vi. p. 752, and many other passages, He therefore calls Plato outright, ó ¿ž 'Eẞpaian piλóoopos, Strom. i. 1. Comp. Baur, Gnosis, p. 256. Orig. Contra Cels. iv. ab init. Tzschirner, Geschichte der Apologetik, p. 101, 102.

Justin M. Apol. i. c. 54. Thus the demons are said to have heard Jacob when he blessed his sons. But as the heathen could not interpret the passage, Gen. xlix. 11: Binding his foal unto the vine, in its true Messianic sense, they referred it to Bacchus, the finder of the vine, and out of the foal they made Pegasus (because they did not know whether the animal in question was a horse or an ass). In a similar manner a misinterpretation of the prophecy relative to the conception of the virgin (Is. vii. 14), gave rise to the fable of Perseus, etc. (comp. § 49).

* Justin M. calls in a certain sense Christians all those who live according to the laws of the Logos (reason?) Apology, i. c. 46. The Platonic philosophy is in his opinion not absolutely different (dλλorpía) from Christianity. But before the coming of Christ there existed in the world only the scattered seeds (λóyos otepμaτikós) of what was afterward manifested in Christ as absolute truth, comp. Apol. ii. c. 13. Clem. Alex. Strom. i. c. 20, p. 376: Χωρίζεται δὲ ἡ ἑλληνικὴ ἀλήθεια τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς, εἰ καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μετείληφεν ὀνόματος, καὶ μεγέθει γνώσεως καὶ ἀποδείξει κυριωτέρᾳ, καὶ θεία δυνάμει Kai Tois óμοíos. (He speaks, however, of philosophy as such, and not of the Stoic, Platonic, Epicurean, Aristotelian, or any other particular system, Strom. i. 7, p. 338); comp. Baur, p. 520, ss. On the other contradictions found in Clement of Alexandria, in judging of paganism more favorably at one time and less so at another, comp. Baur, p. 532. Minucius Felix, c. 16, in opposition to the scholastic wisdom of the ancient philosophers, recommends the philosophy of good sense which is accessible to all (ingenium, quod non studio paratur, sed cum ipsa mentis formatione generatur), and speaks with disdain of mere reliance on authorities; nevertheless, he himself appeals to the doctrines of philosophers, and their partial agreement with Christianity, c. 19, c. 21, c. 34. Such language forms a remarkable contrast with the attack he makes upon Socrates (scurra Atticus) c. 38, to whom others assigned the highest rank among the ancient philosophers.

Tert. De Præser. 7, 8: Hæ sunt doctrinæ hominum et dæmoniorum, prurientibus auribus nata de ingenio sapientiæ secularis, quam Dominus stultitiam vocans, stulta mundi in confusionem etiam philosophorum ipsius elegit Ea est enim materia sapientiæ secularis, temeraria interpres divinæ naturæ et dispositionis. Ipsæ denique hæreses a philosophia subornantur Quid ergo Athenis et Hierosoloymis? quid Academiæ et Ecclesiæ quid hæreticis et Christianis? Nostra institutio de porticu Salomonis est, qui et ipse tradiderat Dominum in simplicitate cordis esse quærendum. Viderint, qui Stoicum et Platonicum et dialectum christianismum protulerunt. Nobis curiositate opus non est post Christum Jesum, nec inquisitione post Evangelinum. Cum credimus, nihil desideramus ultra credere. Tertullian calls the philosophers-patriarchæ hæreticorum (De Anima 3; Adv. Hermog. 8), and Plato, omnium hæreticorum condimentarius (De Anima, 23).

• Tert. De Test. Anim. 1: Novum testimonium advoco, immo omni litteratura notius omni doctrina agitatius, omni editione vulgatius, toto homine majus, i. e, totum quod est hominis. Consiste in medio, anima

Sed

non eam te advoco, quæ scholis formata, bibliothecis exercitata, academicis et porticibus Atticis pasta, sapientiam ructas. Te simplicem et rudem et impolitam et idioticam compello, qualem te habent qui te solam habent, illam ipsam de compito, de trivio, de textrino totam. Imperitia tua mihi opus est, quoniam aliquantulæ peritia nemo credit. Ea expostulo, quæ tecum hominis infers, quæ aut ex temet ipsa, aut ex quocunque auctore tuo sentire didicisti. Ibid: Non es, quod sciam, Christiana: fieri enim, non nasci soles Christiana. Tamen nunc a te testimonium flagitant Christiani, ab extranea adversus tuos, ut vel tibi erubescant, quod vos ob ea oderint et irrideant, quæ te nunc consciam detineant. Non placemus Deum prædicantes hoc nomine unico unicum, a quo omnia et sub quo universa. Dic testimonium, si ita scis. Nam te quoque palam et toto libertate, quia non licet nobis, domi ac foris audimus ita pronuntiare: Quod Deus dederit, et si Deus voluerit, etc. Comp. Apol. c. 17; De Virgin. veland. c. 5 (tacita conscientia naturæ). Neander, Antignosticus, p. 86-89. Schwegler, Montanismus, p. 28, ss.

• Justin M. Apology, i. c. 14: Οἱ πάλαι μὲν πορνείαις χαίροντες, νῦν δὲ σωφροσύνην μόνην ἀσπαζόμενοι· οἱ δὲ καὶ μαγικαῖς τέχναις χρώμενοι, ἀγαθῷ καὶ ἀγεννήτῳ θεῷ ἑαυτοὺς ἀνατεθεικότες· χρημάτων δὲ καὶ κτημάτ των οἱ πόρους παντὸς μᾶλλον στέργοντες, νῦν καὶ ἂ ἔχομεν εἰς κοινὸν φέροντες, καὶ παντὶ δεομένῳ κοινωνοῦντες· οἱ μισάλληλοι δὲ καὶ ἀλληλοφόνοι καὶ πρὸς τοὺς οὐχ ομοφύλους διὰ τὰ ἔθη ἑστίας κοινὰς μὴ ποιούμενοι, νῦν μετὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ Χριστοῦ ὁμοδίαιτοι γινόμενοι, καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν εὐχόμενοι καὶ τοὺς ἀδίκως μισοῦντας πείθειν πειρώμενοι, ὅπως οἱ κατὰ τὰς τοῦ Χριστοῦ καλὰς ὑποθημοσύνας βιώσαντες εὐέλπιδες ᾧσι, σὺν ἡμῖν τῶν αὐτῶν παρὰ τοῦ πάντων δεσπόζοντος Θεοῦ τυχεῖν. Dial. cum Tryph. § 8, 30. Orat. ad Græcos, 5. Epist. ad Diognetum, 5. Athenag. Leg. c. 11. Tert. Apol., ab init. Minucius Felix, c. 31, 37, 38. Orig. contra Cels. i. c. 26. Opp. i. p. 345. They were in practice compelled to have recourse to this argument by the accusations of the heathen, which they endeavored to refute. [Comp. Tholuck, Wunder in d. Kirche, in his Vermischte Schriften, i. 28 sq.; the works of Middleton and Warburton ; Newman's Essay, prefixed to his translation of Fleury i., in opposition to Isaac Taylor's Ancient Christianity. Bp. Kaye on the Cessation of Miracles, in the preface to his Life of Justin Martyr. Blunt on the Early Fathers. Comp. Christ. Rembr. 1858. Christian Review (New York) on Eccles). Miracles, April, 1860. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iv. 3, preserves the argument of Quadratus: "The deeds of our Saviour were always at hand, for they were true; those who were healed, those who were raised from the dead, were not merely seen cured and raised, but they were always at hand; and that, not merely while our Saviour was on earth, but after he had gone away they continued a considerable time, so that some of them reached even to our times." See Bolton's Apologists, u. s.]

10 Not only were those miracles adduced which are mentioned in Scripture, but also some which still took place. (Just. M. Dialog. c. Tryph. c. 39, 82, 88. Iren. ii. 31, 32. Orig. Contra Cels. iii. 24, Opp. i. p. 461.) At the same time the Christians did not directly deny the existence of miracles in the heathen world, but ascribed them to the influence of demons (ibid

and Minucius Fel. Oct. c. 26); the heathen, on the other hand, attributed the Christian miracles to magic. Comp. Tatian Contra Græcos, c. 18. Orig. Contra Cels. i. 38, 67, 68, iii. 24-33. We find, however, that Minu cius Felix denies the reality of miracles and myths in the pagan world, on the ground of the physical impossibility of such supernatural events, a ground which might, with equal propriety, have been taken by the opponents of Christianity. Octav. c. 20: Quæ si essent facta, fierent; quia fieri non possunt, ideo nec facta sunt; and c. 23: Cur enim si nati sunt, non hodieque nascuntur?

"Though Origen, in speaking of the evidence derived from miracles, as compared with that from prophecy, calls the former the evidence of power, and the latter the evidence of the spirit (Contra Cels. i. 2), yet he subordinates the former to the latter. He was well aware that a miracle has its emphatic effect only upon the person we wish to convince, only when it is performed in his presence, but that it loses its direct force as evidence with those whose minds are prejudiced against the veracity of the narrative, and who reject miracles as myths; comp. Comment. in Joh. Opp. iv. p. 87. So, too, the Clementine Homilies do not admit miracles as evidences, while they lay greater stress upon prophecies. (Credner, 1. c. part 3, p. 278, comp. with p. 245). Origen spoke also of spiritual and moral miracles, of which the visible miracles (admitting their importance as facts) may be considered as symbols; Contra Cels. ii. p. 423: "I may say that, according to the promise of Jesus, his disciples have performed greater miracles than himself; for still the blind in spirit have their eyes opened, and those deaf to the voice of virtue, listen eagerly to the doctrine concerning God and eternal life; many who were lame in the inner man, skip like the hart," etc. Comp. Contra Cels. iii. 24; where he speaks of the healing of the sick and ot prophesying as an indifferent thing (uéσov), which considered in itself does not possess any moral value.

"Theophilus Ad Autolycum, ii. 32, 36, 38. Clem. Cohort. p. 86; Stro mata, vi. 5, 762. Celsus charged the Christians with having corrupted the Sibylline books (Origen Contra Cels. vii. 32, 34). Editions of the Sibyll. oracles were published by Servatius Gallous, Amstel. 1699, 4, and by Angelo Mai, Mediolani, 1817, 8. On their origin and tendency, comp. Thorlacius, Libri Sibyllistarum veteris ecclesiæ, etc. Havniæ, 1815, 8, and Bleek, in the Berliner theolog. Zeitschrift, i. 120, ss. 172, ss. [Mai published Books, ix.xiv. in his Script. Veterum nova Collectio, vol. iii. Lücke Einleitung in die Offenbarung Johan. 2d ed. M. Stuart on the Apocalypse, vol. i. Blondel on Sibyl. Oracles, transl. by Davies, Lond 1661. Oracula Sibyllina, ed. P. L. Courier, Paris, 1854; ed. with a German version by Friedlob, Lpz. 1852; ed. by Alexander, 2 Tom. Paris, 1841-'53. Volckmann, De Orac. Sibyl. 1853.] The case of the 'Tоráσnns, to which Justin M. Apol. i. 20, and Clem. 1. c. appeal, is similar to that of the Sibylline books. Comp. Walch, Ch. F. W., de Hystaspide in vol. i. of the Comment. Societ. Reg. Götting. But the oracles of the heathen though a partial use was made of them, as well as of their miracles, were attributed to demoniacal agency; Minuc. Fel. c. 26, 27, Clement. Homil. iii. 9-13.

Grigen Contra Cels. i. p. 321, ii. 361, De Princip. iv. Justin, M., himself

(and many others) had been converted by witnessing the firmness which many of the martyrs exhibited. Comp. his Apology, ii. p. 96, and Dialog. cum Tryph. 8 121 : Καὶ οὐδένα οὐδέποτε ἰδεῖν ἔστιν ὑπομείναντα διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον πιστιν ἀποθανεῖν, διὰ δὲ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἐκ παντὸς γένους ἀνθρώπων καὶ ὑπομείναντας καὶ ὑπομένοντας πάντα πάσχειν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ἀρνήσασθαι αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν ἔστι κ. τ. λ.

Orelli, J. C., Selecta patrum ecclesiæ capita ad elonyntikýv sacram pertimentia, Turici, 1820. Comp. his essay: Tradition und Scription, in Schulthess über Rationalism. und Supranaturalism. Christmann, W. L., über Tradition und Schrift, Logos und Kabbala, Tübingen, 1825. Schenkel, D., über das ursprüngliche Verhältniss der Kirche zum Kanon, Basel, 1838. Sack, Nitzsch und Lücke, Ueber d. Ansehen d. heiligen Schrift und ihr Verhältniss zur Glaubensregel . . . drei Sendschreiben an Prof. Delbrück. Bonn. 1827. J. L. Jacobi, Die Kirchliche Lehre von der Tradition, etc. 1 Abth. Berlin, 1847. [J. H. Friedlub, Schrift, Tradition und kirchliche Auslegung (for the first five centuries), Bresl. 1854. Kuhn, Die Tradition (early testimonies) in Theol. Quartalschrift, 1848, Daniel, Theolog. Controversen. William Goode, Divine Rule, repr. Phil. 2 vols. 1843. Palmer on the Church, vol. 2, pp. 11-93. E. B. Pusey, Rule of Faith. Perrone, Protest. and Rule of Faith, 3 vols. Rome, 1853; in French, 1854. Wiseman (Cardinal), in his Essays, ii., p. 108, sq. H. J. Holtzman, Canon und Tradition, 1859.]

The original living source of the knowledge of all Christian truth was the Spirit of Christ himself, who, according to his promise, guided the Apostles, and the first heralds of Christianity, into all truth. The Catholic Church, therefore, considered herself from the first as possessing this spirit; and consequently, that the guardianship of the true tradition, and the development of the doctrines which it teaches, were committed to her.' A work which only the first church could perform, was to preserve the oral tradition, and to collect the written apostolical documents into a canon of Scripture. It was not until this canon was nearly completed that the tradition of the church, both oral and written, came to be considered, along with the sacred canon, as a distinct branch of the one original source.'

'The doctrine concerning the Scripture and tradition can, then, be fully understood only when taken in connection with the dogma concerning the church (§ 71).

On this account it is not correct to represent Scripture and tradition as two sources flowing alongside of each other. On the contrary, both flow from one common source, and separate only after some time. The same term kavóv (regula scil. fidei) was first applied to both. For its usage comp. Suicer (Thesaurs Ecclesiast, sub voce) and Planck, H., Nonnulla de Significatu Canonis in Ecclesia Antiqua ejusque Serie recte constituenda, Gött.

1820. Nitzsch, System der christlichen Lehre, § 40, 41. [Lardner, Works, v. p. 257.]

According to the Montanists, there are various historical stages or periods of revelation, viz., 1. The law and the prophets; the period of primitive revelation, which extends to the manifestation of Christ, and corresponds to the duritia cordis. 2. The period of the Christian revelation, ending with the person of Christ, and in the circle of the Apostles, and corresponding to the infirmitas carnis. 3. The period of the revelation of the Paraclete, extending to the end of time, and corresponding to the sanctitas spiritualis. Comp. Tertull. De Monogam. 14; Schwegler, Montanismus, p. 87. (This, however, refers primarily to the moral, and not to the doctrinal.)

§ 31.

CANON OF THE SACRED SCRIPTURES.

[Cosin, Scholastic History of the Canon, 4to, Lond. 1657, 1672. Du Pin, History of the Canon and Writers of the Books of the Old and New Test., vols. fol. Lond. 18991700. Schmid, Historia Antiq. et Vindicatio Canonis V. et N. T. Lips. 1775. Jones, New and Full Method of settling the Canonic. Authority, of the N. Test. 3 vols. Alexander, Canon of the O. and N. Test. ascertained. Philad. 1828. *Lardner, N., Credibility of the Gospel History (Works, i. to iv. and v. to p. 251). Alexander, W. L., on the Canon, in Kitto, Cycl. of Bibl. Liter. where the literature is given.] J. Kirchhofer, Quellensammlung zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons bis auf Hieronymus, Zur. 1844, II.

[F. C. Baur, on the primitive sense of Canon (not, having the force of law, but, writings definitely set apart) in Zeitschrift f. wiss. Theol. 1858. W. J. Thiersch, Die Kirche im apost. Zeitalter, und die Entstehung der N. Test. Schriften, 1852. Oehler, art. Kanon in Herzog's Realencycl. B. F. Westcott, Hist. of Canon of N. T. Lond. 1845. Testimonia Ante-Nicæna pro Auctoritate S. Script, in Routh's Reliquiæ Sacræ, Tom. v. 1848, pp. 336-354. Most Ancient Canon of New Test. R. Creswell, in Theol. Critic, Sept. 1852. Credner, Die ältesten Verzeichnisse der heil. Schriften, in Theol. Jahrb. 1857. Jan. Van Gilse, Disp. de antiquis. Lib. Sacr. Nov. Test. Catalog. Amstelod. 1852. P. Bötticher, Versuch einer Herstellung des Canon Muratorianus, in Zeitschrift f. d. luth. Theol. 1854. C. Credner, Gesch. d. N. Test. Canon, ed. Volckmar, Berlin, 1860.]

Before the formation of the Canon of the New Testament, that of the Old Testament,' long since closed, was held in high esteem in the Catholic church. The Gnostics, however, and among them the Marcionites in particular, rejected the Old Test. Gradually the Christian Church felt the need of having the writings of the apostles and evangelists in a collective form. These writings owed their origin to different causes. The apostolical epistles were primarily intended to meet the exigencies of the times; the narratives of the so-called evangelists' had likewise been composed with a view to supply present wants, but also with reference to posterity. These testimonies of primitive and apostolical Christianity, in a collected form, would serve as an authoritative standard, and form a barrier