cities. At any distance from these, the country consisted of marshes and forests. Examine the character of the monuments left us of ancient Rome-the old Roman roads; we find great roads extending from city to city; but the thousands of little by-paths, which now intersect every part of the country, were then unknown, Neither do we find any traces of that immense number of lesser objects-of churches, castles, country seats, and villages, which were spread all over the country during the middle ages. Rome has left no traces of this kind; her only bequests consists of vast monuments impressed with a municipal character, destined for a numerous population, crowded into a single spot. In whatever point of view you consider the Roman world, you meet with this almost exclusive preponderance of cities, and an absence of country populations and dwellings."

ART. XIII. · England under Seven Administrations. By ALBANY FONBLANQUE, Esq. 3 vols. London: Bentley, 1837. INSTEAD of saying England, the title of this work should rather have been " The Examiner newspaper under Seven Administrations," and even then, there should have been some more definite intimation in the form of a double announcement, informing the public that only some of the crack leaders in that weekly journal, written by Mr. Fonblanque during the period mentioned, are here bound up together. Several of the articles, indeed, contain little or nothing bearing upon the history of the kingdom, either in its domestic or foreign relationships, at any time; while in all of them there is a greater display of mere literary skill than information, concerning any of the remarkable events which occurred during the last nine years which the author has embraced. In fact, several of the most extraordinary changes in men and measures that could have stamped any era, or happened in any country, are passed over with the slightest possible commemoration, or are altogether unnoticed; such as the repeal of the Test Acts, and the passing of the Reform Bill! We do not even find in the whole work, in which political dissertations necessarily form the staple, any important lights thrown upon great and fundamental principles of national government-any thing that will establish the publication as an authority on any one question.

What then, it may be asked, is the character of the contents, what the merit of the work?-a work, which has already, and will for some time to come, create a considerable sensation among the reading public? We have already indicated the nature of the ground for this excitement, when alluding to the literary skill of the author. Mr. Fonblanque has been for a number of years one of the most accomplished and trenchant political writers even among the multitude of clever and able men who have raised, to an unparalleled eminence, the periodical literature of Great Britain. In these papers

he discourses with the most remarkable epigrammatic point, concerning a great number of those questions, which, during the period specified, have occupied the public mind-such as the practice in our legislation and laws-political morality, so to speak, and, in short, of much that, at the date when the articles were written, was the subject of popular discussion. Commentary and an extraordinary redundancy of illustration, concerning the points handled, are the characteristics of the publication; such as, indeed, have secured for the newspaper in which, from time to time, the dissertations appeared, no small share of popularity. There is not much, however, besides a display of an uncommon political gladiatorship, and Benthamite philosophy. Excepting remarkable dexterity as a partisan, in dealing with the surfaces of things, there is little in the work that entitles it to be re-read, and much that will not be understood by those that have not a very minute recollection of the transitory occurrences of the week when any particular article was composed.

It is seldom, indeed, that even the most stirring and convincing articles in a newspaper, at the time they first appear, are worthy of being republished in a permanent form, and for a historical or political purpose. We think, that did they possess this enduring value, they would be unsuited to a daily or a weekly journal. Newspapers are read for the purpose of obtaining accounts of the latest facts, or to gather what are the current opinions and feelings of the various parties in the state, concerning the points that immediately occupy the attention of the leading men belonging to each. Newspapers, therefore, necessarily mirror the complexion of the time being; and the more brilliant the colouring, however transitory or liable to fade, the more admired and popular becomes the publication.

Now Mr. Fonblanque is one of the most dextrous, amusing, and pungent writers of this class that ever existed. No man can excel him for smartness, plainness, and redundant illustration. His parallels are almost endless, when he wishes to exemplify and elucidate a point-to expose an absurdity-or to cover an opponent with ridicule, or to overwhelm him with jests. But he is master of few facts; there is seldom more than one idea or distinct piece of matter in a paper. The reader need not look for information from Mr. Fonblanque, and is all along conscious that he gathers little or nothing of lasting value from him. If any one wishes to have his fancy tickled, by exhibitions of ingenuity, or to be astonished by expert references-when the subject is a political squabble or difference of opinion, on which most men would be as argumentative and profound as possible-to novels, tales, plays, farces, and jest books, never can he find a performer equal to the writer whose efforts are here before us. Now for some specimens; only premising that the papers here collected begin with the appointment of the Canning administration, or rather the dissolution of that of

Lord Liverpool, and come down to about the close of the last parliament. The first of these specimens contains the manner in which Mr. Fonblanque ridicules the weakness and folly of any liberal man or party expatiating upon the difficulties and contributing in any shape to the inaction or the want of firmness of their leaders. The Policy of Mr. Canning's supporters" is the theme. "The Administration is big with excellent designs, and its tender nurses demand for it, in respect of its delicate situation, the most unbounded indulgence during the period of gestation, and a suspension of all useful works. Madam must do nothing, lest it should hurt her. She must lie on a sofa, and be fondled and caressed by her Whig consort, who must give way to all her whims and fancies, and anticipate all her longings and nonsenses. Hint to the gentleman that it is not becoming to see him acting so uxorious a part-to see brother Bruin suddenly transformed into Jerry Sneak-and he excuses himself by urging that every respect is due to the dear creature's interesting situation; and that after she has been fairly delivered of the good she has conceived, he will be a man again. Now we have to remark upon this apology, that many a healthy constitution has been destroyed by such refinement of care, and many a disposition generally excellent spoiled by such pampering and encouragement of its little failings. Further, we must observe, that though Madam has undergone considerable aggrandizement about the waist, it is yet by no means certain whether she is big with a bairn or a bolster; and if it should prove the latter, after all the fondling and foolery of the doating Whig consort, after the rapper has been tied up, and the straw laid down, and Joseph Hume thrashed for making a noise in the street which might or could disturb the sweet love, and after the midwifery and the nursing, and the fuss and the nonsense, the making of baby-clothes and the parade of the cradle, and loud outcries on Juno and Lucina for help in the hour of parturition, after all this ado, we say, a pretty," shrunken and wooden posture" (to use Bacon's expressive phrase) the goodman's face will be in if his other half should in due season be delivered of nothing but a bundle of feathers, with which she may have stuffed herself out to work on his tenderness. That such will be the case we by no means pretend to aver; but there are conjunctures at which ladies find it convenient to be in the family way, just for the sake of gaining time and sympathy; and a prudent man should be careful lest he commit himself too far on the strength of embryo good pleaded at trying emergencies. Madam may be fairly big with excellent things; but whether she is so or not, we think that her consort is more fond than judicious in his nursing. All her failings he encourages by his pernicious system of coddling and coaxing. To drop metaphor: however friendly and honest in motive may have been the course pursued by the supporters of the new Government, we are persuaded that, so far as it has gone, one more injudicious or dangerous to the object in view, could hardly have been devised. The leading Whig supporters have discovered, on several occasions, a disposition not merely to yield to the bias of Mr. Canning's politics, opposed to the popular sentiment, but actually to outrun it. In doing so they have doubtless imagined that they were serving him at the present moment; VOL. II. (1837) no. 1.

K

but we are sure that they were entering on a line of conduct which must if pursued, be equally fatal to him and to themselves.

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*

"We are persuaded that, in showing a disposition to give way to Mr. Canning, his Whig supporters have acted according to their ideas of the demands of public policy. To assure him of their assistance, and firmly seat him, are their main objects; and when these things are accomplished, they trust to his own judgment and liberality for the rest. But we think they are, in the course of complaisance referred to, incurring two dangers, that of hazarding their own characters-for the public judgment on appearances is often rash and hasty-and of encouraging the bias of Mr. Canning's mind, which sets against the ultimate object they have in view. If they make a wreck of their own now honourable reputations, by a seeming desertion of principles, they will lose their influence and the Premier his best moral support; and if they set him once rolling down the hill on the wrong side, no power on earth will be able to prevent his fall. He cannot be indulged with a short trundle on his favourite way; for ten thousand times the force which may first gently jog him on the slope, would not be able to check his headlong descent when set in downward motion."

Some persons, whom we could name, would say, that the following harangue might be aptly applied to a certain ministry at this

moment.

"There is an old song the burden of which is the discovery that rogues will be rogues in a very high degree." Earl Grey, in his speech of the 6th, appears to have made at last the brilliant discovery that Lords will be Lords in a very high degree. We quote his words- I can declare to your Lordships that I experience no great satisfaction in occupying my present situation. Give me leave to assure you that it cannot be very agreeable to me to sit here, night after night, to see arranged on the opposite benches a number of your Lordships, which I know, whenever called into a division, must decide the question against me. Nevertheless, I have persevered under all the difficulties and disadvantages incident to this state of things, in the hope that better times would occur. The noble Earl says that he is disappointed in the expectations which he formed with respect to the conduct of Government. I, also, have been disappointed in another respect; for, notwithstanding the forbearance, for observing which, during the present session, the noble Earl takes so much credit to himself, I observe symptoms of a bitterness of spirit which I cannot help deploring. In conclusion I will observe, that if the noble Earl has good reasons for entertaining the opinion which he has expressed respecting the conduct of Government, he ought to adopt proceedings to effect our removal from office; but if he will not do this, let him at least permit our measures to proceed, without endeavouring to excite throughout the country a factious spirit of discontent.'

"The Lords will do neither the one nor the other; their time is not come, cannot come, till, under the hands of men at once their rivals and their tools, the people have been reduced to despair. The Grey Ministry must be made to do the work of its own disgrace before the pear will be ripe for the Tories. Lord Grey must exercise more forbearance towards

the Lords before the Lords can, out of his weakness, make their strength, and hazard their last blow against the liberties of the people. It is their policy to condemn the Government to lie in cold obstruction, and to rota lifeless, useless, offensive body; to make it despised as King Log, to prepare the way for the dynasty of King Stork."

"And will the Ministry grapple with this plan of operation, or will it attempt to hold on in the milieu course, which propitiates no enemies and secures no friends? Will it be the flying fish of the political world, passing from air to water and from water to air, and finding enemies in either element?'

Other words to the same tune might be quoted; for example

"To drop appropriate imagery, derived from tragedy burlesqued, and to address ourselves literally to the rumours of the week-it has been reported that the Ministry is tottering, that it wants the powers necessary to its purposes-in a word, that the Royal support fails it. It is not the first time that we have heard this doleful story. The fact is, that from the very hour of their entering on office, the adherents and partisans of Ministers have delighted in giving out, that they are not long for this Downing Street; that they are very feeble in some quarter or other; that their improvements have outgrown their strength, that they are too good to last; that the corruptions of place cannot abide their purity; that Heaven sends its favourites early doom; that a supernatural benignity is the disposition of their Government; and that their spirits will speedily be dismissed from their tabernacles in Westminster to their respective country-houses. We have heard stout, durable-looking, square-built, largesalaried, official men, hold this moving sort of talk, while their cherubimical countenances have assumed a radiance (or beaming, as the poets call it) suited to their ethereal qualities and destination. It was expected of the hearer that he should thereupon look sad, draw out a handkerchief, and pass it across the eyes, lament, in a solemn tone of suppressed emotion, that virtue was so unpractical, and express an earnest hope, that Ministers would not attempt too much, promising that all allowances should be made for any deficiencies, in consideration of their delicate predicament. We state, as a matter of fact which will occur to the recollection of hundreds when it is mentioned, that the most zealous partisans of Government have been perpetually throwing out doubts of the stability of the Ministry, and even naming periods for its dissolution. Their talk has been suited to a Curtius, about to devote himself to destruction for the good of the country -with this difference, that by a hint of the inutility of the sacrifice, they have seemed to invite a charitable interference. Whether this language has been countenanced by the Ministers we know not, but that it has been held by their adherents many will vouch, and we have always interpreted it as a demand upon forbearance and allowances—' a shamming Abraham' for the sake of the petting aud indulgences."

Mr. Fonblanque has never been a disguised advocate for the reform of the House of Peers, nor does he ever miss an opportunity of lashing the errors of our hereditary legislators, or of holding up to ridicule and scorn, what he considers to be their follies or