figure. Although he approaches the manhood of forty, he might easily be mistaken for a boy of eighteen. Although he has a stern strength about him, it might be supposed from his first appearance that he was weak and effeminate. He entered, however, as one of the Provisional Government of the Republic of France, to deliver addresses to assemblies of workingmen and masters, collected together by him, in his function of President of the Commission for the Government of the Workmen, to consult and decide on a plan for the organization of industry. He spoke, and the working-men were melted into tears, and even the masters were moved. His tones were soft and showery, or earnest and energetic. With his little figure buttoned up tight in a blue coat with gilt buttons, there he stood, mounted up, evidently awakening, convincing, deciding, with modulated voice and expressive action. There he stood, though so small, not the least of the great men who now rule over the destinies of the France of the Third Revolution. Louis Blanc was born at Madrid, October 28, 1813. His father was at that time inspectorgeneral of finances in Spain. His mother was of Corsican origin, and he himself was brought up in Corsica, until he was seven years old. In 1820, he was sent with his brother to the college of Rhodes, where, when he was fifteen, he was more learned than his masters. At least, so says one of his biographers. In 1830, he left college, and rejoined his father in Paris. It was at the time of the barricades; and he threw over the barriers the buttons of his coat, because they bore on them the fleur-de-lis. Little did he think then, however, that, eighteen years afterwards, the Paris which he entered would salute him with acclamations in the midst of new barricades which he himself had contributed to raise. His father, a pensioner, was ruined by the fall of the Bourbons, and was consequently unable to further assist his son, whose first endeavour was to seek some situation. If now his figure is juvenile, his aspect then was almost infantine! Although seventeeen, his biographers assert that he would have been supposed not more than twelve or thirteen years of age. With this childish appearance, his manners were also timid. In vain he wandered over Paris secking for an employment which should afford him but simple subsistence. His appearance prejudiced people against him. In the midst of France, in Paris that monstrous city, which some have said should be the capital of the civilized world, he was likely to die of hunger. He reasoned upon this, and concluded that his situation was but the logical consequence of that vicious system, if system it can be called, which now obtains in society. In his sleepless nights he meditated on plans of reform, and vowed, during the day, to engage in a determined war with those inhuman institutions which condemned the most numerous class to misery or to death. From his own experience, Louis Blanc was first struck with the terrible position of thousands who, notwithstanding every endeavour, are unable to find spheres in which to labor, either in body or mind. Assisted by a small pension which had been given him by his uncle, he continued to seek employment with an indefatigable perseverance. He gave lessons in mathematics; and, in 1831, be found a situation as an under-clerk. During this time, also, he had addressed himself to a friend of his family, M. de Flaugergus, an old president of the Chamber of Deputies. This gentleman had remarked the high intelligence of young Blanc, and wished to inspire him with a taste for politics as a science. By him he was initiated into the first principles of political economy. At the house of the Geraldy family, likewise, he made the acquaintance of M. Lorne de Brillemont, brother of the old deputy of that name, who was then seeking a tutor for the sons of M. Hallette, of Arras. This gentleman, after spending an hour with Louis Blanc, judged him fully worthy, and proposed him for the situation. It was a good chance for the young clerk, and he was accepted. He stayed two years at Arras. It was there that he burnished his first weapons as a publicist and a poet. Besides some remarkable articles which he published in the Propagateur du Pas-de-Calais," he there composed three works a poem entitled "Mirabeau," a poem on the Hotel des Invalides, and an "Eloge de Manuel," which were crowned by the Academy of Arras. The activity he possessed now longed, however, for a wider field. The education of M. Hallette's children was finished, and he desired to enter into the lists of the Parisian press. He returned to Paris in 1834, with letters of introduction to Conseil, the collaborator of Armand Carrel in the "National." But Conseil was like most Parisian journalists, he was everywhere and nowhere. Louis Blanc sought him for many days without success. At that time the "National" was published in the Rue Croissant. One day, as the young author went for the tenth time to the offices of that journal, nearly despairing of ever finding the uncomeatable Conseil, he raised his eyes towards heaven, as if to call for it to witness the inutility of his efforts, and perceived an inscription, bearing, in large letters, the words, "Le Bon Sens." That journal was as advanced in the advocacy of reform as the "National," and Louis Blanc, hav ing two articles in his pocket, decided on leav- | osition was so contrary to the ideas of Carrel, 66 that for a moment it perplexed his excellent judgment. Struck, however, with the vivid reflections and strong thoughts of his opponent, the great publicist demanded time to reflect, and afterwards did not hesitate to defend the severe principles of Louis Blanc against the attacks of those who had adopted nothing but the vices of a revolution. This debate was, moreover, the epoch of a considerable change in the political and social tendencies of the "National." ing one for the "Bons Sens." It was, however, no small matter for one so modest to meet the editor in chief. Just as he was about penetrating into his sanctuary, a species of involuntary terror pervaded his limbs. "What shall I say?" thought he "my young look will go against me again. They will suppose my articles are not my own. The perspiration stood upon his forehead. The door was there before him, and he had not the strength to open it. He stood still in the passage, without advancing or receding. At length a door opened, and he found himself face to face with a porter. "Who do you want?" said the porter. Louis Blanc was caught. Sir," he replied, "I seek the office of the chief editor of the Bon Sens.'" "Come with me, and I will lead you to it," was the answer. Thus Providence, in the shape of a porter, played a great part in the destiny of Louis Blanc. It was in despite of himself that he was conducted before MM. Rodde and Cauchois-Lemaire, then principal editors of the "Bons Sens." M. Rodde received the young author with great affability, but M. CauchoisLemaire looked more grave. He has avowed since, that he hesitated to take as serious such precocious maturity. He could not for the moment believe in the young Hercules. A first article was, however, accepted, and a second, and a third; and, in fine, M. Cauchois-Lemaire made a provisional offer of 1,200 francs to his young assistant. After fifteen days, however, they placed the salary of Louis Blanc at 2,000 francs, then at 3,000; and lastly, the chief edi-thinkers, was there popularized. If the probtorship was confided to him. The sensation which his articles produced was immense, and they exercised great influence on the democratic party, and helped considerably to associate them for a common purpose, by the union of the theories of the political school and the social school -the one as the means, the other as the end. In his new position Louis Blanc entered into relations with the "National," for which he wrote a number of political articles. "There," says M. Sarrans, "was Carrel, that man of a thousand, that choice spirit, powerful in character and in genius, and who, from the heights of his probity, crushed all the intriguants without principle, whom the revolutionary whirlwind had blown to the top of the ladder." Carrel was a Voltairian. But it happened one day that Louis Blanc submitted to his examination an article, in which he attacked the insufficiency of the political and social reforms preached by the patriarch of Ferney. Voltaire, according to Louis Blanc, had caused the political revolution of '89, Rousseau the social revolution of '93; and he preferred Rousseau to Voltaire. This prop In 1834, Louis Blanc published also, in the "Republican Review," various works of high importance; among others, a magnificent article on Virtue considered as the Means of Government, the title of which is sufficient to recommend it; and a beautiful estimate and appreciation of Mirabeau. He contributed also to other reviews. In 1838, however, a new proprietary wished to change the political tendencies of the "Bons Sens," and Louis Blanc, with all the other editors, retired. This retirement caused the death of the journal. Another tribune was wanted for the eloquent defender of the popular cause, and Louis Blanc immediately founded the "Revue du Progrès," in which he has profoundly treated almost all the great questions of the time, whether political, social, financial, commercial, literary, or industrial. During the time that he gave his name and talent to this publication, he was also occupied with his most famous work on the "Organization of Industry.” Never had a book such a re-echo as this. That problem, which had used up generations of lem, in many respects, yet remains unsolved by Louis Blanc, he has still the credit of having rendered its superficies more intelligible to the mass, more simple to the student. And now, moreover, as member of the Provisional Government, and as president of the commission named to regulate and guarantee to each the right of living by labor, he has an opportunity, better than has been offered since the days of Lycurgus, of testing by practice the theory of a true societary organism. The suppression of non-employment, the misery of which he, like so many thousand others, has felt, is the great political object of Louis Blanc. Others, like him, have wrote, and thought, and worked through neglect, poverty, and persecution. He has now the opportunity to act. The hour is, if he is the man. May his action be clear, calm, and decisive; and may the good God grant it success! In his "Organization of Industry," Louis Blanc thus defines his political system:—“ That which is wanting," says he, "for the enfranchisement of the working classes is the tools of labor: the function of government is to furnish them. If you would have us define the State, accord- | already occupies and illumines the highest ing to our conception, we should reply: the spheres of intelligence. Of these three princiState is the banker of the poor." In other ples, the first engenders oppression, by the supwords, he accepts the idea that the employment pression of personality; the second causes opof all its members is the obligation of a nation, pression by anarchy; and the third alone by or that national employment is the duty and harmony gives birth to liberty." Such is a function of government. succinct statement of Louis Blanc's political positions. They are more true than they are original, and they are all the more to be accepted for this. Thus was Louis Blanc engaged till the Revolution of February. Previously he took part in the patriotic banquets at Paris, and at Dijon. The thirty hours of February have elevated him to one of the first positions in France. He is by no means the least important of the members of the Provisional Government. The ascendency which he exercises over the masses is immense, but it is rational. He has instinctively and completely seized the idea of the present revolution. He fully comprehends that it is not only a political revolt, but also an industrial insurrection, a new general societary movement. He well knows that it is more than a question of monarchy and republic; that it is the workingclasses claiming not only universal suffrage, but universal employment, and the means of subsistence; in fine, that it is the problem of industrial organization insisting on solution. Aware of this, his action in the Government is firm and decisive. He knows that the wants of the people are reasonable, and that, unless they are granted, there will be anarchy and counterrevolution. This he would prevent by employing the people; thus giving them at once rights and duties, and at the same time raising them above the temptation of demagogues. Among the founders of the New French Republic, by the side of such brilliant names as Lamartine and Arago, posterity will worthily place the name of Louis Blanc. The first ten years of the reign of Louis Philippe were fruitful with great events. While editing the "Revue du Progrès," it occurred to Louis Blanc that he would also be the historian of these. He paid a visit to each of the actors in that eventful drama. He told each that he intended to write the history of the last ten years, and requested that they would relate to him the events in which they had any share, direct or indirect; indicating, at the same time, that he should apply his judgment in the use of the materials furnished. Thus originated the "Histoire de Dix Ans;" a work which, in the historical library, is worthy to rank after "Zenophon's Anabasis," and "Cæsar's Commentaries." This was followed up by Louis Blanc with his "History of the French Revolution," which he develops with all the grandeur of the epic spirit which it possessed. It has been well said to unite the vigor of Tacitus with the profundity of Pascal. In this work, also, he gives us the formula of his philosophy: "Three great principles," says he, "obtain in the world, and in history authority, individualism, fraternity. The principle of authority is that which stupefies the life of nations with worn-out creeds, with a superstitious respect for tradition, with inequality; and which employs constraint as the means of government. The principle of individualism is that which, taking man apart from society, renders him the sole judge of that which is around and within him gives him an exalted sentiment of his rights, without indicating his duties- abandons him to his own powers, and lets all other government go on as it will. The principle of fraternity is that which regard-Louis Blanc and his associates may not ultimately be [NOTE - We very greatly fear that the schemes of ing as solidary, or indissolubly connected toso profitable to France as they and their admirers begether, all the members of the great human lieve. The idea of making the Government a universal employer will not. we think, turn out advantafamily, tends to organize society, the work of geously; and, in the end, the loss must be borne by man, on the model of the human body, the the producing classes of that country The solution work of God, and founds the power of governof the problem is rapidly advancing, and will leave the world more convinced, we suspect, than it found ment on persuasion, on voluntary assent. Au- it, that, in the division of labor, Government cannot thority has been manifested by Catholicism with efficiently and directly become great trading, manuan eclat which astonishes. It prevailed till Lufacturing, and agricultural companies ] Tait's Ed. Magazine. ther. Individualism, inaugurated by Luther, is developed with an irresistible power; and separated from the religious element, it rules the present it is the soul of things. Fraternity, announced by the thinkers of "the Mountain," disappeared then in a tempest; and at present appears to us but in the far-off land of the ideal; but all grand hearts call for it, and it The IMPORTANT NEWS FROM HAMBURG. King of Prussia's barber has applied for an increase of salary, owing to augmentation of work, caused by the length of his Majesty's face. Punch. THE REVOLUTION AT BERLIN. money, so many bayonets and guns, and they had the heir apparent ready to go any lengths they might wish. The King was in their power, but they were nevertheless afraid of him. The news of the French revolution had spread like wildfire over Germany. The Southern Princes had been forced to make concessions, and similar concessions were eagerly petitioned for by all the Prussian provinces. They had not been able to prevent some confidential conversation between their prisoner and the liberal members of Berlin and Cologne. It was necessary to do something. Their former processes had made them bold. They resolved upon one of those dirty tricks, which are commonly known by the name of State tricks. They hit upon a plan of fomenting an insurrection to frighten the King, to exasperate the people, and to make a reconciliation impossible. It was an old trick, too, and had often been successfully practised on a lesser scale. There was never a greater seeming contra- fault. They blinded themselves against the posdiction than the King of Prussia's behaviour dur-sibility of a revolution. They had so much ing and after the late Berlin revolution. Kind words, but peremptory in action; grieving at the bloodshed around him, and yet refusing to stop it; guiding the attacks of his guards, and saluting with sincere respect the very corpses of men whom these guards had killed - these are but a few of the striking features of that great drama of which the King was one of the principal actors. These, too, are things which only a man without any character, or a consummate hypocrite can do. Yet the King of Prussia is neither. It is true he is not the firmest of mortals, nor is he the sincerest. He could not, in his eight years' reign, escape the vices of his station. He has in many instances been guilty of duplicity; he was often a waverer. But thus much may be said for him: all his former errors were the natural consequence of his first false step. It was this King's duty upon his accession to the throne to grant his subjects constitutional liberty. He had acknowledged their title to it, and he was aware that no less was expected of him. Liberal in his disposition, generous and confiding as he then was, there was nothing in his inclination that stood between him and his duty, except the impressibility of his character. He was willing to perform the act of justice which was claimed at his hands. But he postponed it. He granted the friends of his father's system time to collect their forces and form their plans. When he would have acted, he found it was too late. He met opposition in councils, in his family, and abroad. The Ministry of Eichhorn, the Prince of Prussia, and the Emperors of Austria and Russia stood up against him. He might, indeed, have defied them by appealing to the nation, but all communication between him and his subjects was cut off. Their petitions were intercepted or vitiated by running through an impure channel. After some struggles the King was obliged to resign himself to his fate. He shared the common lot of despots in becoming the tool of his servants. Sensitive, vain, and rash, he was easy to handle, and his very virtues served to heighten his misery and his disgrace. That is the history of Prussia during the last eight years. It reads easy enough, but it was a hard time to live through. The people found it so, and so did the King, for never did mortal man lose sovereign power with such good grace as this King of Prussia has done. The Prussian ministers committed Guizot's A body of peaceful and respectable citizens were assembled in front of the Royal Palace, where the King had spoken to them. They were roughly handled, and even struck by the officers of the guards, and a scuffle ensued in consequence. At that moment the reports of two muskets were heard from the interior of the Palace square, and a body of cavalry appeared, obedient to the signal, and charged the unarmed multitude in front, while a regiment of foot fired in their rear. In another hour the people were up and in arms, and charged the military in their turn. The calculations of the Prussian ministry were excellent, as far as they went, but they forgot the result. That result is notorious. The Prussian ministers resigned when the issue of the conflict seemed to endanger their safety. The Prince of Prussia fled from Berlin to England in a manner which is strikingly similar to Louis Philippe's flight to this country. Frederick William was left alone and exposed to the resentment of an armed and exasperated population. But, strange to say, he hailed that, trying moment with unfeigned joy. He restored order, granted concessions, honored the combatants and the victims of the revolution, sheltered the wounded in his palace, and termed the conflict which deprived him of despotic power a "combat of liberation." The people thought they had liberated themselves; few of them were aware that they had also conquered the freedom of their king. The night of the 18th of March will form an instructive chapter in the history of despotic power. least hope that this will not be the case with Prussia. It could hardly be expected that the revolutionary movement should have confined itself to Berlin. The revolution in the metropolis has, in fact, just been in time to prevent a rising of the whole kingdom. Posen, too, has had its insurrection, which, by its results, must lead to the secession of that province from Prussia, and the regeneration of the kingdom of Poland. We congratulate the Prussians upon their generous unanimity with regard to the Polish question. They are willing to lose a population of two millions, and to gain the respect of the universe in exchange. They could not do a nobler and a wiser thing. They could not inaugurate their young liberties in a better way, than by performing an act of justice against an injured nation, to whose misery they have been forced to contribute. Besides, they have hit upon the only successful plan to foil the intrigues of the Panslavistic Propaganda. Prussia is free, but her freedom is beset with dangers. She is now fast approaching a great crisis in the results of which not her own for tunes only but those of all Germany are bound up. The greatest danger lies in the lengths to which some Prussian Liberals seem resolved to go. It was the King's intention that a constitutional law should be framed by the Diet which is at this moment assembling at Berlin. A party of former Conservatives, who have turned their coats and become radicals, oppose this measure and clamor for a constitution framed by the hands of the people. They appear to They appear to advocate a meeting of the millions of Prussians. Universal suffrage is also loudly demanded, and not universal suffrage only, but universal illimited eligibility. If these opinions should gain ground, Prussia would be exposed to frightful convulsions, and her civilization would fall a prey Russia is meanwhile mustering her forces on to Russian rapacity. Though universal suffrage the Prussian frontier. Cossacks and Circassians, be desirable in England, it might act as a poison those wretched tools of her ambition, are being on Prussia. Starving nations are likely to be hurled against German liberty and indepenovergorged with too great and too sudden an al- dence. An armed invasion of French and Gerlowance of liberty. The transition from unlimit- man communists, now preparing in the Alsace, ed despotism to a plenitude of popular power threaten the Rhine, and the King of Denmark may be borne by a nation, but it is not likely is preparing to violate the German territory in that it will be. But this is the usual result of order to reduce the Dutchies of Sleswick and revolutions, and this is it which makes those who Holstein, who have seceded from him. These are provoke them by an abuse of power more odious a few of the impending dangers, but the chief still. Organic changes and perfections, the re-stumbling-block is Russia, that common enemy of sults of a careful and practical apprenticeship to freedom, are anticipated in a day, and the blessing is turned into a curse. Let us at Europe. Let us hope that England too will understand, and assist in frustrating her scheme of destruction.— Douglas Jerrold's Magazine. For the Daguerreotype. SKETCHES OF LIVING AUTHORS. STEPHAN CABET. Among the writers who are but seldom mentioned, and perhaps little known in wealthy and literary society, is one who has, nevertheless, played a not unimportant part in the history of France, and whose writings, widely disseminated and eagerly read by the laboring classes of his countrymen, have probably had a very great and direct influence in preparing them for that revolution which has just swept away the last weak remnants of monarchy, and the very reverberation of which has shaken the foundations of every throne in Europe - the revolution of labor against capital. Stephan Cabet, the son of a cooper at Dijon, was born in the year 1788. He studied first medicine, and then law; and as advocate successfully defended several individuals who were destined to be victims of the Restoration. He was subsequently a member of the Committee of the Carbonari with Lafayette, Manual, Dupont de l'Eure, and eight others. But his true career commenced in 1830. On the third of August he wrote a letter, addressed to the Duke of Orleans, in which he protests against the "charte," and demands that a constitution shall be prepared by a National Assembly. He was then - probably to get rid of him sent to Corsica as "Procurator-general;" he |