our inferiority of force is another of the
means made use of to deceive the people,
and to encourage them in the continuation
of the war. When, until now, did we
think of disparity of force? When, until
now, did we dream of an English ship sur-
rendering to a ship, the superiority of the
force of which it required a minute calcula-
tion to show? When, until now, did an
English Captain hesitate to attack a ship of
a few guns more than his own?. -Instead
of all the calculations that we have seen in
the news-papers; instead of those swelled
out accounts of the vast force of the Ame-
rican frigates, we should be plainly told,
that we have now an enemy to cope with
equal to ourselves as far as his numbers
will go. Amongst all the calculations
and computations, however, that we have
heard, I have not perceived it any where
taken into account, that we have experi-
ence, which the Americans have not.
Where did Isaac Hull gain his naval expe-
rience; and where Mr. Decatur? There
are two Decaturs, the father and son.
They were my neighbours, in the country,
in Pennsylvania. They were farmers more
than seamen, though the elder went occa-
sionally to sea as commander of a merchant
ship. If it be the father who has taken the
Macedonian, he must be upwards of three
score years of age; and, if it be the son, I
am sure it is the first battle he ever was in;
for, twelve years ago, he was but a mere
lad. The father was a man of great pro-
bity and of excellent sense; and, I have no
doubt that the son is the same; but, I'll
engage, that both have had more experience
in raising Indian corn than in naval tactics.
-Something, therefore, in our estimates,
should be allowed for our superiority in
point of experience. We have no officer of
the navy, who has not passed a great part
of his life on actual service; we have
scarcely one who has not been in numerous
battles; and, in the unfortunate cases above
spoken of, one of the Captains appears to
have been of long standing even in that
rank.- -When we are speaking of the
naval preparations of Napoleon, we always
dwell upon the difficulty of his forming
naval officers; but, here we see, in the case
of America, that that is attended with no
difficulty at all; we here see gallant and
consummate commanders start up in a trice;
and, in a moment, is dissolved the charm
which bound us in ignorance as to this im-
portant species of information. The
truth is, I believe, that, amongst the first
qualities of a naval commander, are so-

briety, vigilance, and consideration for his
crew; and these qualities are within the
reach of every man. The American go-
vernment, too, has a wide range for choice –
with it no intrigues, commonly called "in-
"terest," is likely to prevail; because the
possession of the powers of the state depend
solely upon the will of the people, and, the
government, having such support, is not re-
duced to the necessity of seeking support
from any individuals; and, of course, is not
exposed to the danger of being compelled to
employ as commanders, or as officers of any
rank, persons not recommended by their
own good qualities.This is a very
great advantage possessed by the American
government; an advantage to which, per-
haps, it owes those successes, which we so
sorely lament, and which seem to be very
likely to form an era in the naval history of
the world. But, let what will be the
final result of these transactions, I really
can see no good ground for accusation
against the ministers on account of the mis
fortunes that have befallen our frigates.
Blamed they may be for the war. There,
indeed, there is matter for blame; because,
if my reasoning upon the subject be correct,
they might have avoided the war without
any dishonour to England; but, for this
they cannot be blamed by those who are
seeking for their places; because some of
those very persons were amongst the men
who adopted and adhered to the measures
which produced the war; and, the rest of
them have pledged themselves to prosecute
it upon its present ground.- -Mr. Can-
ning and Lord Wellesley were, in succes-
sion, Secretaries of State for Foreign Af-
fairs while the dispute was maintained
against the abolition of impressment of per-
sons on board of American ships. Indeed,
the former has expressed his disapprobation
of the "concessions," as he calls them,
made to America, in the repeal of our Or-
ders in Council. Of course he cannot com-
plain of the ministers for going to war;
and Mr. Ponsonby, as the organ of the
Whigs, distinctly declared, that, if Ame
rica was not satisfied with that repeal, hè
would support the war against her.-
Not, therefore, being able to find fault with
the ministers for the war itself, they fall on
upon them as to their manner of conducting
it; and, as I think, I have shown, they do
this without a shadow of justice.—We,
"Jacobins," blame all the three factions;
some of them for causing the war, and
others for pledging themselves to support
it; nor have the least hesitation to

shilling of the £6,000 that, as President, he receives. And, why should he not? What claim would he have to the title of patriot, if he grudged to use his talents for his country; or, which is the same

being paid for their use? If such were his disposition, what claim would he have to the confidence of his fellow-citizens? But, with the common soldier or sailor, or other inferior person employed by the government, the case is wholly different. He has nothing but his labour for his inheritance; he possesses no part of the country; his time is his all; and, of course, he is paid for that time at as good rate as if he laboured for an individual.――Those who speculate upon the resources of America should not overlook these important circumstances; but, hitherto, I am sorry to say, that we have almost wholly overlooked them.I never shall forget the obstinacy of many persons with whom I am acquainted, as to the intention of the American government to go to war. They persisted to the very last, that it was impossible. They called the declaration of the Congress "bullying," they said it was "all

predict, that, day after day, will tend to convince all persons of impartiality, that we are right.- -This war we owe entirely to the presumption inspired by our foolish and venal writers. The language of the late PERCEVAL, who talked of not wish-thing, if he refused to use them without ing for the "destruction" of America, and who spoke of her as of a power depending on his will for her very existence; this language, which will long be remembered, was the general language of the press. We could not believe it possible, that a government, the whole of the officers of which, President and all, did not receive from the public so much money annually as one of our sinecure place-men; we could not conceive, that a government who did not get more money for itself would be able to get money enough to carry on a war more than sufficient to last our sloops for a few months. We have now found our mistake; and, indeed, the premises which we had in our eye should have led to a directly different conclusion; for, would not common sense have told us, that the less of the public money was taken by the officers of Government for their own use; the less of it that was devoured by placemen, and by others for no services" rendered the public, the more there must be for the Government to employ in the public service? This would have been the rational conclusion; but, to reason thus, suited not those who had, and who have, the control over ninety-nine hundredth parts of the press of this country. They, therefore, represented America as a nation destitute of warlike means; when they should have made an estimate of her resources upon the grounds stated in my last number. The persons in high offices in America are badly paid; but (and the fact is worth great attention) those in low rank, or, no rank at all, are well paid. The former have very small salaries; their gains are much less than those of any considerable merchant or manufacturer, lawyer, or physician; but, the common soldier and sailor are paid at a very high rate; at such a rate as not to make him regret his change from civil life.

should not say, perhaps, that the former are badly paid; because, there is something in the honour of high office, which the common man does not enjoy; and, besides, 'there is something due from every man to his country; and, the greater that is his stake in the country, the less is his right to draw from her purse. Mr. Madison does, I dare say, expend, as President, every

The means

smoke;" and so, indeed, said the hired press, that vehicle of lies, that instrument of ill to England.--They have found some fire as well as smoke; they have found that the Republicans have something at their command besides words; and, when it is too late, I fear that they will find, that this is the most fatal war in which we have yet been engaged. One effect of it appears to me to be inevitable; and that is, the creation of a Navy in America.Pray, good hired men, do not laugh at me; for I am quite serious when I say, that my fear is, that this war will lead to the creating of a formidable navy in America. are all in her hands, and her successful beginning will not fail to give activity to those means. A Navy, a military marine, in America, is, to me, a most formidable object. Twenty frigates only would cause an expense to us of millions a-year, unless we resolved to yield the West India Islands at once.I would not advise our government to look upon the rearing of an Anierican Navy as something necessarily distant. America has swelled her population from about two to about eight millions in the space of less than 30 years. Another ten years may see her population amount to twenty millions. From not being permitted "to make a hob-nail," she has risen to be an exporter of numerous

useful manufactures. I state it as an unde- [ the end; but, I could have wished the niable fact, that she is now able to supply change to have been less abrupt, and effectherself with all the articles necessary to ed without war, and without the animosiman, even in polished life. And, if this ties and the sufferings inseparable from be so, why should she not be able to rear a war. To me it appears as absurd as it is Navy, having already nearly as great a mer- unnatural, that the American farmer should cantile marine as our cwn. Whether it not have his coat untaxed at the customwill be for her happiness that she should house in England. I can see no sense and do this is another question; but, that she no reason in it. Nor do I see why the will do it I think is most likely; because, people of England, or any portion of them, in the mass composing every society of should make coats or knives, or any thing men, there is generally a sufficient number else for the use of other countries, except on the side of power and glory to decide merely in such quantities as may be necesthe nation in favour of the love of those sary to exchange for wine and oil, and some captivating objects. This war, there- few other things which really are useful fore, if not speedily put an end to, will, to man. The use of commerce is to effect in my opinion, not fail to make America an exchange of the products of one climate a manufacturing nation, as far as her own for those of another; but governments have wants call for, and to make her also a naval turned it into the means of taxation, and, nation; and will thus, at one stroke, de- in many cases, that appears to be its only prive us of our best customer for goods, object. An exchange of English coals for and give us upon the seas a rival who will French wine, the former at 30s. a chaldron be daily growing in strength as well as in at Paris, and the latter at 6d. a boule in experience. In my preface to the re- London: that would, indeed, be a compublication of Mr. Chancellor Livingstone's merce to be contemplated with pleasure. Treatise on Merino Sheep, I showed how But a commerce, carried on under a code necessarily it would follow from the intro- of prohibitions and penalties, such as those duction of flock-keeping in America, that now every where in existence, is not to be she would become independent of us to desired. It is an instrument of taxation, woollens. Nevertheless, and in spite of all and an endless source of war, and it is nothe facts which have, from time to time, thing more.-Those, however, who are been published relative to the manufacturing of a different opinion, may look upon the of cloths in that country, there are still war with America as one of the surest nien to treat with ridicule, aye, even with means of destroying, or, at least, dimiridicule, the idea of America being able nishing for ever, the best branch of what to make her own coats and blankets. I they admire; but, while I blame the miremember, that, while I was in Newgate nisters for the war, I must say, that the for two years, for writing about the flogging merchants and manufacturers (I mean the of the Local Militia, at the Town of Ely, powerful ones) have no right to blame in England, under the superintendence of them. The ministers, in their measures German Troops, there came a gentleman, towards America, have done no more than who was, I believe, a dealer in wool, to pursue that same system, of which those ask my opinion relative to the future com- merchants and manufacturers have a thoumerce with America. After having spent sand times, and in the strongest terms, exabout a quarter of an hour in a detail of pressed their approbation. At the out-set facts, which, in my mind, contained proof of this long and destructive war, who stood unquestionable, that the woollen trade with forward so readily in support of it as this class America was for ever at an end, he began a of persons? The war-whoop has invariably sentence upon the surprising increase of originated with them. They indulged the the manufactures in America, which he selfish hope of seeing themselves in pos concluded in words to this effect: "I dare session of all the trade and all the riches of "say, that, in less than half a century, the world. The English news-papers con"we shall not ship a bale of cloth to that tain a record of their love of war, of war This put me in mind of the against any body, so long as it promised effect that the Botley Parson's sermons used gain to them. They have, over and over to have upon me; and I lost no time in again, called the war which began in an changing the subject of conversation.. invasion of France by the Duke of Brunswick, "a just and necessary war;" but, of late, they appear to have been taught by their poor-books and the list of Bankrupts,

I am not one of those who shall regret this independence of America, which I do not think will prove any injury to England in

that the war is not quite so "necessary, "notice by the rapidly increasing Beggary however "just", they may still think it." and Wretchedness of Myriads of its inThey have, I repeat it, no right to com- "dustrious and frugal Inhabitants, who, plain against the ministers, who have not" at no very distant period, enjoyed affludeviated from the system of Pitt and Gren66 ence or competence; and also by the ville, and who, with regard to Ame-" obviously increasing INABILITY of our rica, are only acting upon the very same "ablest Financiers, even while imposing a principles, and pursuing the very same ob- "most oppressive Taxation, to devise means jects, that have been acted upon and pur- "for raising Supplies in any wise corressued from the year 1792 to the present "pondent to the Public Annual Expenditure. day; and the manufacturers are tasting, "In the largest Parish of this once as is most meet, of the fruit of the tree of" flourishing, but now miserable Town, their own planting and protecting.

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nearly a third part of its Population, in "consequence of the interruption of Trade, PEACE.- -The following Pelition for " is reduced to the state of PAUPERS; and Peace, of the Town of NOTTINGHAM, is "in the other Parishes of the Town, not worthy of particular attention on account of "less oppressive to those Inhabitants on the facts it states.-" To His Royal High- "whom a levy can be made, is the BURness the Prince Regent.-Sir, We, the "DEN OF POOR'S RATES. And we are "Undersigned, Burgesses, or Inhabitants "credibly informed, that a like reduction "of the Town, and County of the Town of " to Beggary and Want of Multitudes of "Nottingham, and its Precincts, beg leave our Countrymen in the different Manu66 to claim the attention of your Royal "facturing Towns of this Kingdom, is the "Highness, as being the Representative of "consequence of the annihilation of our a Sovereign, whose highest glory we "Trade, and of the increase of the Taxa86 presume it is, that he should be consi-❝tion produced by War.--Additional "dered as the Father of his People; while" to these Evils, might be recalled to your we dutifully present, before the Throne," Royal Highness's recollection those also, a statement of the Evils from War, ex- "which are inevitable concomitants of the perienced by Ourselves, and by Millions" most successful Wars, even when waged "beside of His Majesty's vast family: and by Nations whose resources may be the "while we earnestly supplicate, from a most ample, and whose condition the "Paternal Regard, so becoming an English most flourishing. It assuredly cannot Monarch, that relief from dire distress," be a matter of little estimation with your "which the speedy restoration of Peace "Royal Highness, that Thousands of brave "alone can be expected to afford.—On "Men should be extended lifeless on the "that Royal Power, which was designed "Field of Battle: that Thousands should "to be a blessing and protection to Mil-" perish by the hardships of Warfare: that "lions, we call for an exertion of God-like" that there should be Thousands of mourn "Benevolence, which shall speedily termi-"ing Widows and Orphan Children: that nate a Contest, unhappily commenced" Thousands of Parents should be hurried "with precipitancy, and direfully pro- "to the Grave by the loss of beloved Sons, "longed by the exasperated passions and "who were the support of their declining "the infatuated understandings of Men. "Years: that Thousands should die lin-. Many are the Motives to Peace, and most "gering deaths in Captivity: and that the powerful, which might be expected to "Majority of the Survivors of a long and "influence the mind of your Royal High- "bloody Contest, having, in a course of ness. A respect for the divine principles "Warfare, experienced interruption to "of Christianity and Humanity, it may be "hoped, will prevent your Royal Highness from being swayed by the represen"tations of Men, whose prejudices, passions, or selfish interests, render them "Advocates for the PERPETUITY OF A WAR which, if much longer persisted in, will" tions and Friends.As a speedy restoevidently be accompanied by civil com- "ration of Peace alone can mitigate the "motion, by famine, and by pestilence." heavy Evils we endure, and save the In-An awful admonition of our having" habitants of this Land from impending "nearly exhausted the Resources of the "ruin, and the irrecoverable loss of their Country is painfully obtruded on our "once prosperous and enviable Condition; as

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those Moral habits, which promote the "harmony, comfort, and welfare of Civil "Society and of Domestic Life, should, on "the return of a state of Peace, be render "ed less valuable Members of Society, and "less welcome to the Roofs of their Rela

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of Nottinghain now claim our attention, and, we are told, that in one of the principal parishes, nearly every third person is a pauper. The misery must, in such a case, be dreadful; and it will, I trust, meet due attention from the parliament.

"now the ill success and disappointed views "of the Enemy may lead him to listen "more readily to reasonable Conditions of "Peace; we join our afflicted Countrymen "in earnestly petitioning your Royal Highness to manifest by some unequivocal Expression or Public Act of the British Go- -Perceval used to say, in answer to all "vernment, your truly Royal desire to applications for relief to such persons, that seize the earliest opportunity of sheath- it would do harm if granted; but, why, ing the Sword of Slaughter, and healing then, make grants of relief to the Russians? the wounds of a long-protracted War: Why should such a grant do more harm in. that thus the Enemy may be precluded England than in Russia? Mr. Wilberforce "from plausibly throwing the odium of (formerly member for Yorkshire and now. "delight in War and its concomitant mi- for the borough of Bamber) said, that he *series on your Royal Highness's pacifica- had attempted to make a calculation of the tory Government. -We will indulge sum per head which the Russian £200,000 the hope that your Royal Highness will would amount to, if divided amongst the " grant the Prayer of our Petition; and paupers in England; but that he had that your Highness's endeavours will be found it to be too small to admit of a name. * effectual in soon restoring to the afflicted Indeed! Why, there are 4 millions of *People, intrusted to your Royal protec shillings in £200,000. And, if the tion, that lasting Peace after which they worthy representative of the borough of so ardently aspire.- -Thus may the Bamber did not estimate our sons and blessings of the Peace-maker descend on daughters of misery at more than 4 mil your Royal Highness; and thus may lions, the £200,000 given to the Russians your Royal Father, when called from would, have given each of our poor creahis present state of sufferings to a better tures a shilling; and would have fed them World, be enabled to resign to your better than they are now fed for half a Royal Highness, in a state of Peace, that week. If he considered the number of Throne, which he ascended amid the din paupers at 3,000,000, and that is nearly of arms, and on which he has continued one-third part of the population, the to sit during so many years of war.' £200,000 would have afforded all our -The statement relative to the paupers paupers 1s. 6d. each; and, I can assure is very alarming. The consequences of the member for Bamber, that eighteen such a state of things no man can foresee. pence a-piece would have made their eyes The news-papers tell us, that a detachment sparkle. Nay, would not £200,000 of the Queen's Bays have been marched have maintained all the paupers in England into the town; for the purpose, I suppose, and Wales for a whole week? £200,000, of giving relief to the hungry bellies of the multiplied by 52, gives the sum of people! The writers are assuredly the £10,400,000; and, I believe, that, at most callous men that ever breathed. They the last return laid before parliament, the never, upon any occasion, let slip out, total amount of the poor-rates, in England even by accident, a sentiment of com- and Wales, for one year, was less than passion for the sufferings of the people. £6,000,000. Indeed, I know that it was They are always for measures of vigour so; and, therefore, unless the poor-ratés towards them. Vigour, indeed! What have nearly doubled in amount during the vigour is wanted towards a set of poor last ten years, the member for Bamber creatures whom the wind would almost will find, that this grant to the poor of blow away? For my part, however sin- Russia would have maintained all the poor gular my taste may be, I would much ra- in England for one whole week; and, ther give a pound to these poor souls at would it have been nothing to give them a Nottingham than the millionth part of a double allowance for a week? Would it farthing to the people of Russia, who, as be nothing to give all the poor of our own we are NOW told by the Times news-country a week's food in this pinching paper, set fire to their own houses, their season?As to the people at Lloyd's; own goods, their own food, their own as to the SUBSCRIBING people, let them sick and wounded soldiers; and, in short, have their taste; they subscribed towards to the whole of the capital of the Russian the war, and so did the old, famous old Empire. But, more of these impudent gentleman, who subscribed £10,000 tolies about Moscow another time: the poor wards the voluntary contributions, and

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