nides," "Sophistes," and "Politicus" were written by Plato, contrary to his usual respect for the testimony of Aristotle even regarding matters remote from his purview, though really one does not see why he should respect that testimony, if it consists of an aggregation of irresponsible glosses, as the theory is. As for the stylometric proofs, strong as iron, of the authenticity of the three dialogues, they smack so much of archæology as to put a "higher critic" quite out of sorts at their mere mention. While Windelband rejects the three dialogues as spurious, he is inclined to accept their testimony (if such it can be called) as to Parmenides and Socrates having had a discussion.

We have used so much space in setting forth this complaint against Windelband, that we can only just indicate several others. An effect, perhaps, of the German professors' habit of using a hundred words to disguise an idea that might have been precisely expressed in ten, is that Dr. Windelband, instead of endeavoring to carry the reader back to the naïve thoughts of the ancients, sometimes reports the ancients as expressing opinions about questions of modern philosophy. He also, like other historians, is given to reading into ancient philosophy a degree of consecutiveness and consistency which there is not only no satisfactory evidence for, but which is contrary to such evidence as we possess. Thus, he rejects the three dialogues of Plato just mentioned because they are contrary to the doctrine of ideas contained in the 'Republic,' etc., although Aristotle and others inform us that Plato changed his mind on that subject. Finally, we may justly complain that though this book has now been before the public for eleven years, some of its most singular positions have never yet been fully argued out by the author, anywhere.

The translation is authorized; but it need not therefore be correct. In many places correct it cannot be, if the author had any meaning at all. Here are a few random examples of what one finds in numbers on every page: "The Pythagoreans seem to be the first independently to discover the spherical shape of the earth" (p. 23). "There were men, otherwise favorably conditioned in life, who took a direct and immediate interest in knowledge" (p. 25). This "otherwise" is not English. Read: "Men in good circumstances, too." "The fact that a cloud of myths should thicken from century to century around him, makes it necessary to go back to the oldest accounts" (p. 29). What should this "should" mean?

Of course, such phrases as "He was born as the son of Mnesarchus," and "Here was still a more motley mixture," patter upon us like rain. Inverted sentences, tempests of conjunctions and phrases having the force (or forcelessness) of conjunctions, ifs used in place of although, ifs within ifs, all the mores, just thereins, come upon us topsyturvy in a way to make the perusal like trying to study while suffering from seasickness, such uncontrollable nausea does the unwonted tilting and pitching of the sentences produce. If the publishers had set their foot down about this matter, they might have done Dr. Cushman and his readers a signal service. We can only wish now that something may happen to the plates, because the book is one which is destined to be in use for a long time.

Psychologie du Socialisme. Par Gustave Le
Bon. Paris: Félix Alcan. 1899.
The Psychology of Socialism. By Gustave
Le Bon. Macmillan. 1899.

The manner in which M. Le Bon presents his theories is interesting, and even fascinating. He delights in generalizations of the broadest kind, and supports them with most effective illustrations. At his best, he suggests De Tocqueville, and many of his observations are of epigrammatic brilliancy. They are penetrating, too, but we cannot regard the author's insight as profound. He can hardly be described as a philosopher, in spite of his philosophical generalizations and oracular utterances. His references to American affairs show such carelessness or ignorance as to make us distrust his other inferences. He says, "It would never enter an American's mind to require the state to establish railways, ports, universities, etc." Yet there is so much truth in his theories, and they are so engagingly presented, as to captivate the reader.

When we try to analyze the political philosophy which characterizes these essays, we find it comparatively simple. It suggests the doctrine of the fixity of species. The Latin peoples, in M. Le Bon's view, are incapable of self-government. They possess little "initiative." They are not selfreliant, and it is immaterial what name they give their government; for, no matter what they call it, it is always despotic. The French have had centralization bred into them for so many generations that it has become a part of their constitution, or nature. A society, M. Le Bon says, with its institutions, its beliefs, and its arts, represents a tissue of ideas, sentiments, customs, and modes of thought d termined by heredity, the cohesion of which constitutes its strength. Such a product cannot be refashioned in accordance with the theories of philosophers. This truth, however, is not appreciated by the writers or the peoples of the Latin states. As in the time of the Revolution, it is believed to-day that governments may be renovated by changing their constitutions. It is on a belief of this kind that socialism rests. It is a kind of religion, or perhaps rather a substitute for religion. It offers hope through better material conditions to those who have ceased to think of better spiritual conditions. It is impracticable, but it is none the less dan

gerous.

For the great power of such beliefs, M. LeBon contends, lies in the fact that their propagation is independent of the proportion of truth or error that they may contain. When a belief "has gained a lodging in the minds of men, its absurdity no longer appears; reason cannot reach it, and only time can impair it." Socialism, which is substituting itself for the ancient faith, has but a low ideal, to establish which it appeals to the base sentiments of envy and hatred. Nevertheless, it stands to many for reform and progress; it holds out hopes of comfort and happiness. Hence it is probably destined to exercise an even greater influence than at present, although it will not be long before it is abandoned in disappointment. The conditions of existence have improved in modern times, but dissatisfaction with them has increased. The modern man, despoiled of religion, attaches himself eagerly to the present, the only reality he can seize. "Interested only in himself, he wishes at all costs to rejoice

in the present hour, of whose brevity he is so sensible. In default of his lost llusions he must enjoy well-being and consequently riches." Since riches do not fall to him, he thinks that he should have a share of what fortune has given to others, and regards all large accumulations of property as iniquitous. Hence it is evident that the fundamental principle of Socialism is to have something done for the man dissatisfied with his condition. He is not to help himself, but to be helped; and as the Latin peoples have long since learned to look to the Government for everything, they find Socialism a perfectly natural and consistent creed.

M. LeBon is most successful when he describes particular classes, such as the Parisian workingmen, and the "Demi-Savants and Doctrinaires." Somewhat inconsistently, from our point of view, he is an enthusiastic supporter of the army, and violently assails those who criticise it. He affords in this way an illustration of his own doctrine of the survival of ancestral beliefs and feelings, for his criticisms of the Government of France apply as much to military as to civil institutions. These criticisms are extremely severe, and there is evidence enough from other sources to make us believe them well founded. Not only the French, but the Latin peoples in general, are paying for the errors of the past. The Inquisition extirpated the elements of progress in Spain, and the expulsion of the Huguenots from France is one of the most potent causes of her present decay. Her population is stationary, and it is maintained by the selection of the most inferior types. It is one of M. LeBon's pet theories that the worth of a nation depends on the number of remarkable men it produces, and France now produces few, and can produce few, under her present institutions. She is strong in intelligence, but weak in energy and character, and the destinies of such nations fall into the hands of their governments. "Reducing to a minimum the source of energy and initiative which the individual must possess to conduct his life, and freeing him from all responsibilty, Collectivism seems for these reasons well adapted to the needs of nations whose will, energy, and initiative have progressively decayed."

It is difficult to convey a just idea of M. Le Bon's arguments, but we may say of them that they are impressive even if not free from fallacy. He reminds us often of Mr. Mallock, among English writers, and his attitude towards social problems is similar. We have marked many passages for quotation, but the book is so suggestive and so entertaining that it deserves to be read as a whole, and we commend it to all who desire to understand not merely the psychology of Socialism, but also the character and tendency of modern political movements in Europe.

We close with a single reflection. Is it possible that the paternal conception of a state, common to all except very modern communities, can have so imposed itself upon the Latin races that they alone cannot grasp the rival idea of individualism, and of the state as an agency? Individualism we may have in our blood; but certainly half our ideas of political freedom were derived from France, and it is difficult to believe that a nursery of political freedom should be inevitably doomed to become the stronghold of

economical and social slavery. We can hardly resist the conclusion that if France and the Latin races are doomed, we shall not, in the end, long escape their fate, for "individualism" is, with us, attacked on every side by influences similar to those which are at work in France. We, too, must live by faith, yet have no faith except in the religion of economic delusion; we are encouraging militarism; we have universal suffrage; we try to make the poor believe that if they had their "rights" they would all be rich; we multiply offices in order to make places for the dependents of parties who live by placemen's support and work; we do all in our power to reward the demagogue who deceives and the boss who bleeds us. Had we M. Le Bon's cleverness of description we think we could make out strong grounds for thinking that we, too, had entered upon the socialistic stage, and were nearing that happy period in which individuality and exceptional character and intellect shall have become vices, and we shall all be day-laborers or Bellamyite stipendiaries of a state which shall not only furnish us with free water and gas, but provide board and lodging and clothes at a very low figure. Of course the multimillionaires rise up to confute us; but then it is the intention of Socialism to do away with multimillionaires. We very much doubt whether it is advisable for Anglo-Saxondom to pride itself too much on individualism as a safeguard against what M. Le Bon describes. It is perfectly true that we are not as the French are, but it is also true that the early Romans were freemen and their descendants slaves.

The Klondike Stampede. By Tappan Adney, Special Correspondent of Harper's Weekly. Harper & Bros. 1900.

This is a much-belated work on the Klondike, which, except for a retrospect contained in two pages and intended to cover more recent happenings, carries the events of the busy north no further than the early autumn of 1898. It has neither preface nor index. The title-page bears the imprint of the year 1900, but the reader will hardly be guided by this in his determination of the periods which appertain to the narration; nor can he without difficulty, from the rather indefinite reference to years, construct the historical sequence of the events which the book recites. Thus, on page 383 we have the statement: "Where last year two ocean vessels met at St. Michael, the five steamers that supplied Dawson," etc.-a plain indication that a part of the work was written in 1898. Somewhat similar references abundantly scattered throughout the 470 pages make it clear that they were, in the bulk, prepared at the same time. As a guide to the "modern" Klondike, therefore, the book has little value; indeed, from the rather ancient descriptions which the author gives of Dawson and of the methods and workings of the adjacent gold district, the reader will be apt to draw a very misleading picture of the conditions now actually existing in the region, or that have prevailed during the better part of two years.

As a close, even if incoherent, statement of the minute happenings of the years 1897 and 1898, and of personal experiences during the "cruder" and more interesting period of the Klondike stampede, the book may be read with both interest and profit, and the historian will perhaps delight in its careful

fixing of dates, which have been as patiently worked out for events like the introduction of the first turkey into Dawson as for the more consequential ones which make history. The author shows himself thoroughly familiar with the conditions prevailing at the time of his sojourn, and credit must be given him for the painstaking care with which he has attempted to ascertain the "true inwardness" of the happenings in the Klondike, official and otherwise.

The book is not free from errors of statement, some of which are seemingly typographical. Thus, the legend on the folded illustration-sheet facing page 381, showing the Main Street, Dawson, bears the date July, 1895 (8); and on p. 385 we have the statement that by "November 15, 1899[8], the twenty miles to the summit was opened for traffic." The White Pass and Yukon Railway entered Bennett on July 6, 1899, having by that time completed the full traverse of the forty-two miles.

The Story of Moscow. By Wirt Gerrare. Illustrated by Helen M. James. London: J. M. Dent & Co.; New York: Macmillan. 1900.

This book consists of two parts, a useful and a useless one. Useful are the illustrations, and so much of the description as may serve as a guide to the things worth seeing in Moscow. Everything else, comprising three-fourths of the work, has very little, if any, value. Instead of giving a story of Moscow, as we expect from the title, we get mainly an ill-digested recital of massacres and horrors perpetrated at various times in the ancient capital of Russia. There is no method in the narration, and names are mentioned with a reckless abandon, as if the English reader had known them from childhood. Zaporogians, baskaks, ikonostas are given as matters of course; and of hopeless errors there is no end. Zaporogians and Cossacks figure side by side, as if they were distinct people; Bolgars are treated as Slavs, and Russian words like bolotnaia, "swamps," are, according to our author, of Tartar origin. The wife of the Tsar is now Tsarina and again Tsaritsa; the church Spass na Boru is mentioned now as St. Saviour's in the Wood, now as the Church of the Transfiguration, now as St. Saviour of the Pines; and similarly are treated other designations. Most absurd is the chapter in which Peter the Great is with impassioned partiality called the greatest barbarian that ever sat on the Russian throne, and in which his ancestors are praised to the sky. But probably most offensive is the author's parade of his knowledge of Russian, for here the mistakes are most abundant. Hardly a word is quoted correctly, and the quotations are, with few exceptions, from thirdrate writers, and therefore difficult to verify. In one case, however, the author tries to heighten the effect by giving the original Russian side by side with his translation, and the result is amusing. The original has: "Since a native Russian, and not a foreigner [German], has gathered all the wisdom and obtained promotion"; for which the translation is: "Stolid, forlorn, mum and glum, Being Russian-born-not deaf and dumb." The transliteration of Russian words beggars description; the worst features of the French, German, and English systems are represented here, the same letters standing frequently for three or four distinct

sounds. The most curious word thus spelled is Shtrchnev, which no English-speaking person, nor Russian either, could pronounce. To this must be added that the author has not read his proofs, for whole sentences make no sense as they stand, and such outlandish words as Xram are, evidently, not the printer's fault. It must be confessed that the author is quite right when he says, "I have produced little that is really original."

The Franco-German War, 1870-71. By Generals and Other Officers who took part in the Campaign. Translated and edited by Major-Gen. J. F. Maurice, C.B., Capt. Wilfred J. Long, and A. Sonnenschein. London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co.; New York: Macmillan. Gr. 8vo, pp. 687. IIlustrated. $7.00.

This very important work, originally published in Germany, has been admirably Englished under the editing of Gen. Maurice. Its plan is a separate treatment of each campaign by a carefully chosen officer who took part in it. Though it is distinctively German in its standpoint, it is not wanting in appreciation of the fine qualities and the courage of the French army, while pointing out the great faults of organization and the lack of grasp of the chiefs of the French general staff, which caused the ruinous reverses of the opening campaign that could never be retrieved. In the collaboration of different authors, in the form of the splendid volume, and in the abundance of illustrations by maps, landscapes, and a gallery of portraits of chief actors on both sides, the book will remind American readers of the Century War-Book, which is the model among us of an imposing presentation of military history. The long series of excellent reproductions of authentic portraits, from the Emperors Napoleon and William downward, will be especially prized by everybody who is interested in the story. The topographical maps of fields of battle, inserted in the text, are very numerous and very clear. The landscape views, whether from photographs or from sketches by artists, are both instructive and attractive. The introductory chapter on the origin of the war, by Prof. v. Pflugk-Harttung of Berlin, is a most clear and satisfactory treatment of the events after the Austro-Prussian war of 1866 which led Louis Napoleon into his fatal contest. In each chapter enough of stirring battle description and personal characterization is introduced to give life to the story, while the military standing of the author of each part is security for the accuracy and comprehensive clearness of the whole. Military men cannot afford to be without the book, and the general reader of history will find its interest a growing and lasting one. Its price represents the intelligent use of unstinted means to help the reader's easy comprehension of great events.

Il Ce-Kiang: Studio Geographico-Economico del Dott. Mario Carli. Rome: Forzani & Co.

One of the first literary fruits of the recent Italian naval operations in China and the determination of Italy to share in the prospective or desired "partition" of that empire is this attractively printed work of 278 pages, concerning the province in which the Grand Canal has its southern terminus

and whose chief city Marco Polo so fully describes. The text proper is preceded by an elaborate historical introduction. In this, the author gives a rapid conspectus of ancient and mediæval China, and describes in considerable detail and with graphic power the various wars and diplomacy of recent years-that is, especially the campaigns with England and France, the Tai-ping rebellion, and the Chino-Japanese war of 1894-'95. The details of the negotiations of the treaty of 1886, between Italy and China, are also given, besides the text in fifty-five articles, and the accompanying commercial regulations. The chapter on "European Politics in China" is terse and illuminating. Then follow chapters treating of the four principal rivers of Che-Kiang, its seacoast, the channels of communication by land and water, the possibility of railways, and the general products of the province. The last division shows that this "province of the Crooked River," as the name means, though the smallest of the nineteen of China, is about the size of Ohio; that is, it contains nearly forty thousand square miles, and has from twelve to fifteen million inhabitants. The hilly southwestern parts produce the finest grades of tea, while those to the north and east, embracing the river flats and valleys, are rich in silk and manifold products chiefly of native consumption. Besides the capital, Hang-chau, and the large treaty port of Ningpo, there are the other seaports, Wen-chau, Tal-chau, and, in the north, the river port Chau-hing. The island of Chusan, or rather the archipelago of that name, together with the numerous other islands lying seaward and the many bays and indentations on the coast, gives this province an importance far beyond that which its area and population would suggest.

Dr. Carli is unusually full and satisfactory in those chapters which treat of the commercial movements and possibilities of each port and the regions adjacent. The book presents a valuable bird's-eye view of the general commercial and diplomatic situation at the present moment, and there are valuable statistical appendices and tables which furnish exactly the kind of precise information that the prospecting merchant,

whether in or out of Italy, wishes to get. There is also an excellent folding map, showing with great clearness not only the face of the province, but its wonderful fringe of islands. The marrow of the book is in the "conclusion," in which the author sums up his impressions and gives a forecast. He is amazed at the extraordinary fertility of the soil, which is adapted to almost every product, but he sees that at present the native ways and means are those of the distant past. The great need, for both internal and external development, is of modern methods. Yet his advice is that only men of enterprise and initiative should attempt to grapple with the problem of the full development of Che-Kiang. While he believes that in time a great trunk line of railway should be built by Italians, to connect the main ports on the coast with the chief railway in central China, which will join the southern to the northern provinces, he recommends his countrymen not to think of this first, but to construct short lines and develop particular regions of the province. Thus they will build up permanent trade, and make feeders ready for the proper maintenance of the main line when that is attempted. He further believes that, instead of beginning at once a full volume of direct trade with Italy, it is best to develop facilities with those ports already doing a large business.

Concerning native capital, he says much timidity is shown among the Chinese towards the investment of money in local operations conducted by natives, and that most of that used or now circulating is "speculative"; that is, it is put into the hands of foreign firms and organizations in Shanghal and other treaty ports. Experience seems to have proved that it is through the foreigner, and the enterprises initiated and carried on by him, that the best returns are secured. In a word, the author of this valuable and timely treatise takes a conservative but hopeful view of Italian possibilities of trade with China, in what, judging from recent news, telling of the reënforcement of the Italian squadron on the China station, seems destined to be Italy's province or sphere of influence.

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