say, that, out of a million, you would not find one, who would not sell his reversion to a Staff for a pottle of potatoes. The measure proposed by Mr. Parnell about