Lastly, we would gladly see a larger propor- | with colleges in all parts of the country, and for tion of Latin and Greek, with the addition, if possible, of a little French and German. The Latin Salutatory Address, was to our mind, by far the most satisfactory part of the exercises; it was well and even elegantly written, and delivered with good taste and judgment. The Latin poem also, though not so well delivered, was a highly creditable performance. It will be said that a majority of those present understand only their own language; but we will venture to hint that they would derive as much instruction, and probably more pleasure, from.listenining to a Latin or Greek poem, well rehearsed, than they do from some of the English dissertations: "Omne ignotum pro magnifico." Besides, the objection is not entirely well founded, as a large part of the assembly consists of scholars and former members of the college. We trust that in the few remarks which we have thrown out we do not appear to speak disparagingly of our own universities, or to draw an invidious comparison with those of England. A large proportion of our readers are connected their amusement we have endeavored to sketch an academical celebration at Oxford, and to contrast it with that of the oldest similar institution among ourselves. The pomp and magnificence which are quite appropriate in regal and aristocratical Old-England would be entirely out of place in republican "New-England;" it would be unwise to abolish them there; it would be still more unwise to attempt to introduce them here. If we have criticized, perhaps too severely, some parts of the celebration which we lately witnessed, it is in no captious or faultfinding disposition that we have done so, simply because it is the nature of such exhibitions to change with times and circumstances, and it is the duty of journalists, where they believe a reform to be practicable, to throw out hints and suggestions, which, if they are worth any thing, will be canvassed, discussed, improved, and perhaps acted upon; and if they turn out to be valueless, will not by the reflecting portion of the community be misjudged or attributed to wrong motives. Translated for the Daguerreotype. THE NEXT WAR. Let us calmly consider the actual position of affairs. Russia in the whole of civilized Europe has but a single ally, and that ally is Denmark. She will take the side of Denmark in the war which has already commenced in SchleswigHolstein. Russia makes a twofold hereditary claim upon that country; the first a just one, as the last member but one in the order of succession of the families Augustenburg, Glücksburg, Gottorp, Wasa, Oldenburg. But in addition to this Russia claims, at the death of the present king and of his uncle Ferdinand, both childless, the immediate succession to certain portions of the country. This (unfounded) claim has reference especially to Kiel and its excellent harbor, in which line-of-battle ships can lie at anchor within pistol-shot of the town. The part which Russia will take in the approaching contest cannot therefore admit of a doubt. But the power of Russia, which to many appears so formidable, will be enfeebled by an event which will happen most opportunely for Germany. Poland is preparing to cast aside its shroud, and to arise from its long grave. The exiled children of that unhappy land, which since the first fatal partition, has been suffering all the death-throes of a strong constitution, are returning to their country from all parts of the world, in the hope that now, when the whole of Europe is arising to freedom, her hour likewise must have come. And they will not be deceived. For now they have not merely the sympathies of Germany with them, as they had seventeen years since. No, Germany herself is laid under the necessity of supporting, were it but from motives of policy, with all the power at her disposal, the independence of Poland. For the determined and hereditary foe of Poland's nationality is at the same time the deadly enemy of Germany and her freedom. The Czar of Russia has long enough ruled German affairs. His ambassadors and his spies had spun a web over the country in which they held her bound, and where fear did not avail, there gold was victorious. He even aimed at a seat and a voice in the German diet, insulting us with the possession of German provinces, which at the same time he was seeking to un-Germanize. If he or if any number of his family travelled through a German state, every Pole was removed to a distance of many miles from his route, by the ordinances of German police. Long enough have we borne this disgrace. Let us cast a rapid glance over the probable events of this approaching European war. Prussia will be compensated for her sacrifice, if the liberation of Poland can be thus termed, by the annexation of the German provinces on the Baltic, which are now groaning under Russian despotism. Between Russia and free Germany no recon- | against barbarism is the only course which they ciliation is possible. Hatred against Germany will have it in their power to pursue. is for Russia, under existing circumstances, the instinct of self-preservation. Between Louis Philippe and Nicholas there arose during the last few years a kind of friendship, in spite of the enormous difference in their positions. A similar interest, a similar egoism, were the bond of union, and no European sovereign has more deeply lamented the fall of the Ulysses of politics, than the autocrat of Russia. But between united, free Germany, with one parliament, and one ruler, and unity of interests and of political institutions, between this, the land of civilization, humanity, and freedom, and Russia, the land of the opposites to all these, any alliance is impossible. Therefore, as we have said, political expediency demands that Germany should raise up Poland as a barrier between herself and Russia, - should raise her into a free and strong Poland, united with herself by similar constitutional, monarchical institutions, by similar interests, and similar efforts. A war between Germany and Russia is not an idea of yesterday or of to-day. For years our poets and our thinkers, our wisest politicians have proclaimed it a necessity. For years the instinct of the German people has been turned in this direction. In whatever corner of Germany a man uttered the words war and Russia, he was sure of the assent of all who heard him; and this arose from the natural instinct of nations, which always feel the danger that threatens them. The moment has now arrived; it has arrived according to all human calculation, at the time most opportune for us, and for the consolidation of our interests. The internal fermentation, which is still at work among us, will be diverted to an external object, will be directed against a foe in warring against whom true laurels may be earned. The war against Russia will be a national, a holy war; a crusade of freedom against slavery, of civilization against barbarism. It will be a European war; that is to say, a war for European civilization against Asiatic barbarism; this will be its true character and impor tance. The object to be attained is one without which European civilization cannot advance in its development; it is, to make Russia that which it is destined to be, an Asiatic power; to banish it, with its Asiatic despotism, its autocracy, its serfdom, and its fearful corruption of public morality, out of the civilized union of the free European states, for which at some future period, however distant that may be, a community of interests among themselves, and an alliance Austria is similarly situated. The natural strength of Austria lies in her dominion over the country of the Danube and the Black Sea; she must turn her whole strength towards the East, and there find a compensation for that which she will have to abandon in Gallicia and Lombardy. Scandinavia will also stand by us in this contest; Finnland and Ingermannland belong to Sweden, and have only been wrested from her by violence; she may recover what she had lost if she will but embrace the opportunity. Russia, thus repulsed from the Baltic and the Danube, will, we repeat, and must, become again what she was, and what in her spirit, her system, her form of government, she still is, an Asiatic power. We must no longer suffer barbarians in Europe. The day may perhaps at some future time dawn upon this people, and the serfs become citizens; but until then we do not want them in Europe. And Denmark? Without Holstein and Schleswig, without the piratical toll levied at the Sound, Denmark will disappear, and become a portion of a great Scandinavian empire. But what part will France and England take || in this war against Russia? There is but one part, which they can take; it is the part of European civilization and European modes of life and action. In France the sympathy of the entire nation is enlisted in the cause of Poland, and England will scarcely make any objection to the humiliation and enfeeblement of her most dangerous enemy and rival. But for Germany, for our beloved fatherland, this contest will be a purifying fire, in which, through the night of darkness and of blood, she will press onward to the golden light of freedom and nationality. — Bremen Gazette. AEROPATHY. After homœopathy and hydropathy, we have now aeropathy, a new piece of charlatanism, by which Dr. Chaponnier introduces all therapeutical agents into the system, through the respiratory organs, in the form of vapor. The next hoax offered to the gullible public will perhaps be vinopathy, as an offset against Priessnitz and Father Mathew. - Lancet. CABET'S VOYAGE EN ICARIE. 1. Voyage en Icarie. Par M. Cabet. Paris, | 2. Organisation du Travail. Par M. Lou- It was with some scientific curiosity, even in the midst of our alarms, that we looked to the progress of this new revolution in France for a practical solution of various questions which had before been only written and talked about. The Provisional Government seemed disposed, like Mr. Ryan at the Polytechnic Institution, to exhibit a series of experiments to an admiring audience, while civilized Europe was admitted into the galleries to look on and be instructed. Nor were we disappointed. The superior economy of a mob-appointed government, the security of property not only for the rich, but even for the savings of the poor, the inviolability of the magistracy, nay of justice itself, under mob-rule these and many other experiments of a like nature were oculis subjecta fidelibus with a rapidity and a completeness that outdid Mr. Ryan. Still there was one class belonging more particularly to the domain of political economy, which, while promising wonders, had not yet been fairly tested in performance- -we allude to the questions connected with the mutual dependence of labor and capital. On such deep and serious problems we could never have anticipated express-train velocity; and as to them accordingly we for some awaited the consummating enlightenment with much the same sort of patience which distinguished the crowds assembled at Brighton for the grand hour of Mr. Warner's destructive and exploding mysteries. Every thing encouraged us. Louis Blanc was established at the Luxembourg; Cabet in correspondence with Lamartine-his "Voyage en Icarie" running through innumerable editions; while the Parisian public showed a marked preference for Blanqui in "le Club Central" over Lafont at the Variétés. All went on swimmingly till the famous 15th of May. What could we have desired better than a Provisional Government which represented all the various dogmas of the day-each of these opposed to every other? Blanqui, who supports Cabet and Communism, took the lead; then followed Proudhon, the inventor of banks without capital, who describes the ideas of his Communism colleague as "l'absurde système de l'identité absolue, c'est-à-dire, du néant absolu : ce n'est rien de moins que le mouvement et la vie qu'on veut retrancher du corps social." (Organisation du Crédit, p. 4.) Next came Louis Blanc, the ex-director of national workshops, the patron of the idle and incompetent workman, the advocate for equality of remuneration — with certain exceptions of which he made himself the first-Louis Blanc, of whose panacea it is said by the same weighty Proudhon, "quand vous parlez d'organiser le travail, c'est comme si vous proposiez de crever les yeux à la liberté." (Ibid., p. 3.) Lastly there was Barbès, who takes a still shorter cut to Communism by means of an immediate appropriation of forty millions sterling from the rich. We rubbed our hands in expectation! We hoped to see a section of France devoted to each theory. In one corner, Phalansterians with their equilateral portions of unappropriated soil; in other Icarian towns traversed by gratuitous vehicles, and furnishing to each citizen, as a right, daily dinners worthy of our own Reform Club and M. Soyer; in a third, work parcelled out, not according to the wants and capacities of individuals which can be ascertained and measured by vulgar rules, but the "general interests of society," which would require higher expounding-while the rich of yesterday should to-day choose between the forced loans of Barbès, the billets de Banque d'Exchange of Proudhon or the more genial and generous expedients of Cabet. One short hour and all was over. Blanqui — Barbès — Louis Blanc-where are they all? And what remains for us but to extract what substitute we can for the expected "wisdom teaching by facts from the imaginative masterpiece of the most eloquent of Communists ? M. Cabet's "Voyage en Icarie," though connected most essentially with this new revolution in France, is not one of the thousand brochures called forth by the excitement of the moment, but a solemn philosophical romance of some 600 pages, to which the author, turning aside from his historical performances, devoted two years of intense thought and labor. It has already gone through five editions - there is not or stall in Paris where copies are not in readiness for a constant influx of purchasers — hardly a drawing-room table on which it is not to be seen; and if it has not equally attracted the attention of all the wise of all countries, the fact can only furnish another proof of the general indisposition of mankind "To suck the sweets of sweet philosophy." shop Citizen Cabet candidly confesses his obliga- | detailed picture of a state of perfect happiness, AU BUREAU DU POPULAIRE, RUE JEAN JACQUES-ROUSSEAU, 18. Dans les Départments et à l'Etranger, chez les Correspondants du POPULAIRE. Our author has been most unjustly accused and maligned. He is no self-seeking plunderer of the rich. He clearly sees, and manfully proclaims, that it is impossible suddenly to substitute communism for the present inequality of property, and therefore suggests a transitory state, varying, according to the country, from thirty to fifty or even one hundred years. From the very commencement, indeed, the principle is to be admitted; but if the aristocracy of France or of Europe, or of the world generally, in their unhappy blindness, will not accept it, then let them read on and be tranquillized : 1848. "Ni violence ni révolution, par conséquent ni conspiration ni attentat! En un mot, il ne faut plus sacrifier les riches aux pauvres que les pauvres aux riches; ou bien toute la pitié, tout l'intérêt, toute la justice se réuniraient contre les nouveaux oppresseurs en faveur des nouveaux opprimés. Il faut enfin avoir la résolution d'accomplir tous ses devoirs, en même temps que le désir et la volonté d'exercer tous ses droits.” There can, at all events, be no danger for any body, if all will only adopt implicitly the guidance of M. Cabet, who solemnly affirms: "Si je tenais une révolution dans ma main, je la tiendrais fermée quand même je devrais mourir en exil."— p. 565. que Icaria is situated somewhere in the antipodes at least at the distance from England of a four months' journey. We say from England, for M. Cabet's voyageur is an Englishman - Lord William Carisdall; and his Lordship was, we proudly infer, selected by the author to make the journey, because England, with all her admitted defects, afforded on the whole the highest tangible standard by which to rate Icaria. The steamboats there are "aussi beaux que nos plus beaux bateaux Anglais" (p. 7); the first town he enters contains a spot "même plus joli le beau quartier de Regent's Park" (p. 11); he admires the cultivation "quoique habitué à la belle culture et à la campagne d'Angleterre:" the roads are "aussi belles et plus belles que nos routes Anglaises" (p. 12):- the beauty of the women and their skill in horsemanship are measured and exalted by reference to the same scale. Reaching Camiris- the Liverpool of a republic allied to Icaria and separated from it only by an arm of the sea-his lordship quits his ship and takes a berth in the Icarian steamboat. On board this vessel, which (except in being possessed of a piano "et beaucoup d'autres instrumens de musique") does not appear to have differed much from the "Garland" or the "Princess Alice," we are informed that every one had his private cabin "contenant un lit commode et tout les petis meubles qui peuvent être nécessaires" (p. 8); but these movables were perhaps less numerous than one might fancy, since it is added, that after a "grand concours parmi les médecins" upon the subject of sea-sickness, “on était parvenu à le rendre presque insensible" (p. 9). As the steam is getting up the passengers are assembled to receive the assurances of a gentleman called a "tégar" that the boat is perfect, that the sailors and engineers are excellent, and that every precaution has been taken to render utterly impossible either shipwreck, explosion, fire, or any other accident" (p. 8): words which cannot but provoke a cheering comparison with the hackneyed formula of the cabin steward, "A beautiful passage, sir; just enough wind to make it pleasant." Before starting from Camiris, Lord William is overhauled by the Icarian Consul, who is "constamment visible pour les étrangers". (apparently a slight in limine symptom of inequality, inasmuch as all other laborers work only from 7 A. M. to 1 P. M.)—and by whom his lordship is informed that he must deposit two hundred guineas for his passport. This sum will, however, frank him for every thing during a four months' stay in Icaria : "For this," says the Consul, "you will be able to go about everywhere-always have in the public carriage les meilleurs places without paying a farthing. You will every where find an ing, food, washing, nay even clothes, and all Hôtel des Etrangers, where you will have lodg gratis. You will be admitted in the same manner into all the public establishments and all the plays and sights. In one word, for these two hundred guineas the state binds itself to treat you precisely as one of its own citizens." (p. 6.) From these last words it is pleasing to infer that the average value of the earnings of a husband and wife with four children, in this country, where there is no such thing as money, and where the produce of all is equally divided, must amount to 8001. for any period of four months, or 2400l. per annum. We reckon two children to consume as much as one adult; and as the period of education is prolonged to oneand-twenty, during which section of human life all children are unproductive, the average earnings of the parents by their half day's labor must, we say, be considered with satisfaction. The Camirisian" Tégar, ou Soigneur," in due time announces that they are off Tyrama: they enter the harbour of that Icarian town where they land by a chain-pier, "suspendue sur la mer comme le pont de Brighton." A carriage and six is found all ready at the landing, " me rappelant les beaux stage-coaches et les chevaux de ma chère patrie. Les coursiers ressemblaient à nos plus beaux chevaux Anglais, ardents et dociles à la fois, bien peignés et bien luisants. La voiture aussi jolie que celles d'Angleterre." Lord William has a pleasant drive to Lara, the capital, and is there admitted into the bosom of a charming family, to whom his great recommendation is his sympathy in their fondness for flowers, for music, and for children, and by whom he is soon made conversant with the practical conveniences of the region.. First and foremost, the theatres are to be free to all. How, then (it may be asked), when Icara comes to be visited by Miss Jenny Lind, is the right of admission to be regulated, since all cannot go at once, and the President of the National Assembly has no more right to a place than the musical blacksmith 2 The solution of the difficulty is simple and easy — "Each piece is to run sixty nights; fifteen thousand people to be admitted each night; lots drawn for the particular evening on which any family is to have tickets; and in this way chacun connaîtra d'avance la représentation à laquelle il pourra assister" (p. 220). Of course, under this scheme, arrangements for a party to the play will be of as distant date as those of a London dinnerparty; but this, we allow, will enhance their |