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who has since honestly avowed, that he
did it out of the public money, and for the
sake of selling an example to the public!
This was in due course; but, such ex-
amples have no effect, I believe, except on
those, who, some how or other, get by
the war.-
-Let these persons give their
money to the Russians for setting fire to
their own houses, as the TIMES tells us,
they have their taste; but, one would
imagine, that, in the sums voted by par-
liament, that is to say, in the sums given
away out of the taxes raised upon the
people of England, some of our own poor
creatures, such as those at Nottingham,
might be permitted to share with the
Russians.- -The Russians, we are told,
suffer in the war against our enemy; and
'do not our own paupers suffer from the
same cause? Do not they suffer from the
imposing of taxes and from the loss of their
business? And what do these arise from
but from the war ?—I should, I must
confess, be very glad to hear the reasons,
why our poor suffering wretches are not to
have a parliamentary grant as well as the
sufferers in Russia. But, this is what I
shall not hear from any of the hireling
writers. This is a topic that they will not
touch upon; for, if they were to give their
reasons; their TRUE reasons, they would
speak a little too plain even to the people
of England.As to the prayer of the
petition, I know not what the Regent may
think of it; but, the hireling press, so Botley, 7th January, 1813.
far from thinking of peace, is, more than
-ever bent on war. It will now hear of no
peace, the path to which is not “over the

Muly Molock, "know all,"--He is not
ill, nor does he appear to be at all discou-
certed at what has taken place in the
North. He will organize his plans, in all
probability, for another campaign in Rus-
sia; and we shall, perhaps, hereafter
repent, that we have missed the last op-
portunity of making a safe and honourable
peace. -The people of Nottingham do
not seem, however, to view the matter in
a right light. They seem to think, that
it is the present ministry who prevent
peace. But, have they heard either of the
other factions say a word in its favour?
Have they not, on the contrary, heard the
other factions blame the ministers for not
carrying on the war upon a more extended
scale? These factions, if they be sincere,
want more war than we now have, and,
of course, more taxes. They cry out, that
Lord Wellington wants money. Aye, I
dare say, he does; but, must not we pay
it before he gets it? And do we want to
pay more money? The fact is, that the
OUT factions blame the ministers for be-
ing too sparing of our purses! We
shall have peace at last; but not, in my
opinion, while the guinea is so cheap as it
now is. It will now sell for only about
29s. 6d. It must be a great deal dearer
before we shall, in my opinion, have
peace.

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corpse of the monster;" meaning the Emperor of France, and which "monster's" corpse seems, as yet, to be, however, in pretty good health and preservation.

war.

What wiseacres! They are as wise as they are honest, however; and, the suffering of them, the tolerating of their trash, meets with its just reward. They, like many thousands of others, would lose by peace; and, therefore, they are for -They will not now treat with Napoleon because he is, as they say, at a low ebb; and formerly they would not treat with him, because he swam with the tide of victory: so that, according to them, there never can come a time to treat for peace with the ruler of France.- -But, I had forgotten, he is very ill. Very ill. He does, indeed, preside at Councils, review his troops, and hunt in the woods; but, still the Times and the Courier will insist, that he is very ill. They, like

Issued

WM. COBBETT.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

PROCLAMATION,

by the Emperor Alexander, daled
St. Petersburgh, Nov. 15.
(Continued from page 30.) ·

he now, with the small remains of them,
seeks his personal safety in the rapidity of
his flight; he flies from Moscow with as
much fear and depression as he advanced
against it with pride and insolence; he
flies, leaving his cannon behind him,
throwing away his baggage, and sacri-
ficing every thing that can retard the swift-
ness of his flight. Thousands of the fugi-
tives daily fall to the earth and expire. In
such manner does the just vengeance of
God punish those who insult his temples.
Whilst we, with paternal tenderness and
joyful heart, observe the great and praise-
worthy actions of our faithful subjects, we
carry our most warm and lively gratitude

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to the first cause of all good,-the Almighty God; and in the next place we have to express our thanks in the name of our common country, to all our loyal subjects, as the true sous of Russia. By their general energy and zeal, the force of the enemy is brought down to the lowest degree of decline, for the greater part has either been annihilated or made prisoners. All have unanimously joined in the work. Our valiant armies have every where defeated the enemy. The higher nobility have spared nothing by which it could contribute to the increase of the strength of the State. The merchants have distinguished themselves by sacrifices of all kinds. The loyal people, burghers, and peasantry, have given such proofs of fidelity and love for their country, as can only be expected of the Russian nation. They have zealously and voluntarily entered into the hastily raised levies, and have shewn a courage and resolution equal to veteran warriors. They have with the same force and intrepidity penetrated the enemy's regiments, with the same implements with which they only a few weeks before turned up their fields. In this manner the troops of levies sent from St. Petersburgh and Novogorod, for the strengthening of the forces

per

high a purpose, and such invincible severance in the whole nation, does it immortal honour, worthy of being preserved in the minds of posterity. With the courage of such a nation, we entertain the most well-founded hopes. Whilst we jointly with the true church, and the holy synod and clergy, supplicate God's assistance, that if our inveterate enemy, and the mocker of God's temple and holiness, should not be entirely and totally destroyed in Russia, yet that his deep wounds, and the blood it has cost him, will bring him to acknowledge her might and strength.Meanwhile, we hold it to be our bounden duty, by this general publication before the whole world, to express our gratitude to the valiant, loyal, and religious Russian nation, and' thereby render it due justice.

-Given at St. Petersburgh, the 15th day of November, in the year 1812, after the birth of Christ, and in the twelfth year of our reign.

(Signed) ALEXANDER.

UNITED STATES.

under Count Wittgenstein, have behaved Farther Documents accompanying the Pre

sident's Message.

Mr. Graham to Mr. Russell.

themselves, especially at Polotzk, and other places. We have besides, and with heartfelt satisfaction, perceived by the reports of the Commander in Chief of the Department of State, Aug. 9, 1812. - armies, and from other Generals, that in Sir, The Secretary left this city about several Governments, and particularly in ten days ago, on a short visit to Virginia. those of Moscow and Kalouga, the country Since that period Mr. Baker has, in conpeople have armed themselves, chosen sequence of some dispatches from his Gotheir own leaders, and not only resisted all vernment addressed to Mr. Foster, made attempts at seducing them, but also susto me a communication respecting the intained all the calamities that have befallen tentions of his Government, as regards the them with the perseverance of martyrs. Orders in Council. It was of a character, Often have they united themselves with however, so entirely informal and confiour detachments, and assisted them in dential, that Mr. Baker did not feel himmaking their enterprises and attacks against self at liberty to make it in the form of a the enemy. Many villages have secreted note verbal or pro memoria, or even to their families and tender infants in the permit me to take a memorandum of it at woods; and the inhabitants, with armed the time he made it. As it authorizes an hand and inconceivable courage, under en- expectation that something more precise gagements on the Holy Gospel not to leave and definite, in an official form, may soon each other in danger, defended themselves, be received by this Government, it is the and whenever the enemy shewed himself, less necessary that I should go into an exhave fallen upon him, so that many thou-planation of the views of the President in sands of them have been cut to pieces, and dispersed by the peasants, and even by their women, and numbers taken prisoners, who were indebted for their lives to the humanity of those very people whom they came to plunder and destroy.-So

relation to it, more particularly as the Secretary of State is daily expected, and will be able to do it in a manner more satisfactory.—I have the honour to be, &c

(Signed) JOHN GRAHAM.

Mr. Graham to Mr. Russell.

Department of State, Aug. 10, 1812. Sir,―Thinking that it may possibly be useful to you, I do myself the honour to enclose a memorandum of the conversation between Mr. Baker and myself, alluded to in my letter of yestesday's date.

I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) JOHN GRAHAM.

Mr. Baker also stated, that he had received an authority from Mr. Foster to act as Charge d'Affaires, provided the American Government would receive him in that' character, for the purpose of enabling him officially to communicate the declaration which was to be expected from the British Government; his instructions to be understood, of course, as ceasing on the renewal of hostilities. I replied, that although to so general and informal a communication, Memorandum referred to in the above Leller. no answer might be necessary, and cerMr. Baker verbally communicated to tainly no particular answer expected, yet me, for the information of the President, I was authorized to say, that the commuthat he had received dispatches from his nication is received with sincere satisfacGovernment, addressed to Mr. Foster, tion, as it is hoped the spirit in which dated, I believe, about the 17th of June, it is authorized by his Government may from which he was authorized to say, that lead to such farther communications as will an official declaration would be sent to this open the way not only for an early and sacountry, that the Orders in Council, so tisfactory termination, of existing hostilifar as they affected the United States, ties, but to that entire adjustment of all would be repealed on the 1st of August, to the differences which produced them, and be revived on the 1st of May, 1813, un- that permanent peace and solid friendship less the conduct of the French Government, which ought to be mutually desired by and the result of the communications with both countries, and which is sincerely dethe American Government, should be such sired by this. With this desire, an auas, in the opinion of His Majesty, to ren- thority was given to Mr. Russell on the der their revival unnecessary. Mr. Baker subject of an armistice, as introductory to moreover stated, that the Orders would a final pacification, as has been made be revived, provided the American Go- known to Mr. Foster; and the same devernment did not, within fourteen days sire will be felt on the receipt of the furafter they received the official declaration ther and more particular communications, of their repeal, admit British armed ves- which are shortly to be expected, with sels into their ports, and put an end to the respect to the joint intimation from Mr. restrictive measures which had grown out Foster and the British authorities at Haliof the Orders in Council. The dis- fax, on the subject of suspending judicial patches authorizing this communication to proceedings in the case of maritime capthe American Government expressly di- tures, to be accompanied by a suspension rected, that it should be made verbally, of military operations. The authority and Mr. Baker did not consider himself at given to Mr. Russell just alluded to, and liberty to reduce it to writing, even in the of which Mr. Foster was the bearer, is form of a note-verbal, or pro memoria, or full proof of the solicitude of the Governto suffer me to take a memorandum of his ment of the United States to bring about a communication at the time he made it. general suspension of hostilities on admisI understood from him, that the dispatches sible terms, with as little delay as possible. had been opened by Mr. Foster, at Hali-It was not to be doubted, therefore, that fax, who, in consequence of a conversation he had had with Vice-Admiral Sawyer and Sir John Sherbroke, had authorized Mr. Baker to say, that these gentlemen would agree, as a measure leading to a suspension of hostilities, that all captures made after a day to be fixed, should not be proceeded against immediately, but be detained to await the future decision of the two Governments. Mr. Foster had not seen Sir G. Provost, but had written to him by express, and did not doubt but that he would agree to an arrangement for the temporary suspension of hostilities.

any other practical expedient for obtaining a similar result would readily be concurred in. Upon the most favourable consideration, however, which could be given to the expedient suggested through him, it did not appear to be reducible to any practicable shape to which the Executive would be authorized to give it the necessary sanction; nor indeed is it probable, that if it was less liable to insuperable difficulties, it could have any material effect previous to the result of the pacific advance made by this Government, and which must, if favourably received, become operative as

soon as any other arrangement that could now be made. It was stated to Mr. Baker, that the President did not, under existing circumstances, consider Mr. Foster as vested with the power of appointing a Charge d'Affaires; but that no difficulty in point of form would be made, as any authentic communication through him, or any other channel, would be received with attention and respect.

The Secretary of State to Mr. Russell.

[Extract.]

mark, that its authenticity might be relied
on. Mr. Baker added, that it was not
improbable, that the Admiral at Halifax
might agree likewise to a suspension of
captures, though he did not profess or
appear to be acquainted with his sen-
timents on that point. On full
consideration of all the circumstances
which merit attention, the President
regrets that it is not in his power to
accede to the proposed arrangement. The
following are among the principal reasons-
which have produced this decision:
1st. The President has no power to sus-
pend judicial proceedings on prizes. A
capture, if lawful, vests a right, over
which he has no control. Nor could he
prevent captures otherwise than by an in-
discriminate recal of the commissions grant-
ed to our privateers, which he could not
justify under existing circumstances.-
2d. The proposition is not made by the
British Government, nor is there any cer-
tainty that it would be approved by it.
3d. No security is given or proposed, as
to the Indians, nor could any be relied on.
They have engaged in the war on the side
of the British Government, and are now
prosecuting it with vigour in their usual
savage mode. They can only be restrained
by force, when once let loose, and that
force has already been ordered out for the
purpose.- -4th. The proposition is not
reciprocal, because it restrains the United
States from acting where their power is
greatest, and leaves Great Britain at li-
berty, and gives her time to augment her
force in our neighbourhood.-5th. That
as a principal object of the war is to obtain
redress against the British practice of im-
pressment, an agreement to suspend hosti-
lities, even before the British Government
is heard from on that subject, might be
considered a relinquishment of that claim.

Department of State, Aug. 21, 1812. My last letter to you was of the 27th of July, and was forwarded by the British packet, the Althea, under the special protection of Mr. Baker. The object of that letter, and of the next preceding one of the 20th of June, was, to invest you with power to suspend by an armistice, on such fair conditions as it was presumed could nat be rejected, the operation of the war, which had been brought on the United States by the injustice and violence of the British Government. At the moment of the declaration of war, the President, regretting the necessity which produced it, looked to its termination and provided for it; and happy will it be for both countries, if the disposition felt, and the advance thus made on his part, are entertained and met by the British Government in a similar spirit. You will have seen by the note forwarded to you by Mr. Graham, of Mr. Baker's communication to him, that Mr. Foster had authorized him to state, that the Commanders of the British forces at Halifax would agree to a suspension, after a day to be fixed, of the condemnation of prizes, to wait the decision of both Governments, without, however, preventing captures on either side. -Sir George Prevost has since proposed to General 6th. It is the more objectionable, and Dearborn, at the suggestion of Mr. Foster, of the less importance, in considerationa suspension of offensive operations by land, of the instructions heretofore given you, in a letter which was transmitted by the which, if met by the British Government, General to the Secretary at War. A pro- may have already produced the same revisional agreement was entered into be- sult in a greater extent and more satisfactween General Dearborn and Colonel tory form.- -I might add, that the declaBaynes, the British Adjutant-General, ration itself is objectionable in many rebearer of General Prevost's letter, that spects, particularly the following: 1st. neither party should act offensively before Because it asserts a right in the British the decision of our Government should be Government to restore the Orders in taken on the subject.—Since my return Council, or any part thereof, to their full to Washington, the document alluded to effect, on a principle of retaliation on in Mr. Foster's dispatch, as finally decided France, under circumstances of which she on by the British Government, has been alone is to judge: a right which this Gohanded to me by Mr. Baker, with a re-vernment cannot admit, especially in the

extent heretofore claimed, and acted on by the British Government.--2d. That the appeal is founded exclusively on the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, by which the repeal of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, announced on the 5th of August, 1810, to take effect on the 1st of November of that year, at which time their operation actually ceased, is disregarded, as are the claims of the United States arising from the repeal on that day, even according to the British pledge.

3d. That even if the United States had no

the important one of impressment, a durable and happy peace and reconciliation cannot fail to result from it.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Friday, Nov. 13.

The following Message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles, his Secretary :

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.

For the farther information of Congress, relative to the pacific advances made on the part of the Government to that of Great Britain, and the manner in which they have been met by the latter, I transmit the sequel of the communications on that subject, received from the late Charge d'AfJAMES MADISON."

faires at London.
Nov. 12, 1812.

DOCUMENTS WITH THE MESSAGE.

Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe.

London, Sept. 19, 1812.

Sir, On the 12th inst. I received your letter of the 27th of July last; and the copies of my note to Lord Castlereagh, and of his Lordship's reply enclosed herein, will inform you that the propositions, made in consequence of it, have been rejected.

right to claim the repeal of the British Orders in Council, prior to the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, nor before the notification of that Decree to the British Government on the 20th of May, of the present year, the British repeal ought to have borne date from that day, and been subject to none of the limitations attached to it. These remarks on the declaration of the Prince Regent, which are not pursued with rigour, nor in the full extent which they might be, are applicable to it, in relation to the state of things which existed before the determination of the United States to resist the aggressions of the British Government by war. By that determination, the relations between the two countries have been altogether changed; and it is only by a termination of the war, or by measures leading to it by consent of As I have but this moment heard of both Governments, that its calamities can the immediate departure of the Friends, I be closed or mitigated. It is not now a question, whether the declaration of the Prince have time only to add, that I have received Regent is such as ought to have produced the communications of Mr. Graham, of the a repeal of the Non-importation Act, had 9th and 10th of August, by the Gleaner, not war been declared; because, by the and that I leave London this evening, to declaration of war, that question is super-embark on board the Lark, at Plymouth, seded, and the Non-importation Act having been continued in force by Congress, and become a measure of war, and among the most efficient, it is no longer subject to the control of the Executive in the sense and for the purpose for which it was adopted.—The declaration, however of the Prince Regent, will not be without effect. By repealing the Orders in Council, without reviving the blockade of May 1806, or any other illegal blockade, as is understood to be the case, it removes a great obstacle to an accommodation. The President considers it an indication of a disposition in the British Government to accommodate the differences which subsist between the two countries; and I am instructed to assure you, that if such disposition really exists, and is persevered in, and is extended to other objects, especially

for New York.—I am, with the greatest respect and consideration, Sir, your faithful and obedient servant,

(Signed) JONA. RUSSELL.

P. S. An interesting interview took place between Lord Castlereagh and myself on the 16th instant, the account of which I must, for want of time, reserve until I have the honour to see you.

Mr. Russell to Lord Castlereagh. (Private).

18, Bentinck-street, 12th Sept. 1812. My Lord,-In consequence of additional instructions which I have received from my Government this morning, I called about noon at the Foreign Office, and found with regret that your Lordship was out of town. My object was to communicate to your

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