'Orat. x. p. 173, 174. Comp. Gennad. De Dogm. Eccles. c. 46. Gregory the Great, Moral. 1. iv. c. 37. Eusebius, too, relates (De Vita Constant. iii. 40), that Helena, the mother of the emperor, went immediately to God, and was transformed into an angelic substance (aveσTOLXELO~TO.)

2

Thus Ambrose, De Bono Mortis c. 10; de Cain et Abel, 1. ii. c. 2: Solvitur corpore anima et post finem vitæ hujus, adhuc tamen futuri judicii ambiguo suspenditur. Ita finis nullus, ubi finis putatur. Hilary, Tract. in Ps. cxx. p. 383. Augustine, Enchirid. ad Laur. § 109: Tempus, quod inter bominis mortem et ultimam resurrectionem interpositum est, animas abditis receptaculis continet; sicut unaquæque digna est vel requie vel ærumna, pro eo, quod sortita est in carne cum viveret: comp. Sermo 48. Even some of the Greek theologians taught, that no man receives his full reward before the general judgment. Chrys. in Ep. ad Hebr. Hom. xxviii. (Opp. T. xii. p. 924) et in 1 Ep. ad Corinth. Hom. xxxix. (Opp. xi. p. 436). He there defends the belief in the Christian doctrine of the resurrection as distinct from a mere hope in the continued existence of the soul after death. Cyril of Alex. Contra Anthropom. c. 5. 7, ss.

3

Rhetorical descriptions are Ullmann, p. 502. Basil the

According to Gregory of Nyssa, Orat. Catech. c. 40, the blessedness of heaven cannot be described by words. Gregory of Nazianzum, Orat. xvi. 9, p. 306, supposes it to consist in the perfect knowledge of God, and especially of the Trinity (Oewpía тpiádos)-in full accordance with the intellectual and contemplative tendency predominant in the eastern church at that time. Gregory, however, does not restrict the enjoyment of eternal happiness to the intuitive vision and knowledge of God; but, inasmuch as this knowledge itself is brought about by a closer union with God, the blessedness of the redeemed in heaven will also consist in this inward union with God, in the perfect peace both of the soul and of the heavenly habitations, in the intercourse with blessed spirits, and in the elevated knowledge of all that is good and beautiful; Orat. viii. 23, p. 282. found in Orat. vii. 17, p. 209, vii. 21, p. 213. Great depicts this blessedness for the most part in a negative way: Homil. in Ps. cxiv. p. 204, quoted by Klose, p. 76. Augustine also begins, De Civ. Dei xxii. 29, 30, with the confession: Et illa quidem actio, vel potius quies atque otium, quale futurum sit, si verum velim dicere, nescio; non enim hoc unquam per sensus corporis vidi. Si autem mente, i. e., intelligentia vidisse me dicam, quantum est aut quid est nostra intelligentia ad illam excellentiam-According to Augustine the happiness of the blessed consists in the enjoyment of heavenly peace which passes knowledge, and the vision of God, which cannot be compared with bodily vision. But while Gregory of Nazianzum assigned the first place to theological knowledge (insight into the Trinity), Augustine founded his theory of the blessed life upon anthropology. The blessed obtain true liberty, by which he understood that they can no longer sin nam primum liberum arbitrium, quod homini datum est, quando primum creatus est rectus, potuit non peccare, sed potuit et peccare; hoc autem novissimum eo potentius erit, quo peccare non poterit. Verum hoc quoque Dei munere, non suæ possibilitate naturæ. Aliud est enim, esse Deum, aliud participem Dei. Deus natura peccare non potest; particeps

vero Dei ab illo accipit, ut peccare non possit.... And as with freedom, so with immortality: Sicut enim prima immortalitas fuit, quam peccando Adam perdidit, posse non mori, novissima erit, non possi mori. Augustine, moreover, thought, that the blessed retain the full recollection of the past, even of the sufferings which befell them while on earth; but so that they do not feel what was painful in these. They also know the torments of the damned without being disturbed in their own happiness (similar views were expressed by Chrysostom, Hom. x. in 2 Ep. ad. Corinth. Opp. T. xi. p. 605). God is the end and object of all desire, and thus the essential substance of the blessedness: Ipse erit finis desideriorum nostrorum, qui sine fine videbitur, sine fastidio amabitur, sine fatigatione laudabitur.-Cassiodorus, De Anima c. 12 (Opp. T. ii. p. 604, 605), gives a summary of what earlier theologians had taught concerning the eternal happiness of the blessed.

• Lactantius vii. 21. . . . . . Quia peccata in corporibus contraxerunt (damnati), rursus carne induentur, ut in corporibus piaculum solvant; et tamen non erit caro illa, quam Deus homini superjecerit, huic terrenæ similis, sed insolubilis ac permanens in æternum, ut sufficere possit cruciatibus et igni sempiterno, cujus natura diversa est ab hoc nostro, quo ad vitæ necessaria utimur, qui, nisi alicujus materiæ fomite alatur, extinguitur. At ille divinus per se ipsum semper vivit ac viget sine ullis alimentis, nec admixtum habet fumum, sed est purus ac liquidus et in aquæ modum fluidus. Non enim vi aliqua sursum versus urgetur, sicut noster, quem labes terreni corporis, quo tenetur, et fumus intermixtus exsilire cogit et ad cœlestem naturam cum trepidatione mobili subvolare. Idem igitur divinus ignis una eademque vi atque potentia et cremabit impios et recreabit, et quantum e corporibus absumet, tantum reponet, ac sibi ipse æternum pabulum subministrabit. Quod poëtæ in vulturem Tityi transtulerunt, ita sine ullo revirescentium corporum detrimento aduret tantum ac sensu doloris afficiet.-Gregory of Nazianzum supposed the punishment of the damned to consist essentially in their separation from God, and the consciousness of their own vileness (Orat. xvi. 9, p. 306): Τοῖς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων βάσανος, μᾶλλον δὲ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων τὸ ἀπεῤῥίφθαι θεοῦ, καὶ ἡ ἐν τῷ συνειδότι αἰσχύνη πέρας οὐκ exovoa. Basil the Great, on the contrary, gives a more vivid description of that punishment, Homil. in Ps. xxiii. (Opp. T. i. p. 151), and elsewhere. Comp. Klose, p. 75, 76. Münscher, Handbuch, iv. p. 458. Chrysostom exhausts his eloquence in depicting the torments of the damned in repulsive pictures; in Theod. Lapsum i. c. 6, (Opp. T. iv. p. 560, 561). Nevertheless in other places, e. g., in his Ep. ad Rom. Hom. xxxi. (Opp. x. p. 396), he justly observes, that it is of more importance to know how to escape hell, than to know where it is, and what is its nature. Gregory of Nyssa (Orat. Catech. 40) endeavours to turn the thoughts away from all that is sensuous (the fire of hell is not to be looked upon as a material fire, nor is the worm which never dies an èπíуειov Oŋpíov). Augustine too sees, that first of all separation from God is to be regarded as the death and punishment of the damned (De Morib. Eccles. Cath. c. 11); but he leaves it to his readers to choose between the more sensuous, or the more spiritual mode of inter

pretation; it is at all events better to think of both at once; De Civit. Dei xxi. 9, 10; comp. Greg. M. Moral. xv. c. 17.

Gregory of Nazianzum rests his idea of different degrees of blessedness on John xiv. 2, comp. Orat. xxvii. 8, p. 498, xiv. 5, p. 260, xix. 7, p. 367, Basil the Great sets forth similar xxxii. 33, p. 601. Ullmann, p. 503. views in Eunom. lib. 3, p. 273. Klose, p. 77. Augustine too supposed the existence of such degrees, De Civ. Dei xxii. 30. 2. He admits that it is impossible to say in what they consist, quod tamen futuri sint, non est ambigendum. But in the absence of any feeling of envy whatever, no one's happiness will be the less because he does not enjoy so high a position as quoque donum others. Sic itaque habebit donum alius alio minus, ut hoc habeat, ne velit amplius. Jerome even charged Jovinian with heresy, because he denied the degrees in question; Adv. Jov. lib. ii. Op. T. ii. p. 58, 88.-According to Augustine there are also degrees of condemnation, De Civ. Dei xxi. 16: Nequaquam tamen negandum est, etiam ipsum æternum ignem pro diversitate meritorum quamvis malorum aliis leviorem, aliis futurum esse graviorem, sive ipsius vis atque ardor pro pœna digna cujusque varietur (he thus admitted a relative cessation of damnation) sive ipse æqualiter ardeat, sed non æquali molestia sentiatur. Comp. Enchir. ad Laur. § 113. Greg. M. Moral. ix. c. 39, lib. xvi. c. 28. The opinions of the fathers were most wavering respecting children that die without being baptized. (Comp. § 137. 5).

6

This opinion was principally founded on the use of the word alúvios in Matth. xxv. 41, 46: it must have the same meaning in reference to both life and punishment. Thus Augustine says, De Civ. Dei xxi. 23: Si utrumque æternum, profecto aut utrumque cum fine diuturnum, aut utrumque sine fine perpetuum debet intelligi. Paria enim relata sunt, hinc supplicium æternum, inde vita æterna. Dicere autem in hoc uno eodemque sensu, vita æterna sine fine erit, supplicium æternum finem habebit, multum absurdum est. Unde, quia vita æterna Sanctorum sine fine erit, supplicium quoque æternum quibus erit, finem procul dubio non habebit. Comp. Enchirid. § 112. It is superfluous to quote passages from other fathers, as they almost all agree.

'Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, ii. 36 and 61: Res vestra in ancipiti sita est, salus dico animarum vestrarum, et nisi vos adplicatis dei principis notioni, a corporalibus vinculis exsolutos expectat mors saeva, non repentinam adferens extinctionem, sed per tractum temporis cruciabilis pœnæ acerbitate consu

mens.

8

Some faint traces of a belief in the final remission of punishments in the world to come, are to be found in those writings of Didymus of Alexandria, (one of the representatives of this tendency), which are yet extant, especially in his treatise De Trinitate, edited by Mingarelli, A. D. 1769: comp. Neander, Church Hist. ii. 1, p. 349, 677. Gregory of Nyssa speaks more distinctly on this point, Orat. Cat. c. 8 and 35, in λóуoç Teρì x Kal ȧvaoтáoɛws, and in his treatise De Infantibus, qui mature abripiuntur (Opp. T. iii. p. 226-29 and 322, ss.), pointing out the corrective design of the punishments inflicted upon the wicked: comp. Neander, 1. c. Münscher, Handbuch, iv. p. 465. (Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople in the ninth

century, endeavored to suppress these passages; see Münscher, l. c.) Rupp p. 261. Gregory of Nazianzum gives (Orat. xl. p. 665, Ullmann, p. 505) but faint hints of a hope of the final remission of the punishments of hell (as φιλανθρωπότερον καὶ τοῦ κολάζοντος ἐπαξίως). He makes an occa sional allusion to the notion of Origen concerning an ἀποκατάστασις, e. g. Orat. xxx. 6. p. 544.-Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia belonged to this milder tendency. (The passages may be found in Assemani Bibl. Orient. T. iii. p. 1, p. 223–24. Phot. Bibl. Cod. lxxxi. p. 200. Mar. Mercator Opp. p. 346, ed. Balluzii.) Comp. Neander, 1. c. p. 677; [and Hist. Dogm. pp. 414, 415, with Jacobi's note.] Augustine (Enchirid. § 112) and Jerome (ad Avit. Opp. T. ii. p. 103, and ad Pammach. p. 112) refer to these milder views which to some extent prevailed in the West.

'Jerome (Comment. in Jes. c. lxvi. at the close): et sicut diaboli et omnium negatorum et impiorum, qui dixerunt in corde suo: Non est Deus, credimus æterna tormenta, sic peccatorum et impiorum et tamen [!] Christianorum, quorum opera in igne probanda sunt atque purganda, moderatum arbitramur et mixtam clementiæ sententiam. "This impious opinion, according to which all who were not Christians, were condemned to everlasting torments, but slothful and immoral Christians, lulled asleep in carnal security, could not fail to gain friends." Münscher, Handbuch, iv. p. 473.

10

Augustine indeed maintained with all strictness the eternity of punishments as seen above; but when Pelagius asserted at the synod of Diospolis: in die judicii iniquis et peccatoribus non esse parcendum, sed æternis eos ignibus esse exurendos; et si quis aliter credit, Origenista est (comp. § 141, note 3), he urged milder views in opposition to him (De gestis Pelagii, c. 3, § 9-11) in accordance with the highest principle: Judicium sine misericordia fiet illi, qui non fecit misericordiam. With his supposition, as already intimated, of a gradual diminution of punishment, and of degrees in the same, the gradual vanishing of it was put at a minimum. (Comp. also what is said note 5.)

"It might have been expected that the milder disposition of Chrysostom would have induced him to adopt opinions more in accordance with those of his master Diodorus of Tarsus; in Hom. 39, in Ep. 1 ad Cor. Opp. x. p. 372, he alludes indeed to the view of those who endeavour to prove that 1 Cor. xv. 28 implies an ȧvaípeous Tйs Kakías, without refuting it. But his position in the church, and the general corruption of morals, compelled him to adopt more rigid views: comp. in Theodor. Lapsum l. c., in Epist. 1 ad Thessal. Hom. 8: Μὴ τῇ μελλήσει παραμυθώμεθα ἑαυτούς· ὅταν γὰρ πάντως δέη γενέσθαι, οὐδὲν ἡ μέλλησις ὠφελεῖ· πόσος ὁ τρόμος; πόσος ὁ φόβος TÓTE; K. T. λ. in Ep. 2, Hom. 3, and other passages.-Comp. the mode of Origen's teaching concerning this point, in § 78, note 6.

12

1 Comp. the acts of the Synod of Constantinople (A. D. 544), Can. xii. quoted by Mansi, T. ix. p. 399.

THIRD PERIOD.

FROM JOHN DAMASCENUS TO THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION, A. D. 730-1517.

THE AGE OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY.

(SCHOLASTICISM IN THE WIDEST SENSE OF THE WORD).

A. GENERAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES DURING THE THIRD PERIOD.

§ 143.

CHARACTER OF THIS PERIOD.

Engelhardt, Dogmengeschichte, vol. ii. Münscher, Lehrbuch der Dogmengesch. edited by von Cölln, vol. ii. Ritter, Gesch. d. Philosophie, Bd. vii. [Christliche. Philos. 2 Bde., 1859.] Gieseler, Dogmengeschichte. [F. Rehm, Gesch. des Mittelalters, 3 Bde. Marburg, 1821. H. Leo, Gesch. des M. Alt. Halle, 1830. Hallam's Middle Ages. H. H. Milman, History of Latin Christianity, 2d ed., 6 vols., Lond., 1859; 8 vols., New York, 1861. Chs. Hardwick, Hist. Christ. Church in Middle Ages, Cambridge, 1853. Robertson's History, 590-1122, Lond. 1856. E. Chastel, Le Christianisme et l'Eglise au moyen âge, Paris, 1859. S. R. Maitland, Essays on the Dark Ages, 2d ed., 1851. Capefigue, l'Eglise au moyen âge, 2 Tom., Paris, 1852. Damberger, Synchronistische Gesch. d. Kirche und d. Welt im Mittelalter, xiv. Tom., 1854. K. R. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen über d. Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, 1 Theil Leipz. 1860.]

A NEW period in the history of doctrines may be said to commence with the publication of the Exposition of John Damascenus,' a Greek monk, inasmuch as from that time there was manifested, a more definite attempt to arrange systematically, and to prove dialectically, what had been obtained by a series of conflicts. The structure of ecclesiastical doctrine was completed with the exception of a few parts, e. g. the doctrine of the sacraments. But the main pillars of Theology and Christology were firmly established by the decisions of councils held during the preceding period; and Augustinism had given (at least in the West) a definite character to Anthropology,