ments, many compromises, delays, suggestions-necessary perhaps for the common good-which it is impossible, under existing circumstances, that the one could offer, or that the other could receive, in any way by which the better part of their healing influence should not be endangered, if not lost. It is for the interest, of one and all that this arbitration should be confided to the hands of a comparatively neutral party. There can be none so competent for this national office as the Whigs; since they sympathize with both the others, precisely in those objects and points of character which are at the moment most valuable in each.

The political classification of the English people, as it prevails at present, dates from the passing of the Reform Bill. This at least is the beginning of its external history. The Radicals are its new features. They then appeared for the first time, as a separate body, in the divisions of the House of Commons. The historian, indeed, will have to take up by anticipation, their internal history a little sooner. The date of this is from the period when the middle and lower classes began to feel their strength and independence; and when the questions which arose out of the Revolutions of France and America extended the sphere of political discussion. It ought to be considered one of the great benefits of the Reform Bill, instead of being charged upon it as its reproach, that it gave that portion of the people which the Radical members represent, a distinct constitutional existence. It was high time that the representative organization should provide them with legitimate means for taking their place and part in Parliament. Thus society is made farsafer now. The different elements which enter into public opinion are sure of being infinitely better known and appreciated, when we can see them each in their own forms, and measure their proportionate titles to influence and regard. The expression of the Radical will is no longer abandoned to the passion and prejudices of a Cobbett; or to the fanciful vanity and capricious turbulence of a Sir Francis Burdett. It has had, in the late House of Commons, its full complement of Parliamentary organs (and we think something more),-reflecting to the full the several gradations of opinion contained within its creed. We have seen, at one time, its dual guard mounted by Mr Roebuck and Colonel Thomson. At another, there have been parades and field-days; and the whole rank-and-file have manoeuvred and defiled before us upon a motion by Mr Grote. The various motions, real or tentative, which were made in the House of Commons during the late session, with the respective majorities and minorities in each, have furnished a conclusive scale for ascertaining the sentiments

of that assembly. We do not know that there is any reason for suspecting that that scale did not correspond, at least in all the leading tendencies which it manifested, with the sentiments out of doors. There was no possible mistaking the meaning of the variations from strength to weakness, and from weakness back to strength, notified in these divisions. La jeune Angleterre is not yet even in bud. And yet Mr Roebuck (with what policy he himself can best explain) was reasonable enough, in one sentence, to ridicule the Government on the smallness of their majorities, and, in the next, to censure them for not bringing forward other measures, where their majorities, it was notorious, would have been smaller still. By far the greater and more sensible section of the Radicals are perfectly aware that the only practical course open to them at present is, to support the Administration of Lord Melbourne to the utmost of their power. In doing so, they will be advancing their own opinions as far as their opinion can be advanced by legislation and discussion, while the contemporary opinions of the vast majority of their fellow-citizens are opposed to them. Their personal independence can require no more positive demonstration on their part, than the practice (of which we do not complain) of voting against the Government when they differ from it. On the other hand, were these differences to occur much more frequently than is actually the case, there is surely no sacrifice of principle in voting with the most liberal Government that the country at large will hear of, on those occasions when they agree. The small faction of Radicals who are for resenting these terms as an indignity, ought to tell their countrymen what are the ends, and what the means, to which otherwise they look. It would be well to know what are their objections to the simple rule of unanimity of opinion producing, where it exists, unanimity of votes; and, whether they think it would be for the public interest that the minority should take other measures than in a parliamentary way, for bringing the majority to order.

The elections are about to take place under favourable circumstances for giving full weight to the spirit and reflections we are recommending. The excitement which carried, and for a short time afterwards followed in the wake of, the Reform Bill, has gradually subsided. We are so far from feeling with the Tories that this is a ground for sarcasm, or with the Radicals that it is matter of censure against the Government, that we feel satisfied, on the contrary, that the temper at which the nation has arrived at present, ought, in all sense and candour, to be reckoned among the greatest of the Whig triumphs. To attack a Government for having restored tranquillity, is something new. The worst that

can be said of the Whigs is this-that they may have perhaps been guilty of a generous impolicy; and have preferred, in the course they have been pursuing, the interests of the public to the interest of their party. They were described, week by week, as living only on the poison of agitation. Yet what have they done? They have smoothed the raven-down of darkness till it smiles.' The violence which threatened to disorganize society has been charmed by them into repose. There is a spurious kind of violence indeed which has replaced it in some quarters; but it scarcely descends lower than trading politicians. The intemperance which this class indulges in represents the apparent equality of parties. They fly about and scour the country to pick up a few more votes, in the hope that they may turn the scale. If moderation is more just and reasonable at any one time than another-if violence is ever pre-eminently unpardonable (and especially in persons who call themselves friends of tolerance and freedom), it is on an occasion when political parties are so nearly balanced as at the present moment. We have no quarrel with the electoral constituencies on the pretext that they have not fairly represented the body of the people, including the nonelectors, on that class of questions where the equality principally prevails. We have still less of fear for the direction which opinion will take, as the questions are more canvassed and become better understood. In the mean-while, it is on all accounts, both of charity and policy, only the more important, that nothing should be prematurely risked from rashness or imprudence. Children are taught to wait till the fruit is ripe. Yet this is a lesson which men we wot of, who would not like to be thought children, can scarcely be brought to learn.

There are two classes of questions with which, according to circumstances, a Legislature may be called upon to deal. These are the ripe, and the unripe. The first consist of certain measures, in favour of which a clear majority of the intelligent public has made up its mind deliberately; and which, in consequence, it desires the Legislature to place, by the public sanction, among the rules and guarantees of its social life. The duty of a legislator, in thus conforming to the progress of opinion, is little else than the duty of a farmer, in attending to the laws of nature, which fix the time of harvest. The point of maturity for this purpose, however, is a question of fact, which it is not always so easy to make out. It is a question which each individual legislator must settle for himself. The time taken for this may vary indefinitely, according to the parties and the occasion. Many persons will often seem rather long about it, and a portion of the public will be getting impatient. Impetuous legislators should, however,

recollect that there is one and the same mischief in beginning too soon, as in putting off too long; and that the more precious the subject, it is the more incumbent on us to take care that we are making no mistake. The misery and discomfiture occasioned by mere precipitation, and nothing else, is a long and melancholy chapter in the history of reformations. Besides, how much more delightful ought it to be to wait a while for converts and allies than to be leading prisoners in chains. It is an important part of the case in legislative organization (but is yet only a part), that the machinery should facilitate the getting at the truth on this point, and should, to a considerable extent, work out the problem, as it were, itself. But the form of the Legislature (whether a single or a double chamber), and the principle on which each shall be constructed, can only assist in the solution. They are not sufficient for solving the whole problem. For the mechanism of a Legislature can never be so sure an index, as to release its members from the necessity of taking a more complete view of the state of public opinion, by looking out into society at large. It is not only in order to keep together a party for party purposes: a legislator, acting with the most pure and single reference to the public good (it does not matter for this in which chamber he is sitting) must often sacrifice his own opinions to those of others. If he will not do this-if he cannot learn the proper times and circumstances at what seasons, and on what grounds, he ought to do it, means must be found for preventing him from continuing to injure and affront the rest of the community. The rock of offence must be removed. But, we prefer a solvent to a pickaxe; and a moral solvent rather than a physical one. The mode in which a well-constituted Legislature should incorporate within itself the public interests and public will; and the limits to the reasons on account of which two legislative chambers may be made designedly to comprise points of agreement with, and points of difference from each other, are grave questions of political science. They are not to be disposed of by either a single syllogism, or a hundred sneers. In whatever form, and after whatever principle a Legislature may be constructed, Members of Parliament will occasionally be obliged, in their character of law-makers, to wave their personal impressions, and accede to the plainly recognised opinions of the public; by whom, and for whom alone they were ever clothed with the character at all. This is the point of view in which the House of Lords must reconsider their late proceedings; and the Radicals, their summary objections to a chamber, constituted as it is. The extent to which concessions of opinion should, in practice, be carried individually; and how far a previous coincidence between two chambers should be in part organically provided

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for, and in part left loose for public opinion to bring round, are questions of degree. When a measure is once really ripe, in the sense in which we have been regarding it, it is next to impossible, in a free country, that the people will allow it to be lost by rotting on the wall. Of unripe measures little need be said. In being granted full and fair discussion-a clear stage and no favour-they have all to which they can possibly be entitled. The measures may be good or bad. But, while by the supposition they are in an intellectual minority, there is nothing ungracious in begging of their advocates to use civil language for the present, and to believe in the possibility of being in the wrong. We have a right to expect a dentist to be sure that the tooth he seeks to draw is the unsound one. If their notions are all as plain and self-evident as they usually declare them to be, and if public opinion is at all the sun which, as such, they would have us worship, their measures, now unripe, will become ripe in time. They will ripen the sweeter and the better for not having been forced.

Embarrassments belonging to an undue want of sympathy and co-operation between the Legislature and the people, or between the several branches of the Legislature, one with the other, will seldom be removable by a mere mechanical operation. But there are other difficulties in the way of the practical working of the Legislature at present. On the simplification and abridgment of these, the new Parliament must set to work early and in earnest; or, whatever may be its other merits, it will not give much more satisfaction than the last. Sir Robert Peel, in the safe address, where he lately gave his little senate laws,' at Tamworth spoke of a weak and inefficient Administration.' When he was last himself in office, he made it very evident, by the want of confidence which he showed in the talents of his colleagues, one and all, what was his opinion of the strength and efficiency of his own. There was not one of them whom he durst trust with the opening, or the management, of a single case. The friends, however, of both Cabinets allow that neither one nor the other has had much ability to spare. But Sir Robert Peel must also be well aware, that under the existing system, no degree of skilful management on the part of the prime Minister, or the Leader in the House of Commons, can prevent the public business from falling into a state of gross dilapidation and arrears; and that, consequently, this cause alone is sufficient to throw, in a long session, an air of discredit over the parties on whom the responsibility as is supposed, principally rests. The nature of the evil has been repeatedly pointed out, and a variety of suggestions have been made. Lord Brougham attempted lately to rouse the House of Lords