of having sold their liberty of action to the Government in consideration of the invasion of the Duchies is unfounded, are more troublesome than ever to the Ministry. They assert themselves with a boldness even greater than before, but for some reason the Prussian Premier does not seem to resent it, as he formerly did, and replies to their attacks with a mildness which seems to prove that he is conscious that there is a much more cordial feeling throughout the kingdom towards the Crown and the king's chosen advisers than was formerly the case. The evidence altogether is favourable to this view of matters. The Prussians crave aggrandisement; morally they have obtained this already through the Bismark Government, and they regard as certain that there will be a material addition of valuable territory before the final settlement of the succession in the Duchies, even if the whole of Schleswig-Holstein is not incorporated with Prussia. As regards other matters which the people have at heart, there is a manifest desire on the part of the aristocracy to further their wishes; as in the case of the desired abolition of the laws prohibiting coalitions among workmen, which taken up by the philanthropist Schulze-Delitsch, is supported by the Conservatives. This is in accordance with aristocratic feeling in all countries where class distinctions exist; in England, even, where it is less marked than in any other, a nobleman would converse far more familiarly with a labourer than with a man of a higher grade.

There is nothing in the conduct of Prussia to indicate that there is any real foundation for the assertion of the Austrian Government that the settlement of the Schleswig-Holstein question is imminent. Austria having expressed her determination not to alter her views as to what that settlement should be, and Prussia having dragged the affair so long with the object of avoiding that settlement is not likely to accept it now if she can help it. It is said that the latter Power is anticipating an outbreak in the Principalities, which will give Austria as much to do in another direction as she can manage, and that when this happens, advantage will be taken of the opportunity to settle the question of the Duchies after the manner which Prussia desires. This, however, is not probable; the King of Prussia is a man of high principle, and would be little likely to take advantage of his ally's distress to act unfairly towards him. Moreover, an outbreak in the Principalities is not so likely to take place now as during the Polish war, unless indeed there is a secret understanding between Italian Ministers and the revolutionists, which nobody asserts there is as yet.

One of the strongest of the protests against the annexation by the Duchies to Prussia was got up by a committee of about forty of the largest landowners in Holstein, which in a short time was signed by upwards of forty thousand persons, who claimed the Duke of Augustenburg as their future sovereign. There is no question whatever that if left to choose their own ruler the Duke will be the

man they will select; all the advices we receive from thence prove this to be the almost unanimous feeling. It is probable that long before this time they have regretted they did not rest content in their former position, especially as there is some reason to believe that the chances of having the sovereign of their choice are becoming less daily.

The Spanish Government appears to be at a dead lock, and the method they have adopted for getting the wheels in motion, though it may induce a little movement at present, only loads the machine so much that its next stoppage will be in a deeper rut. The device of a forced loan is about the last resource a regular government has recourse to for raising supplies, and when we find that those who contribute voluntarily to the loan, that is to say without waiting to be forced, are to receive 10 per cent discount, beside the interest of 8 per cent, we cannot conceive how the present government is to continue, and still less what sort of a ministry will be induced to succeed it, nor how, beginning with nothing in the treasury, they would manage to pay expenses. is true that they will have a large quantity of guano to fall back upon, but they cannot well pay officials with this substance, and it will take a considerable time to load ships with it and get it into the European markets. The unfortunate Peruvians who have been forced to suffer such a draft on their manure treasury, may have escaped more cheaply than they would have done by engaging in a war; nevertheless it is very hard upon them, and they feel it very keenly.

It

The abandonment of San Domingo, after spending 200,000,000 reals (beside the incidental loss to Cnba of 100,000,000) is a laudable proceeding on the part of the present Ministry; the loss of life among the troops engaged in it from disease was so frightful in proportion to the number employed, that on grounds of humanity alone it was the duty of the Government to do so. Of course O'Donnell was opposed to the relinquishment of the attempts to subjugate the island, but it is not at all likely that he would have conquered it in ninety days, as he averred he would if the matter were left in his hands; yellow fever not being under human control yet.

The people of Madrid seem to care very little how matters go on; they appear to be getting alike indifferent to the royal family and the way in which the government is carried on, and the intrigues for place among the members.of the Chambers; probably thinking that where all are desirous for place there cannot be much to choose between them. In the provinces the indifference to the composition of the Ministry is even less, but the regard for the throne is probably greater-the two prominent characteristics of the Spanish peasantry, apart from considerations of self-interest, being loyalty and religion, the latter regarded from his own peculiar point of view.

Since the preceding was written, the telegraph has brought us the news that the Queen has given up a large portion of the Royal patrimony for the benefit of the State, and that the forced loan has been abandoned. There is no doubt that this liberality on the part of her Majesty will have the effect of restoring her popularity, as indeed it ought; but the sun, large as it is, is only a temporary expedient ; the same difficulty will recur as soon as this is spent. There are rumours afloat which may give us the key to this sudden act of liberality on the part of her Majesty, rumours of a conspiracy having ramifications throughout the whole of Spain.

There has been a statement circulated that the Emperor of Russia had issued a decree incorporating Poland with Russia for administrative purposes. This has been contradicted, but it is only what has been expected for a long time, and it is not at all improbable that this will be the ultimate result of Miliutine's inquiries. The desire of the nobles for two houses of Representatives has not been responded to, and they were further told that they travelled out of their province in making such a request. The Pope's complaint with respect to the suppression of convents in Poland is not likely to receive much attention, and most certainly will not lead to their being re-opened.

There is still military work to be done in Mexico; the siege of Oajaca had hardly commenced at the date of the last advices. The difficulties of getting at it were very great; several miles of road had to be made through one of the worst countries imaginable, and but for the assistance of the Indians, it is possible they might not have been overcome at all. These preliminary labours were left to the direction of General d'Hurbal, but Marshal Bazaine has himself set out to direct the siege operations. A portion of the troops were to be sent to occupy Guaymas in the Gulf of California, and others are stationed in different provinces, with instructions to move from place to place within a certain radius, according to circumstances. About 2,000 of the Austrian and Belgian volunteers have arrived, the greater part of whom have been already despatched on service.

The position of the Emperor Maximillian is not one to be envied. There is a vast amount of organization to be done, and there are rumours here of a difference of opinion between him and Marshal de Bazaine, and the Papal Nuncio, as to sundry details connected with it. The great rock he sees a-head is the probable invasion of his territory by American troops, or by disbanded American mercenaries. Supposing that North and South do re-unite, and celebrate their re-union by asserting their determination to carry out the Monroe doctrine, it is to be feared that the immense number of mercenaries in both armies will be at liberty to dispose of themselves as they think proper, and that from their long service under arms, they will prefer anything rather than returning to ordinary labour, consequently will invade Canada and Mexico at once, and possibly Cuba and the West India Islands. Of all these the danger

to Mexico is the greatest. Americans are familiar with the idea of invading Mexico, have indeed long looked upon it as American property, to be taken possession of at a fitting time. They are tempted, too, by the reports of the rich mines to be found in Sonora and the adjacent provinces. Also a kind of pseudo-legality might be made to cover the invasion of an army of filibusters, from the presence of Juarez at their head; that individual being, it is said, at the present moment at New York, trying to further this or a similar scheme.

WEST COAST OF AFRICA.

Observing in the newspapers that early in the ensuing Session of Parliament, the affairs of the Settlements on the West Coast of Africa are about to be discussed, and afterwards referred to a Select Committee of the House of Commons, even to the extent of debating on the expediency of retiring from the Coast altogether, much in the same manner as we have lately done in the Ionian Islands, by handing over the settlements to other European Powers, we venture to thread together a few reasons in favour of their retention, in order that the public at the opening of Parliament may be supplied with some information on so important a subject, so vital even to generations unborn.

A similar inquiry was instituted in 1825, owing to the heavy expenditure the establishment of liberated Africans of Sierra Leone entailed on the mother-country; it was seriously taken into consideration whether Sierra Leone ought not to be entirely relinquished several well-wishers of the Coast, like myself, wrote letters and pamphlets on the occasion; one by Mr. Kenneth Macauley, entitled the "Colony of Sierra Leone vindicated," is worthy of perusal, and care must be taken to avoid in the present article repeating the sound ideas of this gifted writer. He asserts that to abandon the coast would leave full scope for the contraband slave trade, and would frustrate all hopes of establishing a centre from whence civilization might hereafter spread throughout Africa.

I hope to be able to prove that it would not only be politically inexpedient to retire from the Coast, but unjust to the natives, and that we will throw away advantages likely to accrue to the Empire by the cession of the settlements, and I hope to conclude my report by a few remarks in some measure lessening the great dread of the climate which is at present so notorious in England.

It is nevertheless very cheering to the well-wishers of Africa, to observe that most distinguished members of the British Cabinet are now led away by the popular cry to abandon the Coast, either on account of the alleged unhealthiness of the climate, the expense to the Home Government or on account of the impossibility of

civilizing the Negro. From the speech of Earl Russell on the occasion of his election as Lord Rector of the Aberdeen University, and from the speech of the Prime Minister during the debates on the Ashantee War, it is very evident that these eminent statesmen, are not inclined to renounce the policy inaugurated and established for near a century by such men as Wilberforce, and Clarkson, the more especially when their policy cannot be regarded as having had time to fructify, two generations can only be counted since the first establishment of anything like a colony was made at Sierra Leone.

We do not live in an age of miracles to quote a sentence from a recent writer on the subject,

"The natives of the African Settlement are as advanced in civilization as the natives of Great Britain were 50 years after the landing of Julius Cæsar."

It was about this period that Cicero wrote to his friend Atticus not to obtain his slaves from Britain, because they were so stupid and incapable in being taught, and they were unfit to form a part of the household of Atticus! The best work extant on Sierra Leone was written by Mrs. Melville, in a series of letters to friends in England, and the chief topic of this lady's letters is the great difficulty to drill the African into domestic service, his character being so volatile and his memory so deficient. In the same spirit the Dean of St. Paul's alone ventures to comment on the learned speech of a friend on Earl Russell's presence, he exactly defines an axiom just to the Africans.

"There is a quarter of the world to but a small part of which any light of civilization has penetrated, and which is still in a state not only of barbarism, but where the most horrible atrocities are practised. I am now alluding to the continent of Africa-I am alluding to the state of a great portion of the globe, which, however, has not been stagnant, because that portion of the globe has in many of its coasts got rid of that detestable crime, the slave trade, and where the knowledge of Christianity, the knowledge of civilization, the knowledge of agriculture are now beginning to make some way. With regard to this continent Dr. Livingstone (loud applause) told an anecdote not long ago, that when he was making his praiseworthy explorations, the art and policy of substituting civilization and Christianity for the evils of the slave trade were known by the name of the Palmerston policy. (Applause.) But many persons have said that the case is hopeless; they have said that the people of Africa are utterly barbarous. It is something that there are those who have another belief, and who believe that the people may yet be civilised, that all our pains will not be thrown away, and all those lives which we have unfortunately lost in the task of civilising Africa will not be a useless sacrifice, but that light is still to shine in that quarter of the world. (Applause.) Of that faith was a man who was never named in society but with honour-Captain Speke, the