Arnold of Brescia, a disciple of Abelard, practically carried out the more liberal doctrinal principles of his master. In a similar manner Bernard of Clairval united dogmatic orthodoxy with a rigid adherence to the papal institutions of the church.-Scholasticism reached its highest point of development about the same time that the papacy of the middle ages reached its summit under Pope Innocent III., and a parallel may be clearly drawn between the disruption of the schools (Thomists and Scotists), and the papal schism which occurred soon afterwards. As the see of Rome had formerly found a support in the realistic tendency of Anselm, so it now met with open opposition on the part of the nominalist Occam.-The history of Mysticism may be likewise so traced out, as to show, that in one aspect it favored the pretensions of the Roman see, and opposed them in another. Papacy itself had its roots (in the real idea of it) in a mystical view of the world, but by its opposition to that idea, i. e., by its externality and worldliness, it called forth opposition on the part of the advocates of that mystical (spiritual) view of the world and its destiny. Comp. Hagenbach, in the essay cited § 149. [Niedner's Gesch. d. Kirche, § 136, 140, 157, 167, 182.]

* Certain errors of the scholastics, as well as the mystics, can scarcely be comprehended but from the stand point of a monastic cell. In earlier times the scholastic divines were monks of the order of the Benedictines, or of that of the regular canons; in later times the monks of the order of mendicant friars occupied the theological chairs (notwithstanding the long opposition made by the university of Paris), and conferred degrees and preferments. We must also take into consideration the jealousy already alluded to between the different orders, which was in intimate connection with the divisions among the scholastics. [Comp. Monkish Literature, Lond. Quarterly, 1853. S. P. Day, Rise, etc., of Monastic Institutions, 3d ed. Lond., 1855. Brownson's Quarterly Review, July, 1855. Count de Montalembert, Les Moines d'Occident (from Benedict to Bernard), 2. 8vo., Paris, 1860. English version, 1861.]

4

Compare the doctrine about the Saints and the Lord's Supper in the special history of doctrines.

Is it altogether accidental, that the cities of Strasburg and Cologne, distinguished for their cathedrals, were the favored seats of the mystical theologians see Ch. Schmidt, Essai, p. 45 and 52. There is also an evident connection between the mystical tendency and romantic poetry (comp. Liebner, Hugo von St. Victor, p. 246), as well as, on the one hand, between the old German school of painting and mysticism, and on the other, between the more cheerful Italian art and the classical tendency, mentioned § 154.

See Heeren, Entwicklung der Folgen der Kreuzzüge für Europa (historische Schriften, Göttingen, 1808, vol. 2).

Comp. Hecker, Der schwartze Tod im 14 Jahrhundert. Berlin, 1832, 8. [Hecker, Black Death, etc., new ed., 1859. See American Theol. Review, 1859.] Förstemann, die christlichen Geisslergesellschaften. Halle, 1828.

9

• See Llorente, Geschichte der Inquisition, Leipzig. 1823. Neudecker, in Herzog's Realencyclopädie, vi. 677, sq. [Hefele, in his Life of Cardinal

Ximenes, p. 162, sq.: comp. Dublin Review, 1852 (also 1850, 1851.) W. H. Rule, The Brand of Dominic, New York ed., 1852.]

10 "Religion has undoubtedly gained the powerful, healthy, and clear development of piety, and of Christian piety in particular, by the invention of typography. The sources of Christian knowledge and education have been multiplied by it ad infinitum, and what was formerly inaccessible has been placed within the reach of all classes of society," etc. Ullmann, Rede am vierten Säcularfeste der Erfindung der Buchdruckerkunst. Heidelberg, 1840, p. 20.

B. SPECIAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES

DURING THE THIRD PERIOD.

FIRST DIVISION.

APOLOGETICO-DOGMATIC PROLEGOMENA.

TRUTH OF CHRISTIANITY.-RELATION BETWEEN REASON AND REVELATION.-SOURCES OF REVELATION.— SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION.

§ 157.

TRUTH AND DIVINE ORIGIN OF CHRISTIANITY.

The ground assumed by apologetical writers of the present period, in opposition to all who were not Christians, was considerably different from that taken during the first period. On the one hand, the Judaism of the middle ages was not the same with that which Justin Martyr combated in his Dialogue with Tryphon ;' on the other, the views of the apologists of the middle ages on doctrinal subjects differed in many respects from those of the earlier fathers. Other weapons were also required in the controversy with Mohammedanism than those which had been used against the ancient forms of polytheism.' But the skepticism and freethinking, which made their appearance, especially towards the close of the present period, within the church itself, both in a more open, and a more concealed manner, rendered a philosophical defence of the Christian religion still more necessary, than did those historical forms of religion which existed alongside of Christianity. Generally speaking, the apologists adopted former methods of argumentation. The arguments derived from miracles and prophecies were retained, as tradition had sanctioned them, though some writers attained the idea that the religion of Christ would recommend itself by its internal excellencies, even without miracles."

Compare, e. g., the manner in which Agobard upbraided the Jews of that time in his treatise De Insolentia Judæorum, Opp. T. i. p. 59-66. See Schröckh, xxi. p. 302.

2

Compare the writings mentioned § 144, which were directed against Mohammedans, and Gieseler, Dogmengeschichte, 476.-The heathen, i. e., the heathen philosophers in particular, were combated by Thomas Aquinas in his Summa Catholicæ Fidei contra Gentiles, Lugd., 1587, fol. which is not to be confounded with his larger Summa. Excerpts from it are given by Schröckh, xxix. p. 341, ss. Münscher, ed. by von Cölln, ii. p. 100, ss.

'Anselm himself held the principle: Fides nostra contra impios ratione defendenda est, non contra cos, qui se Christiani nominis honore gaudere fatentur: Epp. Lib. ii. 41. On the later apologetical writings of Savonarola and Ficinus, see § 154, 155.

Anselm endeavored to define the idea of miracle by the difference of a threefold cursus rerum, viz., the miraculous (mirabilis), the natural (naturalis), and that dependent on the will of the creature (voluntarius). The miraculous can not be subjected to the conditions and laws of the other two, but rules free; yet it does not do violence to the two others (neque illis facit injuriam), since it is also dependent on the highest will, the will of God. The possibility of miracles, too, is grounded in the fact, that creation itself is a miracle, i. e., a product of the divine will: See his De Concept. Virg. et Orig. Peccat., c. 11. Hasse, Anselm, ii. 457.

A definition of miracle is given by Thomas Aquinas, P. I., quæst. 110. art. 4 Dicendum quod miraculum proprie dicitur, cum aliquid fit præter ordinem naturæ: sed non sufficit ad notionem miraculi, si aliquid fiat præter ordinem naturæ alicujus particularis, quia sic, cum aliquis projicit lapidem sursum, miraculum faceret, cum hoc sit præter ordinem naturæ lapidis. Ex hoc ergo aliquid dicitur esse miraculum, quod fit præter ordinem totius naturæ creata; hoc autem non potest facere nisi Deus, quia quidquid facit angelus vel quæcunque alia creatura propria virtute, hoc fit secundum ordinem naturæ, et sic non est miraculum. Unde relinquitur, quod solus Deus miraculum facere possit. From this objective definition of miracle, he distinguishes the subjective one: Sed quia non omnis virtus natura creatæ est nota nobis, ideo cum aliquid fit præter ordinem naturæ creatæ nobis notæ per virtutem creatam nobis ignotam, est miraculum quoad nos. From the same point of view he draws a distinction between miraculum and mirum. Comp. Baur, Trinitätslehre, ii. p. 749, 750. [Baur, Dogmengesch. 243, says, Aquinas made a step in advance in the doctrinal definition of the miraculous, by referring the question to the doctrine of providence, or the government of the world.] Brischar, der Wunderbegriff des heiligen Thomas von Aquino, in the Tübingen Quartalschrift, 1845, part 3.-Ritter, Gesch. d. Phil. viii. 266, and the passage there cited from Aquinas, Contra Gentes, III. 98. Even as late as this period Ficinus and others appealed to the Sibylline oracles in the matter of prophecy. See Schröckh, xxxiv. p. 352.

5 Among their number we may mention, e. g., Æneas Sylvius, see Platina in Vita Pii II. (towards the end). Comp. also Dante, Div. Commed. (Parad. 24 106-108.)

§ 158.

REASON AND REVELATION-FAITH AND KNOWLEDGE.

Though all Christians were convinced of the truth and divine origin of their religion (even where they knew it only through the impure medium of the doctrine of the church), yet the problem was raised by the inquisitive, as to the relation between that which is universal and human, and that which refers to Christianity alone, between revelation and natural reason, between the Christian religion and philosophy. John Scotus Erigena was the first who manifested a leaning towards Christian rationalism, and sought a union between that and supranaturalism, by considering the true religion and true philosophy as one and the same thing, and by looking for the inmost and deepest source of religious knowledge in man himself, i. e., in his rational consciousness. But he did not deny the necessity of a positive revelation coming from without.' Abelard also finds a harmony between philosophy and Christianity, in the fact, that the universally acknowledged truths of reason, and the moral laws with which even the heathen were acquainted, are confirmed and enlarged by the higher authority of divine revelation.' Though Anselm asserted that it is first of all necessary to receive by an act of faith the truths of revelation sanctioned by the church, yet he admitted that reason might afterwards examine the grounds of what is believed: but in this, he proceeded on the supposition that reason and revelation can not contradict each other. Thomas Aquinas endeavored to prove that the doctrines of Christianity, on the one hand, may be apprehended by reason, but, on the other, are above reason; and Duns Scotus pointed out the distinguishing features of revelation in articulate propositions. The mystics also admitted (though in a manner different from that of the scholastics) the existence of an immediate certainty as to truth in the mind of man; their theory was nearest allied to that of Anselm. There was, however, this difference among them, that some (viz., those who adhered to ecclesiastical orthodoxy) maintained, that the internal revelations were in accordance with the doctrines of the church, while others (the fanatical mystics) held, that the new revelations of the Spirit were sometimes openly opposed to the doctrines historically received, and even to Scripture itself."

De divina Præd. (ap. Mauguin, T. i. c. 1. § 1, quoted by Frommüller, 1. c. p. 50); Quid est de philosophia tractare, nisi veræ religionis, qua summa et principalis omnium rerum causa et humiliter colitur et rationabiliter investigatur, regulas exponere? Conficitur inde veram esse philosophiam veram religionem, conversimque veram religionem esse veram philosophiam (comp