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figure. Although he approaches the manhood now obtains in society. In his sleepless nights of forty, he might easily be mistaken for a boy | he meditated on plans of reform, and vowed, of eighteen. Although he has a stern strength during the day, to engage in a determined war about him, it might be supposed from his first with those inhuman institutions which conappearance that he was weak and effeminate. demned the most numerous class to misery or to He entered, however, as one of the Provisional death. From his own experience, Louis Blanc Government of the Republic of France, to was first struck with the terrible position of deliver addresses to assemblies of workingmen thousands who, notwithstanding every endeavand masters, collected together by him, in his our, are unable to find spheres in which to labor, function of President of the Commission for the either in body or mind. Government of the Workmen, to consult and Assisted by a small pension which had been decide on a plan for the organization of indus- given him by his uncle, he continued to seek try.

He spoke, and the working-men were employment with an indefatigable perseverance. melted into tears, and even the masters were He gave lessons in mathematics; and, in 1831, moved. His tones were soft and showery, or he found a situation as an under-clerk. During earnest and energetic. With his little figure this time, also, he had addressed himself to a buttoned up tight in a blue coat with gilt but- friend of his family, M. de Flaugergus, an old tons, there he stood, mounted up, evidently president of the Chamber of Deputies. This awakening, convincing, deciding, with modu- gentleman had remarked the high intelligence lated voice and expressive action. There he of young Blanc, and wished to inspire him with stood, though so small, not the least of the a taste for politics as a science. By him he was great men who now rule over the destinies initiated into the first principles of political of the France of the Third Revolution.

economy. At the house of the Geraldy family, Louis Blanc was born at Madrid, October 28, likewise, he made the acquaintance of M. Lorne 1813. His father was at that time inspector de Brillemont, brother of the old deputy of that general of finances in Spain. His mother was name, who was then seeking a tutor for the sons of Corsican origin, and he himself was brought of M. Hallette, of Arras. This gentleman, after up in Corsica, until he was seven years old. In spending an hour with Louis Blanc, judged him 1820, he was sent with his brother to the college fully worthy, and proposed him for the situation. of Rhodes, where, when he was fifteen, he was It was a good chance for the young clerk, and more learned than his masters. At least, so says he was accepted. He stayed two years at Arras. one of his biographers. In 1830, he left col- It was there that he burnished his first weapons lege, and rejoined his father in Paris. It was at as a publicist and a poet. Besides some rethe time of the barricades; and he threw over markable articles which he published in the the barriers the buttons of his coat, because Propagateur du Pas-de-Calais,” he there comthey bore on them the fleur-de-lis. Little did posed three works

a poem entitled “ Mirahe think then, however, that, eighteen years beau," a poem on the Hotel des Invalides, and afterwards, the Paris which he entered would an “ Eloge de Manuel," — which were crowned salute him with acclamations in the midst of new by the Academy of Arras. The activity he barricades which he himself had contributed to possessed now longed, however, for a wider field. raise. His father, a pensioner, was ruined by The education of M. Hallette's children was finthe fall of the Bourbons, and was consequently ished, and he desired to enter into the lists of unable to further assist his son, whose first en

the Parisian press. deavour was to seek some situation. If now bis He returned to Paris in 1834, with letters of figure is juvenile, his aspect then was almost in introduction to Conseil, the collaborator of Arfantine! Although seventeeen, his biographers mand Carrel in the “ National.” But Conseil assert that he would have been supposed not was like most Parisian journalists, he was everymore than twelve or thirteen years of age. where and nowhere. Louis Blanc sought him With this childish appearance, his manners were for many days without success. At that time also timid. In vain he wandered over Paris the “National” was published in the Rue Croisseeking for an employment which should afford sant. One day, as the young author went for him but simple subsistence. His appearance the tenth time to the offices of that journal, prejudiced people against him. In the midst of nearly despairing of ever finding the uncomeatFrance, in Paris — that monstrous city, which able Conseil, he raised his eyes towards heaven, some have said should be the capital of the civ- as if to call for it to witness the inutility of his ilized world, he was likely to die of hunger. He efforts, and perceived an inscription, bearing, in reasoned upon this, and concluded that his situ- large letters, the words, “ Le Bon Sens.” That ation was but the logical consequence of that journal was as advanced in the advocacy of revicious system, if system it can be called, which form as the “ National,” and Louis Blanc, hav

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ing two articles in his pocket, decided on leav osition was so contrary to the ideas of Carrel, ing one for the “ Bons Sens.” It was, however, that for a moment it perplexed his excellent no small matter for one so modest to meet the judgment. Struck, however, with the vivid editor in chief. Just as he was about penetrat- reflections and strong thoughts of his opponent, ing into his sanctuary, a species of involuntary the great publicist demanded time to reflect, and terror pervaded his limbs. “What shall I say?" afterwards did not hesitate to defend the severe thought he “my young look will go against principles of Louis Blanc against the attacks of me again. They will suppose my articles are those who had adopted nothing but the vices of not my own. The perspiration stood upon his a revolution. This debate was, moreover, the forehead. The door was there before him, epoch of a considerable change in the political and he had not the strength to open it. He and social tendencies of the “National." stood still in the passage, without advancing or In 1834, Louis Blanc published also, in the receding. At length a door opened, and be “Republican Review," various works of high found himself face to face with a porter. ** Who

importance; among others, a magnificent article do you want?” said the porter. Louis Blanc on Virtue considered as the Means of Governwas caught. “ Sir,” he replied, “I seek the of ment, the title of which is sufficient to recomfice of the chief editor of the Bon Sens.'” mend it; and a beautiful estimate and apprecia“ Come with me, and I will lead you to it,” was tion of Mirabeau. He contributed also to other the answer.

Thus Providence, in the shape of a reviews. In 1838, however, a new proprietary porter, played a great part in the destiny of wished to change the political tendencies of the Louis Blanc. It was in despite of himself that “Bons Sens," and Louis Blanc, with all the he was conducted before MM. Rodde and Cau- other editors, retired. This retirement caused chois-Lemaire, then principal editors of the the death of the journal. Another tribune was " Bons Sens.” M. Rodde received the young wanted for the eloquent defender of the popular author with great affability, but M. Cauchois- cause, and Louis Blanc immediately founded the Lemaire looked more grave. He has avowed “Revue du Progrès,” in which he has prosince, that he hesitated to take as serious such foundly treated almost all the great questions of precocious maturity. He could not for the mo the time, whether political, social, financial, ment believe in the young Hercules. A first commercial, literary, or industrial. During the article was, however, accepted, and a second, time that he gave his name and talent to this and a third ; and, in fine, M. Cauchois-Lemaire publication, he was also occupied with his most made a provisional offer of 1,200 francs to his famous work on the “ Organization of Industry." young assistant.

After fifteen days, however, Never had a book such a re-echo as this. That they placed the salary of Louis Blanc at 2,000 problem, which had used up generations of francs, then at 3,000; and lastly, the chief edi-thinkers, was there popularized. If the probtorship was confided to him. The sensation lem, in many respects, yet remains unsolved by which his articles produced was immense, and Louis Blanc, he bas still the credit of having they exercised great influence on the democratic rendered its superficies more intelligible to the party, and helped considerably to associate them mass, more simple to the student. And now, for a common purpose, by the union of the theo- nioreover, as member of the Provisional Gorries of the political school and the social school ernment, and as president of the commission

the one as the means, the other as the end. named to regulate and guarantee to each the

In his new position Louis Blanc entered into right of living by labor, he has an opportunity, relations with the “National,” for which he better than has been offered since the days of wrote a number of political articles. "There,” | Lycurgus, of testing by practice the theory of a says M. Sarrans,“ was Carrel, that man of a true societary organism. The suppression of thousand, that choice spirit, powerful in charac. non-employment, the misery of which he, like so ter and in genius, and who, from the heights of many thousand others, has felt, is the great his probity, crushed all the intriguants without political object of Louis Blanc. Otbers, like him, principle, whom the revolutionary whirlwind have wrote, and thought, and worked through had blown to the top of the ladder.” Carrel neglect, poverty, and persecution. He has now was a Voltairian. But it happened one day that the opportunity to act. The hour is, if he is the Louis Blanc submitted to his examination an man. May his action be clear, calm, and deciarticle, in which he attacked the insufficiency of sive; and may the good God grant it success! the political and social reforms preached by the In his “ Organization of Industry," Louis patriarch of Ferney. Voltaire, according to Blanc thus defines bis political system :-—"That Louis Blanc, had caused the political revolution which is wanting,” says he, “ for the enfranchiseof '89, Rousseau the social revolution of ’93; and ment of the working classes is the tools of labor: he preferred Rousseau to Voltaire. This prop- | the function of government is to furnish them.

If you would have us define the State, accord- | already occupies and illumines the highest ing to our conception, we should reply: the spheres of intelligence. Of these three princiState is the banker of the poor.” In other ples, the first engenders oppression, by the supwords, he accepts the idea that the employment pression of personality; the second causes opof all its members is the obligation of a nation, pression by anarchy; and the third alone by or that national employment is the duty and harmony gives birth to liberty.” Such is a function of government.

succinct statement of Louis Blanc's political The first ten years of the reign of Louis positions. They are more true than they are Philippe were fruitful with great events. original, and they are all the more to be accepted While editing the “Revue du Progrès,” it oc for this. curred to Louis Blanc that he would also be the Thus was Louis Blanc engaged till the Revohistorian of these. He paid a visit to each of lution of February. Previously he took part

in the actors in that eventful drama. He told each the patriotic banquets at Paris, and at Dijon. that he intended to write the history of the last The thirty hours of February have elevated him ten years, and requested that they would relate to one of the first positions in France. He is to him the events in which they had any share, by no means the least important of the members direct or indirect; indicating, at the same time, of the Provisional Government.

The ascenthat he should apply his judgment in the use of dency which he exercises over the masses is the materials furnished. Thus originated the immense, but it is rational. He has instinctively “ Histoire de Dix Ans;” a work which, in the and completely seized the idea of the present historical library, is worthy to rank after “ Zen- revolution. He fully comprehends that it is not ophon's Anabasis,” and Cæsar's Commenta- only a political revolt, but also an industrial inries.” This was followed up by Louis Blanc surrection, a new general societary movement. with his “ History of the French Revolution," He well knows that it is more than a question of which he develops with all the grandeur of the monarchy and republic; that it is the workingepic spirit which it possessed. It has been well classes claiming not only universal suffrage, but said to unite the vigor of Tacitus with the pro- universal employment, and the means of subfundity of Pascal. In this work, also, he gives sistence; in fine, that it is the problem of us the formula of his philosophy: “ Three great industrial organization insisting on solution. principles,” says he, “ obtain in the world, and Aware of this, his action in the Government is in history: authority, individualism, fraternity. firm and decisive. He knows that the wants of

The principle of authority is that the people are reasonable, and that, unless they which stupefies the life of nations with worn-out are granted, there will be anarchy and countercreeds, with a superstitious respect for tradition, revolution. This he would prevent by employwith inequality ; and which employs constraint ing the people ; thus giving them at once rights as the means of government. The principle and duties, and at the same time raising them of individualism is that which, taking man apart above the temptation of demagogues. Among from society, renders him the sole judge of that the founders of the New French Republic, by which is around and within him - gives him an the side of such brilliant names as Lamartine exalted sentiment of his rights, without indicat- and Arago, posterity will worthily place the ing his duties — abandons him to his own powers,

name of Louis Blanc. and lets all other government go on as it will. The principle of fraternity is that which regard

(Note - We very greatly fear that the schemes of

Louis Blanc and his associates may not ultimately be ing as solidary, or indissolubly connected to

so profitable to France as they and their admirers begether, all the members of the great human lieve. The idea of making the Government a unifamily, tends to organize society, the work of geously; and, in the end, the loss must be borne by

versal employer will not. we think, turn out advantaman, on the model of the human body, the ihe producing classes of that country The solution work of God, and founds the power


of the problem is rapidly advancing, and will leave

the world more convinced, we suspect, than it found ment on persuasion, on voluntary assent. Au-it, that, in the division of labor, Government cannot thority has been manifested by Catholicism with efficiently and directly become great trading, manuan eclat which astonishes. It prevailed till Lu- facturing, and agricultural companies

Tait's Ed. Magazine. ther. Individualism, inaugurated by Luther, is developed with an irresistible power; and separated from the religious element, it rules the present - it is the soul of things. Fraternity, IMPORTANT News From HAMBURG. - The announced by the thinkers of " the Mountain,” King of Prussia’s barber has applied for an indisappeared then in a tempest; and at present crease of salary, owing to augmentation of work, appears to us but in the far-off land of the caused by the length of his Majesty's face. ideal; but all grand hearts call for it, and it

- Punch.


There was never a greater seeming contra- | fault. They blinded themselves against the posdiction than the King of Prussia's behaviour dur- sibility of a revolution. They had so much ing and after the late Berlin revolution. Kind money, so many bayonets and guns, and they words, but peremptory in action; grieving at had the heir apparent ready to go any lengths the bloodshed around him, and yet refusing to they might wish. The King was in their power, stop it; guiding the attacks of his guards, and but they were nevertheless afraid of him. Tbe saluting with sincere respect the very corpses of news of the French revolution had spread like men whom these guards had killed — these are wildfire over Germany. The Southern Princes but a few of the striking features of that great had been forced to make concessions, and similar drama of which the King was one of the principal concessions were eagerly petitioned for by all actors. These, too, are things which only a man the Prussian provinces. They had not been without any character, or a consummate hypo- able to prevent some confidential conversation crite can do. Yet the King of Prussia is neither. between their prisoner and the liberal members It is true he is not the firmest of mortals, nor is of Berlin and Cologne. It was necessary to do he the sincerest. He could not, in his eight something. Their former processes had made years' reign, escape the vices of his station. He them bold. They resolved upon one of those has in many instances been guilty of duplicity; dirty tricks, which are commonly known by the he was often a waverer. But thus much may name of State tricks. They hit upon a plan of be said for him: all bis former errors were the fomenting an insurrection to frighten the King, natural consequence of his first false step. It to exasperate the people, and to make a reconwas this King's duty upon his accession to the ciliation impossible. It was an old trick, too, and throne to grant his subjects constitutional liberty. had often been successfully practised on a lesser He had acknowledged their title to it, and he scale. was aware that no less was expected of him. A body of peaceful and respectable citizens Liberal in his disposition, generous and confiding were assembled in front of the Royal Palace, as he then was, there was nothing in his inclina- where the King had spoken to them. They tion that stood between him and his duty, ex were roughly bandled, and even struck by the cept the impressibility of his character. Ile was officers of the guards, and a scuffle ensued in willing to perform the act of justice which was consequence. At that moment the reports of claimed at his hands. But he postponed it. He two muskets were heard from the interior of the granted the friends of his father's system time to Palace square, and a body of cavalry appeared, collect their forces and form their plans. When obedient to the signal, and charged the unarmed he would have acted, he found it was too late. multitude in front, while a regiment of foot fired He met opposition in councils, in his family, and in their rear. In another hour the people were abroad. The Ministry of Eichhorn, the Prince up and in arms, and charged the military in of Prussia, and the Emperors of Austria and their turn. The calculations of the Prussian Russia stood up against him. He might, indeed, ministry were excellent, as far as they went, have defied them by appealing to the nation, but but they forgot the result. That result is notoall communication between him and his subjects rious. was cut off. Their petitions were intercepted or The Prussian ministers resigned when the vitiated by running through an impure channel. issue of the conflict seemed to endanger their After some struggles the King was obliged to re- , safety. The Prince of Prussia fled from Berlin sign himself to his fate. He shared the common to England in a manner which is strikingly simlot of despots in becoming the tool of his ser ilar to Louis Philippe's flight to this country, vants. Sensitive, vain, and rash, he was easy to Frederick William was left alone and exposed handle, and his very virtues served to heighten to the resentment of an armed and exasperated his misery and his disgrace.

population. But, strange to say, he hailed that That is the history of Prussia during the last trying moment with unfeigned joy. He restored eight years. It reads easy enough, but it was a order, granted concessions, honored the combathard time to live throngh. The people found it ants and the victims of the revolution, sheltered so, and so did the King, for never did mortal the wounded in his palace, and termed the conman lose sovereign power with such good grace flict which deprived him of despotic power a as this King of Prussia has done.

“combat of liberation.” The people thought The Prussian ministers committed Guizot's they had liberated themselves; few of them

were aware that they had also conquered the least hope that this will not be the case with freedom of their king. The night of the 18th Prussia. of March will form an instructive chapter in the It could hardly be expected that the revoluhistory of despotic power.

tionary movement should bave confined itself to Prussia is free, but her freedom is beset with Berlin. The revolution in the metropolis has, dangers. She is now fast approaching a great in fact, just been in time to prevent a rising of crisis in the results of which not her own for the whole kingdom. Posen, too, has had its intunes only but those of all Germany are bound surrection, which, by its results, must lead to the up. The greatest danger lies in the lengths to secession of that province from Prussia, and the which some Prussian Liberals seem resolved to regeneration of the kingdom of Poland. We go. It was the King's intention that a constitu- congratulate the Prussians upon their generous tional law should be framed by the Diet which unanimity with regard to the Polish question. is at this moment assembling at Berlin. A par- They are willing to lose a population of two ty of former Conservatives, who have turned millions, and to gain the respect of the universe their coats and become radicals, oppose this in exchange. They could not do a nobler and a measure and clamor for a constitution framed wiser thing. They could not inaugurate their by the hands of the people. They appear to young liberties in a better way, than by peradvocate a meeting of the millions of Prussians. forming an act of justice against an injured Universal suffrage is also loudly demanded, and nation, to whose misery they have been forced not universal suffrage only, but universal illim to contribute. Besides, they have hit upon the ited eligibility. If these opinions should gain only successful plan to foil the intrigues of the ground, Prussia would be exposed to frightful Panslavistic Propaganda. convulsions, and her civilization would fall a prey Russia is meanwhile mustering her forces on to Russian rapacity. Though universal suffrage the Prussian frontier. Cossacks and Circassians, be desirable in England, it might act as a poison those wretched tools of her ambition, are being on Prussia. Starving nations are likely to be hurled against German liberty and indepenovergorged with too great and too sudden an al- dence. An armed invasion of French and Gerlowance of liberty. The transition from unlimit man communists, now preparing in the Alsace, ed despotism to a plenitude of popular power threaten the Rhine, and the King of Denmark may be borne by a nation, but it is not likely is preparing to violate the German territory in that it will be. But this is the usual result of order to reduce the Dutchies of Sleswick and revolutions, and this is it which makes those who Holstein, who have seceded from him. These are provoke them by an abuse of power more odious a few of the impending dangers, but the chief still. Organic changes and perfections, the re stumbling-block is Russia, that common enemy of sults of a careful and practical apprenticeship | Europe. Let us hope that England too will unto freedom, are anticipated in a day, and the derstand, and assist in frustrating her scheme of blessing is turned into a Let us at | destruction.— Douglas Jerrold's Magazine.


For the Daguerreotype.



Stephan Cabet, the son of a cooper at Dijon,

was born in the year 1788. He studied first Among the writers who are but seldom men- medicine, and then law; and as advocate suctioned, and perhaps little known in wealthy and cessfully defended several individuals who were literary society, is one who has nevertheless, destined to be victims of the Restoration. He played a not unimportant part in the history of was subsequently a member of the Committee of France, and whose writings, widely disseminated the Carbonari with Lafayette, Manual, Dupont and eagerly read by the laboring classes of his de l'Eure, and eight others. countrymen, have probably had a very great But his true career commenced in 1830. On and direct influence in preparing them for that the third of August he wrote a letter, addressed revolution which has just swept away the last to the Duke of Orleans, in which he protests weak remnants of monarchy, and the very rever- against the “charte," and demands that a conberation of which has shaken the foundations of stitution shall be prepared by a National Assemevery throne in Europe — the revolution of labor bly. He was then - probably to get rid of him against capital.

- sent to Corsica as “ Procurator-general ;" he

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