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"On Sunday, October 2nd, as he heard the bells ring, he said to us, 'Now go to church.' It is a part of our religion, dear sir, to nurse the sick and aid our friends.' 'True,' he replied; you may stay.' He asked us to read to him from the New Testament. From what part? From the Sermon on the Mount.' As we closed the Lord's Prayer, he looked up, with a most expressive smile, and said, 'That will do now; I find that I am too much fatigued to hear more. I take comfort, O, the greatest comfort, from these words. They are full of the divinest spirit of our religion.'

"In the afternoon he spoke very earnestly, but in a hollow whisper. I bent forward; but the only words I could distinctly hear were, I have received many messages from the Spirit.' "As the day declined, his countenance fell, and he grew fainter and fainter. With our aid, he turned himself towards the window, which looked over valleys and wooded summits to the We drew back the curtains, and the light

east.

fell upon his face. The sun had just set, and the clouds and sky were bright with gold and crimson. He breathed more and more gently, and, without a struggle or a sigh, the body fell asleep. We knew not when the spirit passed.

"Amidst the glory of autumn, at an hour hallowed by his devout associations, on the day consecrated to the memory of the risen Christ. and looking eastward, as if in the setting sun's reflected light he saw promises of a brighter morning, he was taken home."

And so, at a comparatively early age, the young republic in its hour of great temptation, lost one of its ablest, and most single-hearted sons; of whom all said, while many, as we, dissent from some of his most important principles; all agreed that he never needlessly sought a controversy, and never knowingly concealed a truth to gain applause or favor from rich or poor. -Tait's Edinburgh Magazine.

THE ARCHDUKE EMPEROR OF GERMANY.

The Germans are showing themselves more | pire. They subsequently elected to this high incomprehensible than even the French.

office the Archduke John of Austria, a prince who has been described as the Duke of Sussex of the Austrian royal family. Without pledging ourselves to the whole of this parallel, we may observe that the archduke had acquired - with the Austrians by his personal qualities, and with the South Germans generally by reputation — a popularity much more healthy than that enjoyed by the Duke of Sussex in this country. He had, also, like his English prototype, enacted in his life a romance of the affections. He contracted, with a young lady of great beauty and accomplishments, but of humble origin, a morganatic alliance. The lady, although ennobled, was excluded from the public honors to which she became entitled through the stedfast affection of her husband and her own virtuous conduct. With these points of resemblance the parallel ceases; for the Emperor of Austria, when in straits because of the rebellious spirit of his Viennese people, and being obliged to fly to his more loyal though less cherished Tyrolese, made the Archduke John his lieutenant, or deputy, in the government of the Austrian empire, - or, at least, of as much of it as remained after its dismemberment.

For some months past the observer of European politics has noticed with a smile, now and then deepening into a broader cachinnation, the proceedings of a self-constituted Diet, or National Assembly at Franckfort, the ostensible object of whose meeting was to realise the idea of German unity. The King of Prussia had long since recognised the existence of something more than a vague desire in the German mind for a fusion, into one general nationality for external action, of the different states into which Teutonic Europe is divided; and when the general unsetling commenced, he made a bold push for the military leadership of Germany. It appeared, however, that he had, in another sense of the old proverb, reckoned without his "host;" for his proclamation was almost a dead letter, and it was answered by the formation of the Franckfort Diet. We believe that there are very few men of those who reason by what is called common-sense, who did not utterly doubt the power of such a collection of mere theorists and speech-makers to influence in any serious way the destinies of Germany. But the result has proved that, to a great extent, these calculations were erroneous. After purging themselves In this high position — which was, at least, a of a strong Republican element in their Assem- reality as long as it lasted-the Archduke John bly, they proceeded, methodically enough, to was when elected to the administratorship of the frame a sort of constitution, and ultimately to nebulous German empire. If the thinking men erect a sovereign authority, to which they gave of Europe had been polled at the time, it would the name of Administrator of the German Em- | probably have been difficult to find even

a

respectable minority who would have expected the archduke to give up his reality of power for this dazzling but fictitious authority. In fact, the whole proceedings of the Franckfort Assembly had been regarded with so much contempt, that their nomination even of such a functionary was looked on as being one of the wild outbursts of the revolutionary spirit pervading Europe. Great was the surprise of all men when it was announced that the Archduke John had accepted this quasi imperial dignity; greater still when he resolved to renounce in its favor the actual sovereignty of the Austrian empire. Yet, when the fact was known, motives for it were found. First, there were suggestions of personal ambition and of family feeling arising from the alliance we have referred to. But with this class of motives we have nothing to do. A stronger inducement than either might be the desire of a prince of the house of Austria to shut out the King of Prussia from the fruition of his ambitious designs upon the leadership of Germany. The administrator assumed his functions, and so far the idea of German unity was realized. But, as is usual with such schemes, the attempt to realize it served to betray its inherent defects. Immediately the ancient rivalry between North and South Germany recommenced. The archduke has issued an official announcement that he has taken command of the entire armed force of Germany. We do not as yet quite understand whether this means the several contingents furnished by the different States of Germany to the army of the Confederation; but if it be so, then the forces nominally under the control of this prince would amount to upwards of three hundred thousand men.

This singular movement has now taken such a shape that it can no longer be treated with contempt. But although the opinion of the statesmen of Europe must have been changed as to the importance of the new authority thus created in Germany, it does not seem that we are any nearer a true comprehension of its nature. In fact, it is almost impossible accurately to predict what may be its result. It is a movement of that character that it can scarcely have any intermediate effect between utter powerlessness or a complete reorganization of Germany. The administrator, or regent, having been appointed, one immediately asks, What are to be his functions? how far is he to exercise regal power? is he to make war and peace for Germany? is he to make general laws for the whole of that enormous territory, with its more than forty millions of people? And if he is to do all this, it seems scarcely possible to contemplate without an alarm, much greater than that with which we regard French Republicanism,

the systematic destruction of all the old timehonored monarchies of central Europe. When Napoleon overran the Continent with his armies, and overturned thrones at his will, great was the consternation of mankind, and it was thought that a new era was at hand. But all these changes having been effected by force, when that force died away the old order of things became restored; and that restoration was sanctioned, even to enthusiasm, by the public opinion of the different nations of Europe, more especially of Germany.

But if this reorganization of Germany under the influence of the theory of unity is, in reality, what it assumes and appears to be, then will a revolution have been effected far more important and dangerous than any of those made by the arms of Napoleon or by the sympathetic influence of the Paris Republicans. If this new theoretical Imperatorship consolidates itself, and endures, it must be remembered that it will have been the creation of the popular voice alone that, although assuming a form of royalty, it is essentially Republican, and that it can only prove its inherent strength, and manifest its power, by utterly neutralizing the influence of the existing monarchies of Germany. It will be a nullification of the political constitution adopted and fixed by the Treaty of Vienna. According to that constitution, the sovereign princes and chief authorities of the free towns were to meet in a Diet, and make laws to maintain Germany, externally and internally, and to preserve, by common consent or arbitration, the independence and inviolability of the different States. But the National Assembly of Franckfort, by which the Archduke John has been elected to this anomalous dignity, is not an assembly of princes, nor, strictly speaking, of the nominees of princes. It is not regulated by monarchial principles, or inspired by monarchial feeling. Its most violent members, though they form a minority, are avowedly Republicans of the most extreme order; and although the remainder aim at surrounding the new regent with constitutional supports, and securing from him constitutional guarantees, yet, as we have said, he can only derive strength by the prostration of the existing monarchies. The titles of royalty may be preserved to emperors, kings, or grand dukes, but the essence of their power, and, therefore, all the respect of their station, would be taken away. So sweeping a change almost defies consideration; and although we have the facts staring us in the face that the archduke is actually installed, and that he has given official notice to the commanders of garrisons, and of the contingent forces throughout Germany, to parade their troops on a certain day, that they

may hear his proclamation-still we can scarcely bring ourselves to look on the affair except in a ridiculous point of view.

some

What all this will lead to the wisest statesman cannot predicate. Already, there are symptoms. Not long since, a paper of some influence gravely argued the question of how the new Imperator of Germany was to be provided with an actual territory. The worthy editor saw, with the rest of the world, that an emperor without an empire stands in a somewhat ridiculous position. The scheme of the writer was to take from Prussia her Rhenish provinces, and to bestow them on the archduke as an appanage. But, observed the schemer, Prussia may object to this, although she did profess reluctance to accept those provinces at the last European settlement. Then, behold the remedy! The King of Hanover, who, with the spirit of a monarch, resisted the dictation of this posse of speech-making professors, is to be, according to this scribbler, deprived of his dominions, as a punishment for his rebellion; and those dominions are to be handed over to the King of Prussia.

The reader may think we are attaching too much importance to the mere random proposition of a German editor. But, unfortunately, such views have been for many years obtaining circulation amongst the Germans. Debarred from a legitimate field of political action by the

denial of constitutional forms of government, they have taken refuge in the most wild and anarchial theories; and such is the energy and enthusiasm of the German character, that they will go as great lengths for a baseless idea, as an Englishman will go in support of a tangible and profitable proposition.

There are rumors afloat that the British Government will acknowledge this new authority in Germany. This will be the most astounding fact of the whole series. There are some reasons, however, in favor of such a course. The influence of Prussia in Germany has hitherto been, more or less, used against the industry and enterprise of England. The Zollverein has been a powerful weapon in the hands of Prussia in that respect. Now, if this new regent and his coördinate authorities are to have the power of making laws for the whole of Germany, it is not impossible that England may find it to her advantage that Southern Germany should have been shown to possess a preponderating influence in the councils of the Assembly, and that the chief should be an Austrian prince. But all such speculations are at present prema ture. The immediate question is, How far the sovereigns of Germany will submit to the degradation of being ruled over, in all essential respects, by a prince, however illustrious, who owes his elevation to popular election, unearned by any successful appeal to arms?— Fraser's Magazine.

MOVEMENT IN IRELAND.

Ever since we remember, Ireland has fur- | the desert of Midian," a burning bush, with nished a theme only of sadness and sorrow. the motto "nec tamen consumebatur." How The music from her untuned harp has been a wild unbroken strain of mourning. Her mission once in the world was to light the lamp of truth in many lands. Now she has another message to the world, for Ireland is a demonstration that physical advantages fail alone to secure happiness to a nation. The soil, the climate, the advantages of harbors, the intersection bywa tercarriage, and the neighbourhood of the greatest market in the world, should make Ireland the granary of the British, as Sicily was of the Roman Empire. The crime of Ireland must have been great: it punishment is bitter. The curse of Sodom and Gomorrah seemed scare so hard to bear as the doom of endless discontent and half-universal misery. The fire from heaven consumed at once the luxurious and criminal cities of the plain; this slow fire raging in Ireland burns for ever. The Church of Scotland borrowed a device from the "back side of

like the holy bush and the motto placed beneath it, to this curse of Ireland. Many men have been honestly striving, through good and ill report, to put out the secret flame, that ever smoulders under ground, making the moral aspect of the island like the physical circumstances of the Italian land, the crust of a fiery lake, over which men would tread with fear and trembling, if they could only see the tempest of flames beneath their feet, that yet will burn their way through in a thousand craters, and come out to signalise the world's change, or to be overborne in the flood of the "great sea," and leave a new and fresher land preparing now under its deep waters. The moral state of Ireland is almost equally hopeless-in common, political calculation; but Ireland has been carried through a fiery furnace of affliction, because there is yet great work before her - work that her sons are capable of accomplishing, when

their energies are bent in the right direc- | with which we are acquainted of securing alike

tion.

We have never at any period referred to the state and condition of that section of the empire under circumstances of greater pain than now. While we write it seems not improbable that the standard of rebellion may be raised within its coasts, and the first blood of revolt may have already sunk into its soil. The grand calamity is, that we know not how struggles and battles are to be avoided. We cannot see the door for an escape from violence. Men certainly of great imaginative powers, some of them men of an infernal vanity, have taken the place of that great leader who "wielded the fierce democracy at his will," and who, for our loss and theirs, rests, it may be, heedless of the turmoil left behind him. We always considered O'Connell to be honestly and sincerely a man of peace; and yet for a man of peace his figures of speech were too frequently borrowed from blood and battle. He said one thought in earnest sincerity, that no political reform was worth the shedding of one drop of human blood; but he ended too often with the exclamation

"Oh! Erin, shall it e'er be mine,

To wreck thy woes in battle line

To lift my victor head, and see

Thy hills, thy dales, thy people free.”

Or began by saying

"Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not,

the interests of necessitous landlords and improving tenants. One great misfortune to Ireland- a perfect calamity on the country, equivalent almost to an annual potato rot is the poverty or absenteeism of the landowners. They are either unable or unwilling to improve their estates. They leave the tenants to provide houses and offices, which, in the majority of cases, are only "shake downs," or "make-shifts." After the houses have been built, the tenant may be legally dispossessed in twelve months; and travellers who charge the Irish farmers and peasantry with want of taste and comfort in their dwellings should remember, that any appearance of neatness and uprising in the world might be immediately followed by the demand for more rent. A landlord and tenant law coming between the parties is thus essential in Ireland. Theorists may prate perpetually of the invasion on their notions, and the impropriety of legisla tive interference with private transactions; but some stringent regulations are actually required, even if we should be obliged to make a signalfire of Adam Smith's book, and all the other similar works down to the present day. A measure of this description is absolutely wanted, and all requisite laws should be obtained.

The bill before Parliament for the sale of encumbered estates was too long delayed; and is not even yet, indeed, clear from Parliamentary

Who would be free, themselves must strike the risks. The bill for the improvement of waste

blow?"

The Irish peasantry became accustomed to these things. They are enthusiastic, generous, ready of word or blow. They deemed themselves to be incurably wronged. They considered themselves the victims of a sordid tyranny. They were told that they were insular and western Poles, bruised and trampled under by a lion's paws. They were taught to hate the Saxons. Their virtues were narrated in pompous detail by those who should not have omitted their frailties. They believed readily all that they were told. "Ireland for the Irish," "This land is ours". - these were the burdens of song, and the texts of speech. "Ireland for the Irish" was the Alpha, and "This land is ours" the Omega of many harangues, and multitudes of leaders, even in the moral force time. The peasants interpreted these sayings literally. They read "this land is ours" not in the traditional, sentimental, poetical meaning of the songsters in Trinity Street, Dublin, but in the more practical, lawyer-like phraseology of a landlord's agent. They meant that this land is ours at farthest for the rent that we are willing to pay. Three provinces of Ireland are destitute of the Ulster tenant right, the best means

lands in Ireland is sadly wanted in an agricultural country, where men are abundant, and labor is scarce. It is shameful to find that four million acres of land, capable of profitable cultivation, are idly wasted in a country where capital is hidden in the funds, and laborers perish for that want of work which makes a famine of bread. It is shameful that men should be so cheap, and bread so dear in an island where arable land is a desert, and the material of fertility and riches is a waste wilderness. No man can apologise for the crime. Where is the difference in sin between the waste of land and the waste of grain that grows from land? Take a region and make it a deer-forest, as has been done in more than one county of Scotland - and what greater crime would it be to trample down the fields of yellow grain that might even now have been waving there in ripening for the harvest? In either case, man takes a stand between God and his rational creatures, who willingly would work for food; and humbly look to, and trust Him to bless their working. The Creator has given the means, and bidden men labor for the result, but one man or a legislature stands forward and says it cannot be-creation is wrong the earth and the fulness thereof was not all

made for work, but some considerable portions | the runaways. The first is opposed by the perwere formed to breed game for the rifle.

We hate Communism, as labor's worst foe, because it twines itself, like the serpent in Eden, into labor's favor as its friend. Ignorance alone, or a gross conceit, can harbour a thought against the legitimate rights of private property; because, without it, industry would lose its stimulus in losing its reward. The abolition of private property would be followed in a single year by appalling and murderous famine. There is no other bond that binds society so well together, and maintains its various relations. But property has its duties as well as its rights. It holds its rights by the discharge of its duties. The Whig bill for the improvement of waste lands in Ireland recognised that principle. It proclaimed a great practical truth in its clauses. It told the owners of waste land that they must either take its present value, or proceed to render it useful to the people and to the State. That bill was thwarted by the Political Club. The Whigs trembling before Peel, consented to rob themselves of a great good deed, as if their stock of popular and prudent acts had been so large, that one could not be missed. Whig wisdom would have saved Ireland. Whig cowardice was false to the knowledge of the party; who seem to have abandoned the best and stateliest of their progeny to perish, or to be sustained by strange hands.

Ulster sorely wanted a tenant-right bill, and nothing better than a delusion has yet been offered. The grand jury system of Ireland has long been a source of heart-burning. It was nobly meant, and has established many good institutions in the land; but it taxes the public without even the pretence or shadow of representation, and is therefore tyranny. The Church of Ireland, although its ministers were the most indefatigable missionaries, as they are not all, would still remain a grievance and an offense to a great majority of the Irish people. Activity on the part of its ministers may even aggravate the grievance. Little more than has been done can now be accomplished to render easy the burden. It is still regarded as a badge of inferiority. The Roman Catholic priests may not now complain loudly against their Established rival; but it is easily seen that repeal would change the venue and cast the Ecclesiastical property into their keeping; for we have no hope of the voluntary system from an Irish Parliament.

A strange fate is that of Ireland. Blessings are there transformed into curses. Englishmen and Scotchmen sought to stem the tide of absenteeism from Ireland by the imposition of a poor-law, and an enactment of an income-tax on

sons whom it was intended to preserve. For the second we are charged with alluring Irish wealth to our capital, and Irish genius into our service; with ruining (the rich and degrading the talented. Absenteeism is a frightful evil. We admit in full its power to drain and impoverish. We concede all the evils, or nearly all the evils, charged against Irish absenteeism. But the crimes of rich and poor re-act upon, and mutually cause each other. The Irish gentleman likes not to give his body as a target for rifle practice. He makes that excuse; and because red-handed and black-hearted murder has given to him many instances, we only answer by a whispered hope that a juster aristocracy would produce a juster tenantrymilder landlords would make milder peasants.

-

- that

Ireland's catalogue of real solid grievances is long. So also is the list that other people can produce. Have no persons in the empire out of Ireland had losses? Is there nothing to improve in England or in Scotland? Have we no absenteeism in this Scotland of ours? Have we had no ejections of tenants-most cruel ejections- where a landlord and tenant's improvement bill would have done necessary work, if it had been a good measure? Have we no reason to remonstrate against careless landlords? Have we no cause to be angry for wasted lands, where deer occupy the place of men, and where even the cattle moving from hill to market are refused a resting stance by the way, lest they should disturb the slumbers or startle the reveries of the stags and their followers? Have we not a Church also standing alien from the majority of the people? Have we no cause to complain of an unequal representation? Might we not equitably desire an extended franchise ? there no wrongs for us to redress wrongs that would have been fatal to our land, like Irish grievances, but we have wrought over them?

Are

We made no hand-grenades for window practice on dragoons, but we had hand-shuttles to clothe them wherewithal. The anvils in our mighty forges are ringing out merrily labor's triumph o'er earth, o'er air, and all the elements, but they are not pike heads that lie between the iron and our hammers. We have beaten England, as England has beaten us, but our rivalry has long been one of brotherhood and peace. We have the forging of the anchor, and the casting of the cannon, but we beat her also in the mechanism that conquers more than an armed host will ever win on battle field; that tramples on the Atlantic in its wildest fury, and laughs the tempest to bitter scorn. And yet our fathers hated this union. They felt that it was a bitter draught. They fought and struggled,

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