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was entrusted. As’to vhat had been said of the volunteers of Ireland in the last war, it did not apply to the present case. They had long been called out, and had been on per. manent duty for months, and some of them for years, and acquired the qualities of veteran troops, which was not hitherto the case with the present volunteers. He was not to be told' what the volunteers were the last war; for no man would say, however serious the apprehension of invasion was during the last war, that the danger was then any thing like the danger with which we were threatened now. There never was a period in which the preparations for invading this country were similar in magnitude to the present preparations--so much so that Parliament had already expressed its sense to that effect by the measures it had brought for. ward. It had indeed once thought of making many regulations respecting the discipline of the volunteers ; but had afterwards confided that subject to the discretion of Ministers, in the hope that much would have been done ; but Ministers disappointed that hope, and therefore Parliament ought now to act for itself. As to the idea of not attempting to do too much, it was observeable ihat, if these regulations were likely to have a bad effect on the volunteer system, the hopes which he entertained that many of them would consent to be put upon permanent duty, by which they would certainly be subject to much more rigour, were very ill-founded : he did, however, entertain fanguine hopes that they would, in great numbers, accept of the invitation to be put on permanent duty, as the very best means to make them a good military force ; and to exercise ourselves before the French come was the beft mode of enabling us to meet them when they do, not only with a certainty of triumph, but also with a reasonable expectation of conducting the contest with as little effufion as possible of British blood. He should be glad if every volunteer in England could put himself for a while on permanent military duty; but that, in the nature of things, was impossible ; there were many who could not poffibly so engage. He admitted that much had been done already, but that was no reason why we should not do as much inore as possible. This was a matter to be considered most serioufly. Comparisons between ibis and the last war were absolutely idle. The whole of the preparations of France for invasion laft war were hardly equal to an advanced guard of one of its numerous posts at prelent. He did not disparage the merit of the volunteers, nor was he insensible of what they had al
ready ready done; he only enforced the necessity of doing every thing that was in our power to meet, upon the belt possible advantage, the enemy, and that in a few weeks, to decide a contest on which not the interest or welfare, but the existence of this country was at stake. Neiiher did he with to dilo parage the valour of his countryinen--he knew what men contending for their freedom and existence, unarmed and undisciplined, could do ; nor bad he any idea that the efforts of a whole people, such as Britons, would not be ultimately successful, although they might be undisciplined. He knew that every freeman ought to be a hero in such a contest, and he was confident that few indeed among us.would disappoint the expectations of the country in that extremity, should we come to it. The crisis was at a certainty approaching, it would be our own fault if we were not prepared for ii-it would be the fault of that House if it should not do every shing in its power to prepare for it. No man in the king: dom ought to have any reason hereafter to reproach himsele with negligence upon such a fubject. He would not tire The Coinmittee with further observations. Some which he had delivered, he admitted to be a repetition of what he had orged before ; but possibly they might alter the judgment of others, who were not convinced by them before. He certainly had no hope that the arguments of others could alter the opinion he had now delivered upon this most momentous subject, for which reason he found himself com pelled to preis this clause for the adoption of the Committee.
The Secretary at Il'ar contended for the propriety of cona forming to certain regulations ; nay, of scrupulously adher's ing to them : it was, to a certain degree, obvioully a quels tion of good faith with the volunteers themselves; and the Committee Thould recollect that the fanation of Parliament had been given on the occasion.
The Chancellor of the Excheguer desired to make one or two observations which he had omitted to ftate when discussing the propofition of the right hon. Gentleman. He must deny that experience thewed the necefliy of the measure recommended. He had heard of no complaints made by any corps, as to an insufficiency of iniernal discipline. He adverted to the provision for withholding a certain part of the pay of the volunteers 'while upon military duty, which he considered as likely to lend, in a considerable degree, to the maintenance of good order and discipline. This, in effect, went to fub.
jed the volunteer to a mulet who Thould misconduct himself while under arıns.
The Committee then called loudly for the question ; upon which a division took place, when there appeared Ayes - 26
Majority for Ministers The discussion upon the remaining clauses and provisions of the bill continued a considerable time longer ; but as strangers were excluded the remainder of the evening, we are prevented from detailing what took place. We underftand, however, that the remaining clauses and schedules, &c. of the bill were gone through by the Committee, the report Teseived by the House pro forma, and the bill ordered to be again recommitted for Monday. Adjourned at half past seven o'clock.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
MONDAY, MARCH 12. Counsel were heard relative to the Scotch Appeal, Wil. liam Duke of Queensberry v. John M.Murdo, Efq. The further hearing of the case was deferred till Wednesday.
The bills before the House, chiefly private, were then forwarded in their several stages, and some private business disposed of ; after which their Lordihips adjourned.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MONDAY, MARCH 12. The Scotch bank bill was brought in and read a fist time.
The Temple Bar, &c. improvement bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed.
Alderman Boydell's lottery bill was read a third time and pailed.
Mr. Hurst presented a petition from John Wilson, who was committed to Newgate for prevarication before the Aylesbury Committee, acknowledging his offence, imploring the clemency of the House, and requesting to be permitted to afk pardon at the bar of the House.
Sir George Cornewall said, he did not wish that the imprifonment of this man should last longer than was necessary for the purpose of example. VOL. II. 1803-76
Mr. Hurst then moved that he should be brought up on Wednesday to be discharged. Ordered.
A petition was presented from the trustees of the British Museum, praying for parliamentary relief. Ordered to lia on the table ; and an account was ordered to be laid before the House of the different sums already granted by Parliament for the service of the British Museum.
The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means,
The Chancellor of the Exchequcr rose to move, that the sum of two millions be raised by way of loan on Exchequer bills; he thought it proper to add, that this sum was not necessary to answer any immediate demand, but he hoped the Committee would consent to grant it at present, in order to allow hiin a greater latitude when he came to contract for the loan, and for arranging the taxes for the service of the present year.
The resolution was agreed to, and ordered to be reported the next day.
IRISH DUTIES. Mr. Corry moved the order of the day for going into a Committee on the Irish duty acts. The order having been read,
Mr. Corry said, that the last day that this order was under the confideration of the House, an objection had been taken to the proceeding, upon the ground that the hereditary revenue of the Crown was affected by this bill; and that therefore the royal consent ought to have been previously signified to authorize the House to proceed in it. That the hereditary revenue of the Crown was affected by this bill, in a certain degree, was undoubtedly true, and it had been adınitted on the former discuflion; but this no further or otherwise than was justified by precedents in the Parliament of Ireland for a series of years, including the time when the right hon. Genileman opposite to him filled the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. The hereditary revenue in Ireland took its origin much about the same time that it did in this country, and was more extensive, not in amount, but in the objects it embraced, than the hereditary revenue, properly so called, in England. Upon the abolition of the Court of Wards and Liveries, there was granted in lieu thereof, what was called hearth money and smoke money ; for the defence of the realm, the duties of Excise were granted ; and for guarding the seas she duties of Customs; and all these duties were hereditary to the Crown : in Ireland these were granted by the 14 and 15 Charles 2. The bill upon the table went to regulale only two articles, in which the hereditary revenue was affected, viz. tubacco and tea. By the original acts of Charles 2. the duty on tobacco was 2 d. a pound; in the reign of William 3. additional duties were granted ; but some doubts having arisen with respect 10 the original duties, a declaratory clause was inserted in an act of William 3. which stated, that the duty of 2 d. Mould be the hereditary revenue ; and it was so stated in The bill that consolidated ihe import duties in Ireland in 1791. In the 33d of the King the civil lift was settled upon his Majesty in Ireland, in perfeet conformity to the mode pursued in this country; and in the money bill of that and all preceding years, the enactment with regard to tobacco was continued, though it might be a question how far it was now necessary. -By the arrangements with regard to the hereditary revenue, Parliament obtained the power of regulating the additional duties, which were always granted feffionally; the feflions being till the year 1782 biennial, and since that time annual. The enactment with regard to tobacco had been contained in every sessional tax-act, after as well as before the feuilement of the civil list, without the consent from the Crown being ever signified : . this measure was therefore to be considered as completely justified. With regard to the article of tea, ihe circumstances were somewhat different. Though not named in the acts 14 and 15 Charles 2. tea was subject to the general ad valorem duties, and formed part of the hereditary revenue. In the reign of George the 2d, a new book of rates was formed, in which tea was specified. Thus it remained till the seventh of his present Majesty, when the duty was changed from an ad valorem duiy, to a raied duty of 6d. a • pound on green, and 4d. on black tea : and out of ihe whole amount, an appropriation was made of 10,000l. a year for the support of the linen manufacture, and 7,300l. to be taken and deemed as the hereditary revenue ; ihe remainder was 10 go into the general revenue of the country. From that time to the present, as well after as before the settlement of the civil lift, this appropriation had been uniformly enacted every year, without any consent being previously signified by the Crown, though it was evident ihat interest was affected; for though, if the duties should fall, the Crown would gain by having a fixed revenue of 7,300l. yet if the duties should incr.ase considerably, the Crown must