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Issue, presents no difficulty to those at all acquainted with the character of the people of France at the period when they resolved to emancipate themselves from the galling thraldom they had so long endured. To be impatient of tyranny is one thing; to be prepared for the enjoyment of liberty is another. None but a virtuous and religious people can achieve for themselves such a deliverance from oppression as shall secure to them the blessings of an internal and permanent freedom. Revolution, to be successful and prosperous, against an ancient and deep-rooted tyranny, must be begun and conducted under the auspices of private and public virtue. Liberty never comes to any people by accident. It must spring out of the principles of knowledge, truth and righteousness, and be the deliberate will of the high minded and the good. The revolution of France failed through the want of the moral preparation for liberty, without which the blessing cannot be secured. She was not ripe for the good she sought. She was too corrupt for freedom. What could be expected from a struggle excited by that heartless scoffer the infidel Voltaire, and maintained by others who, like him, had thrown off all the connexions which ennoble the mind? The being and the government of God, the patriot's trust and refuge in the otherwise unequal conflict between despotism and freedom, and human immortality, that truth which is the seed of all greatness, were made by the apostles of French liberty the perpetual subjects of scorn and derision. In their philosophy man was a creature of chance, a compound of matter, an ephemeron, a worm, who was soon to rot, and perish for ever. What insanity was it to expect that such men were to work out the emancipation of their race! that in such hands the hopes and dearest rights of humanity were secure! Liberty was tainted by their touch; yet some there were who trusted that it was to rise in wealth and glory from their embrace.

Napoleon appeared on the stage at the precise period that was most favorable to his military successes and subsequent elevation to supreme power. The Jacobins, by their innumerable massacres and murders, had become the dread and the execration of the French people. Their sanguinary leaders at length met the fate which their crimes deserved. Robespierre fell at once the victim of popular fury, of suicidal cowardice, and conventional denunciation. With the Jacobins, what was properly the republic perished; and the convention did not long survive. The directory arose, and soon prepared the way for the master spirit, who, on their ruin, was to build the mightiest, and yet the weakest structure, that was ever reared by the hand of tyranny. Our limits forbid our taking even a rapid view of the origin, progress, and different phases, of the revolution in France. An account of them will be found under that article. We must content ourselves with a very brief sketch of the life of Napoleon. He was born in Ajaccio, on the 15th day of August, 1769, the son of Charles Buonaparte, a Corsican advocate, and Letitia Ramolini. Early intended for the profession of arms, he was, by the influence of count

Marboeuf, the French governor of Corsica, admitted to the Artillery and Engineer Royal School of Brienne. His family were remarkable for talents; and his mother was one of the most extraordinary women of her age. Napoleon very early discovered his own superiority to them all, and to the most distinguished of his associates and contemporaries. With a high degree of mathematical proficiency, even when quite a boy, he displayed something of that peculiar spirit which characterised his life-a love at once for adventure, and for severe secluded mental efforta desire of distinction, and a disregard of the popular habits which lead to its acquirementa contempt of literature, with a passion for modelling himself on the classic heroes. In 1783, at the age of fourteen, he was one of the scholars who, at the annual competition at Brienne, were selected to be sent to the military school at Paris to finish their education. This was at a period when he had not quite attained the requisite age. But he was indebted for his good fortune to the favor of M. Keralio, the inspector of the school, who, when remonstrated with on the subject, replied, I know what I am about; and, if I am transgressing the rules, it is not on account of family influence. I know nothing of the friends of this youth. I am actuated only by my own opinion of his merit: I perceive in him a spark of genius which cannot be too early fostered.' M. Keralio died before he could carry this resolution into effect; however, M. de Regnaud, his successor, the next year fulfilled his intentions, and young Napoleon was sent to Paris.

He was scarcely eighteen years of age when the abbe Raynal, struck with the extent of his acquirements, appreciated them so highly as to invite him to his scientific déjeunés. The celebrated Paoli was also accustomed to say, 'This young man is formed on the ancient model; he is one of Plutarch's men.' About this period he was appointed second lieutenant in a regiment of artillery, the regiment de la Fère. In the leisure of garrison duty at Valence, he indulged himself in the fashionable employment of the aspiring young men of France. He wrote an essay on one of the questions of Raynal, touching the perfectibility of human government. As he was then, in theory at least, a republican, we may conclude that the essay was revolutionary. When emperor, he burned this specimen of opinions, yet uncorrected by the command of armies and the possession of a crown.

In the year 1792, having previously espoused the popular side, and joined himself with the most violent partizans of liberty, he was summoned to Paris from his native island to justify his conduct in quelling an insurrection which he was accused of having provoked for the purpose of rendering himself useful in repelling it. This was a remarkable period, which terminated, for a season, the dynasty of the Capets. On his return to Corsica, after the memorable 10th of August in that year, he at length found an opportunity of exercising his military talents. France was proclaimed a republic. Though the regiment of Buonaparte was divided into royalists and republicans, and the spirit of party ran high,

he did not hesitate. He had commenced with liberty, and he determined to follow the revolutionists. The power of the Jacobins, and their stern daring inflexibility, he considered as an apology for their atrocities. He fought under their banners, and profited by their ruin. It was at the moment when republican France was attacked by all the powers of Europe, that the military talents of Buonaparte were called into action. He accompanied the fleet of admiral Triquet in a descent upon Sardinia. The expedition, it is said, was directed by him, and he seized upon the island and fort of St. Etienne, as well as the Isle de la Madeleine. It was in this expedition that Buonaparte took the part of France against his native island, and that internal and consistent liberty which its inhabitants were all anxious to consolidate under the auspices of the veteran Paoli. Notwithstanding its early success, it finally failed, owing to the bravery of the inhabitants of Cagliari, who saluted their invaders with showers of red hot balls, and repulsed and utterly defeated them. The proscription of the conquered was the consequence. Buonaparte had signalised himself too much to be spared. A decree, excited and signed by Paoli, condemned him to perpetual banishment. With his family he was driven from his native shores to seek an asylum and subsistence in his adopted country, with no flattering prospect either of support for them, or honorable employment for himself. Their place of refuge was Marseilles, where madame Buonaparte, her three daughters, and Jerome, who was a mere child, are supposed to have undergone considerable distress, until the dawning prospects of Napoleon afforded him the means of assisting them. Napoleon never again revisited Corsica, nor does he appear to have regarded it with any feelings of affection. One small fountain at Ajaccio is pointed out as the only ornament which his bounty bestowed on his birth place.

Napoleon and his brother Louis, having lost every thing by the turn of affairs in Corsica, engaged themselves in the republican military service. The former returned into the artillery as a first lieutenant in the fourth regiment of that corps in which, a few months after, he was raised by seniority to the rank of captain. This was in the year 1793. When the measure of Jacobin iniquity was charged almost to the brim-when by shedding all the royal and noble blood which they could bring within the operation of their murderous instrument the guillotine, and filling prisons with promiscuous multitudes, that they might enjoy the savage delight of undistinguished massacre-these detestable demagogues had secured to themselves the supreme power, under the appropriate designation of the Reign of Terror.' It was at this time that the first instance of importance occurred which enabled Buonaparte to distinguish himself in the eyes of the French nation, and of the world at large. Several principal towns of France, inspired with a just dread and abhorrence of the proceedings of the Jacobins, and instigated also by the intrigues of the Girondists, were induced to take up arms against the convention: among these Toulon was the most considerable. It is

the arsenal of France, and contained at the time when it declared for the royal cause, and against the Jacobins, immense naval stores, besides a fleet of seventeen sail of the line ready for sea, and thirteen or fourteen more which stood in need of refitting. The inhabitants and municipality had invited the support of the English and Spanish squadrons who were cruising upon the coast. Accordingly a disembarkation was made, and a miscellaneous force, partly collected of Spaniards, Sardinians, Neapolitans, and English, was thrown into the place. It was of course soon invested by the army of the republic; and that it was not defended by vigorous measures on the part of the allies, and held by them so as to have produced marked effects on the result of the war, must ever be contemplated by Englishmen with equal shame and regret. The siege, however, was a glorious opportunity for displaying the talents of the youthful hero, and subsequent conqueror of the world. He baffled the imbecile counsels of his superiors in command, animated the sinking courage of some who were for raising the siege, and decreed and executed a plan of operation as skilful as it was bold, and which decided the fate of the town. The appointment of Buonaparte to this arduous task was no doubt the result of his known principles as a Jacobin, and the high professional character which he had acquired in the military school, in the archives of which his genius is described as being of the first order. In this his first great achievement, as a military commander, he evinced remarkable self-possession and courage. To ensure success, of which he became increasingly confident when he found himself possessed of the complete concurrence of his general, he used the utmost vigilance and exertion, and exposed his person to every risk.

One of the dangers which he incurred was of a singular character. An artilleryman being shot at the gun which he was serving, while Napoleon was visiting a battery, he took up the dead man's rammer, and, to give encouragement to the soldiers, charged the gun repeatedly with his own hands. In consequence of using this implement he caught an infectious cutaneous complaint, which, being injudiciously treated and thrown inward was of great prejudice to his health, until after his Italian campaigns when he was completely cured by Dr. Corvissart; after which for the first time he showed that tendency to embonpoint, which marked the latter part of his life. As the siege advanced, lieutenant-general O'Hara hurried from Gibraltar with reinforcements to the besieged, and assumed the chief command. The capture of this brave and experienced officer disheartened the garrison, and precipitated the evacuation of Toulon, Buonaparte, in a conversation with Mr. Barry O'Meara, describes the event, in which he declares that he made general O'Hara prisoner with his own hand. I had constructed,' said he, ‘a masked battery of eight twenty-four-pounders and four mortars, in order to open upon fort Malbosquet, which was in possession of the English. It was finished in the evening, and it was my intention to have opened upon them in the morning. While I was giving directions at another part of

the victors; it was therefore resolved, that the arsenal and naval stores, with such of the French ships as were not ready for sea, should be destroyed, and they were set on fire accordingly. The rising conflagration, growing redder and redder, seemed at length a great volcano, amid which were long distinctly seen the masts and yards of the burning vessels, and which rendered obscurely visible the advancing bodies of republican troops, who attempted on different points to push their way into the place. The Jacobins began to rise in the town upon the flying royalists;-horrid screams and yells of vengeance and revolutionary chorusses were heard to mingle with the cries and plaintive intreaties of the remaining fugitives, who had not yet found means of embarkation. The guns from Malbosquet, now possessed by the French, and turned on the bulwarks of the town increased the uproar. At once a shock like that of an earthquake, oc casioned by the explosion of many hundred barrels of gunpowder silenced all noise save its own, and threw high into the midnight heaven a thousand blazing fragments, which descended threatening ruin wherever they fell. A second explosion took place, as the other magazine blew up, with the same dreadful effects. It was upon this night of terror, conflagration, and blood, that the star of Napoleon first ascended.

the army, some of the deputies of the convention the conquered force should not be available to came down. In those days, they sometimes took upon them to direct the operations of the armies, and those imbeciles ordered the battery to commence, which was obeyed. As soon as I saw this premature fire, I immediately conceived that the English general would attack the battery, and most probably carry it, as matters had not been yet arranged to support it. In fact, O'Hara seeing that the fire from the battery would dislodge his troops from Malbosquet, from which last I would have taken the fort which commanded the harbour, determined upon attacking it. Accordingly in the morning he put himself at the head of his troops, sallied out, and actually carried the battery and the lines which I had formed to the left, and those to the right were taken by the Neapolitans. While he was busy in spiking the guns, I advanced with 300 or 400 grenadiers unperceived, through a boyau covered with olive trees, which communicated with the battery, and commenced a terrible fire upon his troops. The English, astonished, at first supposed that the Neapolitans, who had lines on the right, had mistaken them for Freuch, and said, 'It is those canaglie of Neapolitans who are firing upon us.' O'Hara ran out of the battery, and advanced towards us. In advancing, he was wounded by the fire of a serjeant, and I, who stood at the mouth of the boyau, seized him by the coat, and threw him back amongst my own men, thinking he was a colonel, as he had two epaulettes on. While they were taking him to the rear, he cried out that he was the commander-in-chief of the English. He thought they were going to massacre him, as there exist ed a horrible order at that time from the convention, to give no quarter to the English. I ran up and prevented the soldiers from ill treating him. He spoke very bad French, and, as I saw that he thought they intended to butcher him, I did every thing in my power to console him, and gave directions that his wound should be immediately dressed, and every attention paid to him. He afterwards begged of me to give him a statement of the manner of his capture, to show it to his government in his justification. Those blockheads of deputies,' continued Napoleon, 'wanted to attack and storm the town first; but I explained to them that it was very strong, and that we should lose many men; that the best way would be to make ourselves masters of the forts first, which commanded the harbour, and then the English would either be taken, or be obliged to burn the greatest part of their fleet and escape. My advice was taken, and the English, perceiving what would be the result, set fire to the ships, and abandoned the town.'

The horrors of war were never more visible than in the concluding scene of this tragic siege. Such was the dread of the victors' cruelty that upwards of 1400 persons accepted the melancholy refuge afforded them in the numerous merchant ships and other craft which crowded the port, but which the vanquished allies were about to employ as the vehicles to convey them to places of safety. Amid this general confusion and distress, there was other work to do. The stern policy of war required that the resources of

So many of the citizens of Toulon concerned in the late resistance had escaped by the means provided by the English, that republican vengeance could not collect its victims in the usual numbers. Many, however, were shot; and it has been said that Buonaparte commanded the artillery by which they were exterminated; and also that he wrote a letter to Fréron and the younger Robespierre, congratulating them and himself on the execution of these aristocrats, and signed, Brutus Buonaparte Sans culotte. If he actually commanded at this execution, he had the poor apology that he must do so, or himself perish; but had the fact and the letter been genuine, there has been enough of time since his downfall, to prove the truth of the accusation, and certainly enough of writers disposed to give these proofs publicity. He himself positively denied the charge; and alleged that the creatures were shot by a detachment of what was called the revolutionary army, and not by troops of the line. Soon after the retaking of Toulon, Buonaparte accompanied general Dugommier, under whom he had achieved so much glory for himself and the army, to Marseilles, and was with him in company there, when some one, struck with his person, asked the general who that little bit of an officer was and where he had picked him up? That officer's name,' replied the general, is Buonaparte; I picked him up at the siege of Toulon, to the successful termination of which he eminently contributed; and you will probably see one day that this little bit of an officer is a greater man than any of us.'

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It was to the frank generosity of this brave old man that the young officer of artillery was chiefly indebted for the next step which conducted to his elevation. The deputies from the convention to whom the conduct of the affair of Toulon was

entrusted, and who never appeared in the trenches till three hours after the storming of the port which led to the evacuation of the town, had the impudence to arrogate to themselves the entire glory of the exploit. They failed not to dwell with complacency on the wonderful feats of Ricord, Salicetti, and young Robespierre; they led the attack with sabre in hand, they showed the troops the road to victory; on the other hand they ungraciously forget in these despatches to mention so much as the name of Buonaparte to whom the victory was entirely to be ascribed. Dugommier resolved to do the youthful hero that justice which was withheld from him by the jealousy and vanity of the redoubtable deputies. Buonaparte's name was placed in the list of those whom he recommended for promotion, with the pointed addition, that if neglected he would be sure to force his own way. He was accordingly confirmed in his provisional situation of chief of battalion, and appointed to hold that rank in the army of Italy. Before joining that army, the genius of Napoleon was employed in surveying and fortifying the sea coast of the Mediterranean. This was a troublesome appointment, and not only involved him in disputes with the local authority of small towns, villages, and even hamlets, but actually exposed him to great risk with the convention at home. In prosecuting his task he had proposed repairing an old state prison at Marseilles, called the fort of St. Nicholas, that it might serve as a powder magazine. The patriots of Marseilles charged the commandant with an intention to rebuild this fort to serve as a bastile in controlling the good citizens. Buonaparte was at this time in Italy, but the officer who was summoned to the bar of the convention, gave such an account of the origin and purpose of the undertaking as divested it of all share of suspicion, even in the suspicious eye of the committee of public safety. While Napoleon was improving the state and position of the army on the frontiers of Italy, and directing the means for attaining various important successes which were as preliminaries of the greatest importance to his subsequent triumphs in that chief field of his glory, the downfal of Robespierre, and the dissolution of the Jacobin faction (which happened on the 27th and 28th of July 1794, threatened him with the most disastrous consequences, and aimed a fatal blow at all his prospects. He was the recognised friend of the tyrant's brother, and was understood to have participated in the tone of exaggerated patriotism affected by his party. He was therefore superseded in his command, and for a time detained under arrest. This was removed by the interposition of his countryman Salicetti; and he retired into the bosom of his family at Marseilles. In May 1795 he came to Paris to solicit employment in his profession. He found himself unfriended and indigent in the city of which he was at no distant period to be the ruler. Some individuals, however, assisted him, and among others the celebrated performer Talma, who had known him while at the military school, and even then entertained high expectations of the part in life which was to be played by le Petit Buonaparte.'

On the other hand, as a favorer of the Jaco

bins his solicitations for employment were resolutely opposed. His situation becoming daily more unpleasant, he solicited Barras and Fréron, men who had preserved their credit in the convention, for occupation in almost any line of his profession, and even negociated for permission to go into the Turkish service to train the mussulmans to the use of artillery. He was offered a command in La Vendée, which he declined to accept, and was finally named to command a brigade of artillery in Holland; but he never filled up the appointment. Fortunately for Buonaparte the man who had been the great obstacle to his hopes and wishes was removed, and his office supplied by M. Pontevulant, who not only recommissioned the persecuted victim of his predecessor, but retained him in Paris to assist the labors of the military council, to whom Buonaparte submitted the stupendous plan of his Italian campaign in 1796; which he afterwards carried into execution. This plan might have been taken for a real report of operations actually performed, rather than an outline of such as had only been projected; such was the precision with which every measure afterwards adopted had been previously foreseen.

The quarrel between the convention and the forty-eight sections of Paris, which eventually placed Buonaparte in a more distinguished situation than ever he had held before, originated in their passing the two obnoxious laws of the 5th and 13th of Fructidor, 22d and 30th of August, 1795. These decrees expressed, that two-thirds of the members composing the convention should be re-elected for the new legislature. The people, especially the Parisians, could not endure the idea of men re-electing themselves; as, upon the principle they had acted for two years, they might continue for life, and thus establish a systein infinitely more odious than absolute monarchy. Besides, the convention was justly represented as a body of tyrants and assassins, purged, indeed, of the most infamous monsters, such as Robespierre and others, yet still continuing the murderers of the 2d of September, the conspirators of the 31st of May, the applauders of the assassination of the Gironde party, &c.

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This convention, on Sunday October 4th, declared their intentions of having recourse to arms by a proclamation, and, after the lapse of a few hours, Napoleon Buonaparte, by accepting an appointment as second in command under M. Barras, had pledged himself to support their measures of coercion. The plea set up in justification of this conduct, by Napoleon and his friends, rests upon the circumstance that the convention was successively torn by factions, which were never able to acquire any stability, but varied their principles almost every month. The interior of the republic was afflicted by a horrible system of reaction: the national domains could no longer find purchasers; the assignats fell every day, the armies were without money, being till then only supplied by requisitions and the maximum; the magazines were also empty, and the soldier was no longer sure of bread. Even the recruiting had ceased, though the armies continued to gain great advantages,

because they were more numerous than ever. The party of the Bourbons was every day increasing. Pichegru, the first general of the republic, had been gained over. All parties were tired of the convention, and it was tired of itself. It had promised the nation a constitution; and it perceived at length that the safety of that, and its own also, depended on the fulfilment of the expectations which had been raised. On the 25th of June, 1795, it adopted the constitution known under the title of that of the year III. The government was entrusted to five persons, under the name of the Directory; the legislature to two councils, called the Council of Five Hundred, and the Council of the Ancients.

The Parisians, dissatisfied and mutinous, with upwards of 40,000 men in their interest, were resolved to annihilate the government. Menou, the general of the convention, acted either with duplicity or cowardice; and was, after the first skirmish with one of the sections, which he permitted to triumph, deprived of his command. The government was at this crisis in the hands of Barras. Barras had been at the siege of Toulon, and remembered the energy of Buonaparte. Buonaparte had been a spectator of the assault of the Thuilleries on the 10th of August, and had been known to express his contempt equally of the defence and of the attack. It is not improbable that in the present crisis the professional soldier should have repeated his contempt, or that the habitual solicitor for employment should have offered his services. He was sent for by Barras and invested with the command of 6000 troops, the last hope of the convention. He threw his little army into the Thuilleries, prepared for battle on the instant, and within a few hours received, at the mouth of his guns, the attack of 30,000 men. The action was brief; the army of the sections was staggered by finding that the first furious impulse of a mob was no longer to be victory, even in Paris. A few discharges of grape-shot scattered them like sheep from the front of the armed posts; and from that day forth the reign of the rabble was undone. The convention, rescued from the guillotine, was grateful; and, while Barras was placed at the head of the garrison of Paris, Buonaparte was appointed second in command. One of the many phases of the revolution was now passed. Barras and his colleague formed the directory and Buonaparte, vigorous and able, and publicly devoted to the ruling party, must have felt himself in the high road to fortune. Meantime circumstances introduced Buonaparte to an acquaintance which was destined to have much in fluence on his future fate. A fine boy, of ten or twelve years old, presented himself at the levee of the general of the interior with a request of a nature unusually interesting. He stated his name to be Eugène Beauharnois, son of the ci-devant vicomte De Beauharnois, who, adhering to the revolutionary party, had been a general in the republican service upon the Rhine and, falling under the causeless suspiCion of the committee of public safety, was delivered to the revolutionary tri' qual, and fell by its sentence just four days bore the overthrow of Robespierre. Eugène was come to

request of Buonaparte, as general of the interior, that his father's sword might be restored to him. The prayer of the young suppliant was as interesting as his manners were engaging, and Napoleon felt so much interest in him that he was induced to cultivate the acquaintance of Eugène's mother, afterwards the empress Josephine. This lady was a Creolian, the daughter of a planter in St. Domingo. Her name at full length was Marie Joseph Rose Tascher de la Pagerie. She had suffered her revolutionary miseries. In her misfortunes she had formed an intimacy with a companion in distress, Madame Fontenac, afterwards Madame Tallien, from which she derived great advantages after her friend's marriage. They were both liberated from the same prison, where they had been confined as suspected persons, and became the most conspicuous ornaments of Parisian society. When Madame Beauharnois and general Buonaparte became intimate, the latter assures us, and we see no reason to doubt him, that although the lady was two or three years older than himself, yet, being still in the full bloom of beauty, and extremely agreeable in her manners, he was induced solely by her personal charms to make her an offer of his hand, heart, and fortune. His marrying Madame Beauharnois was a means of uniting his fortune with those of Barras and Tallien; the first of whom governed France as one of the directors, and the last from family and political connexions had scarcely inferior influence. He had already deserved well of them for his conduct on the day of the sections; but he required their countenance to rise still higher; and, without derogating from the bride's merit, we may suppose her influence in their society corresponded with the views of her lover. They were married 9th of March, 1796; and the dowry of the bride was the chief command of the Italian armies; a scene which opened a full career to the ambition of the youthful general. Buonaparte remained with his wife only three days after his marriage; and, is said, at a time when no hazard of the troops required his presence. This has been used as a proof that his union with Madame Beauharnois was a heartless compact of interest, and that he thus took no pains to conceal the fact from the knowledge of the world. Inputations, too, have beer unsparingly thrown upon the reputation of the lady, which we think the whole tenor of her after life sufficiently contradicts; and it is certain that, so far as Buonaparte was capable of loving, he regarded Josephine with undissembled affection.

Buonaparte's Italian birth, and consequent acquaintance with the language, the habits, and the impulses of Italy; his earliest campaign, which had been on its frontier; the temptation to a conquest, alluring to France by the opulence and by the divisions of its sovereignties; the nature and acknowledged superiority of the French soldier over the indolent and effeminate men of the south; all stimulated him to the attack of Italy. With the directory the motives were, if less personal, equally strong. The battle had, till now, been fought along the eastern and northern boundaries of France.

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