ment. manner, and all trade in articles the produce and, frontiers, your committee are not disposed to occupy much time is investigating. Certain indications of general notoriety may sup manufacture of the said countries and colonies and ply the place of authentic documents; though these have not been the vessels engaged in it were subjected to cap wanting to establish the fact in some instances. It is known that ture and condemnation as lawful prize. To this or symptoms of British hostility towards the United States, have never failed to produce corresponding symptoms among those tribes.— der certain exceptions were made which we fo: bear It is also well known that on all such occasions, abundant supto notice, because they were not adopted from aplies of the ordinary munitions of war have been afforded by the regard to neutral rights, but were dictated by poli garrisons, wherewith they were enabled to commence that system agents of British commercial companies, and even from British cy to promote the commerce of England, and so of savage warfare on our frontiers which has been at all times infar as they related to neutral powers, were said to discriminate in its effects, on all ages, sexes and conditions, and so revolting to humanity. emanate from the clemency of the British govern Your committee would be much gratified if they could close here the detail of British wrongs; but it is their duty to recite another It would be superfluous in your committee to already brought to your view. act of still greater malignity, than any of those which have been The attempt to dismeniber our state, that by this order the British government de union and overthrow our excellent constitution, by a sceret mis clared direct and positive war against the United sion, the object of which was, to foment discontents and excite in surrection against the constituted authorities and laws of the nation, States. The dominion of the ocean was completely as lately disclosed by the agent employed in it, affords full proof usurped by it, all commerce forbidden and every flag that there is no bound to the hostility of the British governinent towards the United States--no act, however unjustifiable, driven from it or subjected to capture and condem- which it would not commit to accomplish their ruin. This attempt nation, which did not subserve the policy of the excites the greater horror from the consideration that it was made British government by paying it a tribute and sail while the United States and Great Britain were at peace, and an amicable negociation was depending between them ter the accour ing under its sanction. From this period the Uni-modation of their differences through public ministers regularly ted States have incurred the heaviest losses and authorised for the purpose. most mortifying humiliations. They have borne The United States have beheld, with unexampled the calamities of war without retorting them on its forbearance, this continued series of hostile enauthors. croachments on their rights any interests, in the So far your committee has presented to the view hope, that, yielding to the force of friendly remonof the house the aggressions which have been com- strances, often repeated, the British government mitted under the authority of the British govern- might adopt a more just policy towards them; but ment on the commerce of the United States. We that hope no longer exists. They have also weigh. will now proceed to other wrongs which have been ed impartially the reasons which have been urged by still more severely felt. Among these is the im the British government in vindication of these en pressment of our seamen, a practice which has coachments, and found in them neither justification been unceasingly maintained by Great Britain in or apology. the wars to which she has been a party since our The British government has alleged in vindicarevolution. Your committee cannot convey in tion of the orders in council that they were resortadequate terms the deep sense which they entertained to as a retaliation on France, for similar aggresof the injustice and oppression of this proceeding sions comitted by her on our neutral trade with the Under the pretext of impressing British seamen, British dominions. But how has this plea been our fellow-citizens are seized in British ports, on supported ?The dates of British and French agthe high seas, and in every other quarter to which gressions are well known to the world. Their orithe British power extends, are taken on board Bri- gin and progress have been marked with too wide tish men of war and compelled to serve there as and destructive a waste of the property of our fellowBritish subjects. In this mode our citizens are citizens, to have been forgotten. The decree of wantonly snatched from their country and their Berlin of Nov. 21st, 1806, was the first aggression of families, deprived of their liberty and doomed to an France in the present war. Eighteen months had ignominious and slavish bondage, compelled to fight then elapsed, after the attack made by G. Britain on the battles of a foreign country and often to perish our neutral trrde, with the colonies of France and her in them. Our flag has given them no protection; allies, and six months from the date of the proclait has been unceasingly violated and our vessels ex-mation of May, 1806. Even on the 7th of Jan. posed to danger by the loss of the men taken from 1807, the date of the first British order in council them. Your committee need not remark that so short a term had elapsed, after the Berlin decree, while the practice is continued, it is impossible for that it was hardly possible that the intelligence of it the United States to consider themselves an inde should have reached the United States. A retaliapendent nation. Every new case is a new proof of tion which is to produce its effect, by operating on their degradation. Its continuance is the more a neutral power, ought not to be resorted to, till unjustifiable because the United States have repeat- the neutral had justified it by a culpable acquiesedly proposed to the British government an arcence in the unlawful act of the other belligerent. It rangement which would secure to it the control of ought to be delayed until after sufficient time had its own people. An exemption of the citizens of been allowed to the neutral to remonstrate against the United States from this degrading oppression the measure complained of, to receive an answer, and their flag from violation, is all that they have and to act on it, which had not been done in the sought. present instance; and when the order of Novem The lawless waste of our trade and equally unlawful impress ber 11 was issued, it is well known that a minister of ment of our seamen, have been much aggravated by the insults France had declared to the minister plenipotentiary of and indignities attending them. Under the pretext of blockading the ports and harbors of France and her allies, British squadrons the United States at Paris, that it was not intended have been stationed on our own coast, to watch and annoy our that the decree of Berlin should apply to the United own trade. To give effect to the blockade of European ports, the ports and harbors of the United States have been blockaded. In States. It is equally well known, that no American executing these orders of the British government, or in obeying vessel had then been condemned under it, or seizure the spirit which was known to animate it, the commanders of these been made, with which the British goverment was squadrons have encroached on our jurisdiction, seized our vessels and carried into effect impressments within our haits, and done acquainted. The facts prove incontestibly, that the other acts of great injustice, violence and oppression. The Unit measures of France, however unjustifiable in themStates have seen with mingled indignation and surprise, that these acts, instead of procuring to the perpetrators the punish-selves, were nothing more than a pretext for those ment dae to their crimes, have not failed to recommend them to of England. And of the insufficiency of that pretext, ample proof has already been afforded by the sures to excite a kinase as the hostility of the savage tribes on our British government itself, and in the most impres the favor of their government. Whether the British government has contributed by active mea sive form. Although it was declared that the or- Great Britain was also allowed to trade with them. ders incouncil were retaliatory on France for her By this declaration, it appears, that to satisfy the decrees, it was also declared, and in the orders them-preten ions of the British government, the United selves, that owing to the superiority of the British States must join Great Britain in the war with navy, by which the fleets of France and her allies France, and prosecute the war, until France should were confined within their own ports, the French be subdued, for without her subjugation, it were in decrees were considered only as empty threat.s vain to presume on such a concession. The hosbeen still further disclosed. It has been made ma tility of the British government to these states has nifest that the United States are considered by it as their prosperity and growth are incompatible with the commercial rival of Great Britain, and that taken into consideration. it is impossible for your her welfare. When all these circumstances are From this view of the multiplied wrongs of the British govers ment since the commencement of the present war, it must be evi It is no justification of the wrongs of one power, that the like were cominitted by another; nor ought the fact, if true, to have been urged by ei ther. as it could afford no proof of its love of justice, of its magnanimity, or even of its courage.It is more worthy the government of a great nation, to relieve than to assail the injured. Nor can a repetition of the wrongs by another power repair the committee to doubt the motives which have governviolated rights, or wounded honor, of the injured | ed the British ministry in all its measures towards party. An utter inability alone to resist, would the United States since the year 1805. Equally is justify a quiet surrender of our rights, and degrad it impossible to doubt, longer, the course which the ing submission to the will of others. To that con United States ought to pursue towards Great Bri ain. dition the United States are not reduced, nor do they fear it. That they ever consented to discuss with either power the misconduct of the other, is a dent to the impartial world, that the contest which is now forect proof of their love of peace, of their moderation on the United States, is radically a contest for their sovereignty and of the hope which they still indulged that and independence. Your committee will not enlarge on any friendly appeals to just and generous sentiment. They wish to call the attention of the house to those of a parlia the injuries, however great, which have had a transitory effectwould not be made to them in vain. But the momentary nature only, which intrench so deeply on our most intive was mistaken, if their forbearance was imputed, either to the want of a just sensibility to their wrongs, or of a determination, if suitable redress was not obtained, to resent them. The time has now arrived when this system of reasoning must cease. It would be insulting to repeat it. It would be degrading to hear it. The United States must act as an independent nation, and assert their rights and avenge their wrongs, according to their own estimate of them, with the party who commits them, holding it responsible for its own misdeeds unmitigated by those of another. of portant rights, and wound so extensively and vitally our best in terests, as could not fail to deprive the United States of the prin pal advantages of their revolution, if submitted to The control of our commerce by Great Britain, in regulating at pleasure, and expelling it almost from the occan; the oppressive manner is which these regulations have been carried into effect by seizing and confiscating such of our vessels, with their cargoes, as were said to have violated her edicts, often without previous war ing of their danger; the impressment of our citizens from on board our own vessels,on the high seas, and elsewhere,and holding them in bondage until itsuited the convenience of these oppressors to deliver them up, are encroachments of that high and dangerous tendency which could not fail to produce that pernicious effect, nor would those be the only consequences that would result from it. The British government might for awhile be satisfied with the ascendarcy thus gained over us, but its pretensions would soon increase. The proof, which so complete and disgraceful a submission to its authori dence, that there was no limit to which its usurpations and our de ty would afford of our degeneracy, could not fail to inspire confi gradations might not be carried. Your committee believing that the freeborn sons of America are worthy to enjoy the liberty which their fathers purchased at the AN ACT For the difference made between Great Britain and France, by the application of the non-impor tation act against England only, the motive has been already too often explained, and is too well known to require further illustration. In the com-adopted by G. Britain, a course commenced and persisted in which mercial restrictions to which the United States re sorted as an evidence of their sensibility, and a mild retaliation of their wrongs, they invariably placed both powers on the same footing, holding to each in respect to itself, the same accommodation, in case it accepted the condition offered, and in re spect to the other, the same restraint, if it refused Had the British government confirmed the arrange-Declaring War between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and ment, which was entered into with the British minisIreland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of ter in 1809, and France maintained her decrees, America and their territories. with France would the U. States have had to resist, BE it enceted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the with the firmness belonging to their character, the United States of America, in congress assembled, That WAR be continued violation of their rights. The committee and the saune is hereby declared to exist between the United King do not hesitate to declare, that France has greatly and the United States of America and their territories; and that dom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies there injured the United States, and that satisfactory re- the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised paration has not yet been made for many of those to use the whole land and naval force of she United States, to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the injuries. But that is a concern which the United States will look to and settle for themselves. The high character of the American people, is a suffi cient pledge to the world, that they will not fail to settle it, on conditions which they have a right to claim. More recently, the true policy of the British go vernment towards the United States has been com pletely unfolded. It has been publicly declared by those in power, that the orders in council should not be repealed, until the French government had revoked all its internal restraints on the British com merce, and that the trade of the United States, with France and her allies, should be prohibited until United States commissions, or letters of marque and general re Approved, JAMES MADISON. On the final passage of the act in the Senate, the vote was 19 to 13-in the House 79 to 49. It has never yet been our fortune to come be fore our readers with so much interesting matter as this number contains, which we have spared no exertion to lay before them, to the exclusion of many articles in type. VOL. II.] BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, JUNE 27, 1812. [No. 43. Hæc olim meminisse juvabit.-Virgil. Printed and published by H. NILES, South-st. next door to the Merchants' Coffee-House, at $5 per ann. By the President of the United States of America, A PROCLAMATION. to enjoy, what he has richly merited, the confulence of a grateful people-the noblest reward of public service and when, at some distant period, he shall be removed from this to a better world, may he receive the approving plaudit of his parent God! The intimate connexion which subsists between the United States and each individual state in the union, renders the proceed? ings of the general government at all times interesting to us, as a member of that union; but peculiarly so at this eventful era, in which the state of our foreign relations presents an aspect more truly alarming than at any former period. From both France and England we have long suffered, and still continue to sulfer, great injustice. They have unjustly captured and condenamed our com merce, imprisoned and held in servitude our seamen, and grossly violated our national rights; whilst towards both those nations, the government of the United States have steadily and uniformly pursue ed a course of conduct founded in the strictest justice and marked with the most impartial neutrality. The government of France, sensible of the wrongs she has infiicted, has, in some measure, chang ed her conduct towards this country-and though our suffering citizens have not received restitution for the injuries they have suffered, yet there is ground to hope that we shall eventually ob tain substantial justice from that empire. Should, however, these hopes end in disappointment, I have no doubt our government will eventually adopt such measures as will cause our rights to be duly respected. But the conduct of Great Britain towards the United States WHEREAS the congress of the United States, by virtue of the constituted authority vested in them, have declared by their act, bearing date the 18th day of the present month, that war exists between the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories: Now there fore, I JAMES MADISON, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim the same to all whom it may concern: and I do specially en- still manifests a spirit of obstinate perseverance in measures hos join on all persons holding offices, civil or military, tile to our dearest interests and most essential rights. She has im under the authority of the United States, that they be pressed thousands of our seamen, forced them to serve on board her public ships, and in the event of a war, will no doubt compel vigilant and zealous,in discharging the duties respec-them to shed the blood of their innocent brethren and unoffend tively incident thereto: And I do moreover exhorting countrymen. She has unjustly captured and condemned our all the good people of the United States, as they vessels and cargoes-permitted her subjects publicly to forge and counterfeit our ships papers, and assume the American flag, there love their country; as they value the precious he by exciting suspicion against our mercantile character, and su ritage derived from the virtue and valor of their fajecting our lawful commerce to capture by other belligerent powers. And, as if these flagrant acts of injustice did not afford thers; as they feel the wrongs which have forced on sufficient evidence of her deadly hostility, she has sent spies into them the last resort of injured nations; and as they our country to alienate the affections of our citizens from their own consult the best means, under the blessing of Di-government, and effect a dismemberment of the union. Against these outrages and aggressions, the government of the United vine Providence, of abridging its calamities; that States, preferring negociation to war, has long and patiently sought they exert themselves in preserving order, in pro redress-and even supplicated for justice, till it has approached a state of humiliation incompatible with national dignity; but Great moting concord, in maintaining the authority and Britain, gonded on by the prejudices engendered by our revolu the efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invitionary war, and jealous of our increasing maritime greatness, (8 gorating all the measures which may be adopted by greatness which, at no distant period, may deprive her of the first rank anong commercial nations) has treated our just claims with the constituted authorities, for obtaining a speedy, neglect, and added insult to injury. a just, and an honorable peace. SEAL. of IN testimony whereof I have hereunto In this state of affairs, but one alternative remained; either tamely to surrender our rights, or manfully to prepare for their de fence. A nation of freemen could not long hesitate between submission and war. Congress has, therefore, with great unanimity, resolved to adopt, and are prosecuting with a correspondent spirit, to effective measures for defence-and unless the good sense, or the fears of Great Britain,shall indace her to do us substantial and spec dy justice, these preparations will most probably terminate in a DONE at the city of Washington, the state of war. Though war is a great calamity, the sacrifice of our nineteenth day of June, one thousand essential rights is greater. It is with a nation as with an individus eight hundred and twelve, and of theal, there is a point of suffering, beyond which forbearance, instead of repelling, invites aggression. If we cherish a spirit of subiis Independence of the United States sion to a foreign power, and tamely acquiesce in the loss of one right after another, we shall thereby prepare the public wind for the thirty-sixth. a state of degradation and servitude, more dreadful in its consequences than that of war-for a nation cannot long survive the loss of its spirit. We have many years enjoyed a state of peace and tranquility far exceeding that of any other people--and what claim have we to an exemptio.. from the calamities common to all nations? Should the government of the United States, eventually be compelled, in vindication of our rights, to resort to a war, I have entire confidence that under the protection of Divine Providence, the wisdom of our government, the resources of our country, and the patriotism of our citizens, will be found equal to the arduous conflict. And I trust that the good citizens of New-Hans'ore Extracts from Mr. Plumer's speech to the legislature of New-will cordially unite, and at all hazards, steadily support these mea Hampshire, delivered on the 6th instant : (Signed) JAMES MADISON. JAMES MONROE, Secretary of State. Legislature of New-Hampshire. sures which the government of their own choice may adopt; and Having accepted the office of governor of New-Hampshire for the that we shall have no interest or feeling discordant to that of the present year, permit me to express to you, and through you to the nation. The constitution of the United States was not only established freemen of the state, my grateful sense of this distinguished honor and my resolution, aided by your wisdom and experience, so to by the people, but the officers who administer it, are elected by discharge the duties of this responsible trust, as shall evince to the the people, and at short and limited periods must return to the ranks world, that the honors of office are conferred, not for the emolu- of citizens, to feel the effects and bear the burthens they the ment of the incumbent, but to enable him more effectually to vin- selves have imposed. As the interest of the people is equally their dicate the rights and promote the happiness of the people over interest, they can have no sufficient motive to make laws injurious whom he presides. Though my ambition, to perform acceptably to the community-they are therefore entitled to our reasonable the duties of office, is raised by a consideration of the manner in confidence, that they will adopt those measures only, which to them which my immedinte predecessor, for a series of years, has so ably appear best calenlated to promote the common good. The great and prudently discharged the duties of chief magistrate, I ought and virtuous Washington, speaking of this government says, "Res not perhaps, to expect that general approbation, which his long and pect for its authority, compliance with its laws, aequiescence jus its patriotic services have so justly obtained. May he long continue measures, are duties enjoliver by the tutkantutan indling of trac T VOL. II. We doubt the right of a single branch of the legis liberty." It is one of the first principles of government, that the will of the constituted authorities, expressed by the acts of the mafuture of this state, to interfere in a question exjority, demand the obedience of every citizen. Nor is it less the peculiar province of the general government to direct and manage clusively belonging to the congress of the United Our senators and representatives in conour national affairs, than it is our indispensable duty and highest States. interest, to afford them our prompt and effective aid, in carrying into operaßon all their constitutional measures. Permit me, then gress have not asked our advice, nor do they need gentlemen, to recommend to you the adoption of such measures as it-and we are satisfied that they will consult the shall have a direct tendency to assimilate the views and feelings of interest, support the honor, and maintain the digthe good citizens of this state to a friendship with our sister states, and a union of sentiment and firm attachment to the United States. nity of this state, and of the United States. If those who most freely indulge a propensity to complain against We apprehend that this address is calculated the measures of administration, were at the same time obliged to propose a substitute for what they censure, they would find that to embarrass and discourage the government, stir rulers have frequently but a choice of difficulties, and would them up opposition to its measures, weaken the conselves be compelled often to approve what they now loudly confidence of the people in their rulers, and convince demn. Itis fro a spirit of jealousy and division that we have more to apprehend, than from the boasted power of both the belligerents our enemies that we are a weak, discontented, and of Europe. But as the danger to which we are exposed from divided people. abroad, increases, may we not reasonably hope, that our union among ourselves will also increase. In the infancy of our inde! an. nation. The undersigned perceive, with extreme regret, pendence, common danger not only united us, but even supplied, an intimation in this address, that our government in many cases, the defects of a feeble system of government, are about to wage an offensive war with England. which possessed the power to recommend, but not the authority to enforce its requisitions. Union is the vital strength of a nation, We are sa'isfied that no such intention exists. That particularly so of a republic, whose authority rests on public opini- its object would be to redress and repel injuries long Our union is our safety-n house divided against itself since inflicted, still wantonly persisted in, and cannot stand. An indissoluble union of the states, is essential, not only to our prosperity, but even to our existence as a threatened to be further continued and enforced.— A war to resist depredations the most wanton, unThe people of the United States are the source of sovereigntyder edicts the most barbarous, savage and tyrannical. of these the militia of each state compose an essential part, and when well regulated, form our most natural and sure defence." A war to save our commerce from destruction, and The actual state of the nation now requires that we should be our citizens from slavery. While we deprecate the placed in the best posture of defence-every measure that tends to the public safety, is of the first importance. To render a mili- the calamities of a war with Great Britain, we are tary force formidable, it must be well organized, armed and disci-inclined to meet them in preference to that submis. plined. Though the militia of this state have made considerable sion which this spiritless address recommends and progress in obtaining arms, and acquiring a knowledge of military tactics, you will, no doubt, adopt such further measures as may be indicates. requisite to complete their improvement. Perhaps no one thing is The numerous and aggravated aggresssions of more necessary than a further supply of arms. And permit me to suggest for your consideration, the propriety of directing that England on our neutral rights can never be palliaThe injuries of the all battalion musters, throughout the state, should be on one and ted by the conduct of France. the same day. Would not such a provision, have a tendency to one nation can never excuse the acts of the other. increase the number of arms and accoutrements, by preventing practice of soldiers, borrowing them from each other? Would The United States have conducted with impartiality it not also render regimental musters less necessary, and thus save and justice towards both; but by Englan i particuThe restrictions and embarrassments, which the belligerents of larly, we have been insulted and abused—our dearEurope have unjustly imposed upon our commerce, have induced est lights have been trified with, our commerce desmany of our citizens to devote their time and wealth to the in-troyed, our seamen impressed, and our citizens time and expence to many of that useful class of citizens? enslaved. Grease and improvement of domestic manufactures. The prosperity of these, which have a direct tendency to render us less dependent upon foreign nations, and more dependent upon ourselves.- In such a crisis should a thought of self preserBlest with a con.try of various climates, abounding with raw matevation occur: Should interest or fear influence our rials of every kind, and a people truly industrious, and highly ingenious in the mechanical arts, we are capable of supplying our deliberations? Should we not rather be admonishselves with the necessaries and conveniencies, if not with the luxu-ed by the spirit which actuated our fathers, which ries of life. By the increase of manufactures we shall enlarge our internal commerce; and different portions of our country will met tyranny at the threshold and resisted it with mutually supply the wants of each other, and add strength to the bond of our union. To patronize and support agriculture and manufactures, is within the peculiar province of the state legisla tures-and I presume, it is no less your inclination than your duty, to consider whether these important subjects require further legis lative aid. effect? Satisfied as we are that this address is submissive and humiliating-that it will encourage our enemies, and embarrass our friends-that it will tend to exThe people of this state, with great propriety, have made it our tinguish the patriotism which effected our revolu express duty to cherish the interest of literature and science." tion; we take the liberty most solemnly to protest All good systems of government, and more especially all republican to this house, and the world against its sentiments, institutions, are founded on the information and virtue of the people-these constitute the main pillars in the temple of freedom. its object and its tendency.-And we pray that the The moral and social virtues cannot flourish where gapss ignorance same may be placed on the journals of this house. prevails-without knowledge the heart cannot be good. Knowledge tends to purify the affections, soften the manners, and exalt the views of a peopk. Good governments have as much to hope, as bad ones to fear, from a well-informed, enlightened people. Let it, therefore be our enquiry, whether any further provisions are re quisite to improve and extend the means of general infor mation. Legislature of Massachusetts. Protest of the minority of the house, against the me morial to congress. [Signed by the Minority. MEMORIAL. To the honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, the undersigned Representatives of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, beg leave respectfuny to state That whereas a majority of the representatives of the state of Massachusetts have thought fit, by a memorial, to express the opinions and feelings of The undersigned members of said House of Re the people of this state on the momentous subject presentatives respectfully PROTEST against an ad of a British war, we are constrained by such emo dress of this honorable house, to the Congress of the ions as the love of country should inspire," to United States, now in session, setting forth the in enter our solemn protest against their memorial, not expediency of a war with Great Britain, stating the as the minority of the legislature of this state, but as dangers, calamities and ruin that would ensue, and, individuals, doubting the expediency, as well as as we apprehend, encouraging a belief that the peo-constitutionality of addressing congress on the sub ple of this Commonwealth are willing to submit to ject of peace or war in the capacity of legislatos the numerous outrages committed on our neutral The constitution, which we have sworn to support, rights. Thas placed this subject exclusively in the hards of congress. Should our sister states, which have the commerce, "lest their magnitude and variety" same rights as we have, undertake to direct or con should induce a belief that we do not duly appretroul congress, it would throw confusion into the ciate the horrors of war, We cannot however, but councils of the nation, and embarrass rather than hope, that government "having tried for years a aid their delibera'ions. It is impossible for the un system of restrictions which have proved hitherto dersigned to subscribe to a single statement or con ineffectual," will permit us to defend our rights on clusion in the address passed by the house of represen- the ocean, and give blows as well as receive them. tatives of this state to congress. "It is with deep re gret that we perceive the " partial "failure ofthene are unmindful of the example of their ancestors, Nor do we believe the people of Massachusetts gotiations institated by ournational government with who in the most perilous times, "took" no "counsel a view to obtain from the belligerent nations a due from fear," but that confident of the justice of their respect for our neutral rights.” “In the present pos-cause, they will support the measures adopted by ture of Europe," we are firmly convinced "that an the national government with that energy and fi.mimmense majority of our citizens cannot be recon ness which becomes a free people. eiled" any longer to the impressment of our seamen or the plunder of our property. Such has been the forbearance of our government to British ag gression, that we apprehend the world will be indu ced to believe that the spirit of our fathers is fled, and that Britain is again chastising her rebellious colonies. We verily believe it is for "the honor and interest of our country" to resist these aggressions to the utmost of our power. "We conceive it not our duty to enter upon a comparison of the injuries sustained from the re spective nations at war"-" It is sufficient that every consideration arising from good policy and from a duty of a nation to itself," forbids us longer to suffer such unparalleled injuries, without resistance and punishment. belief of the invincible and growing opposition of Impelled by our attachment to the union, by a firm the people" to these submissive measures, and "by duty to ourselves, to posterity and to God," we make to your honorable body, this our solerin and individual appeal. WM. P WALKER, Committee, in behalf of the republican representatives of Massachusetts, whose are signed to the names TROTEST. Legislature of Maryland. The general assembly of Maryland was convened "An offensive war" belongs in the nature of at Annapolis on Monday 15th inst. by proclamation things to the aggressor. When such are the "local of the governor, for the purpose of making the requi situation and relations" of a country, that the hope site appropriations to enable the executive to furnish of effecting either the reparation for past injuries or the state's quota of the 100,000 militia, demandsecurity against future aggressions, is "precluded led by the president of the United States, to be by a hostile spirit of perseverance" in our enemy in prepared for actual service. The papers relating destroying our commerce, impressing our seamen to this object being referred to a committee and a and exciting the merciless savages to murder our report thereon had, the sum of $ 20,000 was defenceless inhabitants. When the colonies of that appropriated to enable the governor and council nation, three thousand miles from their government, to equip and supply said quota with its needful apare placed by an over-ruling Providence within purtenances. our controul," a yielding to such reiterated insults Among the papers laid before the legislature was and injuries, is a reproach upon "our sensibility to the followinginjury, and our courage and our patriotism." of the state of Maryland. Muskets. A further forbearance to resist the British navy Statement of arms and military stores in the possession and cruizers which are sweeping our commerce from the ocean, would soon induce her to believe, that nothing, however unjust and humiliating would unite our councils to a manly resistance, and that an apprehension that she would "sequester the property of our citizens," would be a sufficient in ducement to suffer her depredations. 5765 old Muskets in the hands of the militia, 424 old do. do. at Annapolis, "The conquest of Canada," not "her only vul-2000 new do. stored in Baltimore, nerable point," would of itself in a national point Rifles. of view, more than afford "an indemnification for" 242 Rifles in the hands of sundry rifle companies. all "the losses we should sustain by the war." While Britain possesses fifteen hundred miles of contiguous territory, it is not to be expected that we can enforce an embargo or non intercourse against her with effect-From these colonies her West-India islands can be supplied, and the savage Indians excited to war. "Destitute" as we are of a "naval force," this state alone can furnish more ships and sailors than the United States could in the commencement of the revolution. If Great Britain has announced her deliberate purpose to adhere to her orders in council" during the European conflict; that conflict cannot be long, when attended by her present privations, her debts and her taxes. We forbear to present to the consideration of congress, the advantages of a war with England when compared with our present inactive state and ruined Pistols. 151 Pistols in the armory at Annapolis, do. loaned to sundry troops of horse in vir tue of the cavalry law, 100 do. purchased from the general government, 349 Horsemen's Swords loaned to sundry troops 14 Six pound iron field pieces, loaned to sundry 5 do. do. in the armory at Annapolis. Old Cannon. 3 Brass field pieces in the possession of the armorer at Annapolis. 3 Iron du. do, in the hands of artillery companies. |