an undue and unscriptural value to the works of the law. Next, in pursuance of the same principle, he contrasted them with the true spirit of Christian liberty, of which he thus explained the nature: "Christian or evangelical liberty is liberty of conscience, by which the conscience is set free from works, not from the performance of them, but from the trust in them. For conscience is not a virtue of operating, but of judging, and it judges concerning works. Its office is (as St. Paul saith) to accuse and to excuse, to condemn or acquit, to give terror or security; not to act, but to pronounce respecting actions and distinguish them, as they condemn or save in the presence of God. Accordingly Christ has set it free from works, while He teaches it by his gospel to put no trust in works, but to have confidence only in His

mercy. . .

In the fourth and following divisions of his treatise he contended that monastic vows were in opposition to the precepts of God, to charity, and to reason-seeing how few there were, among the multitudes who took them, by whom they were, or could possibly be, observed. He concluded by a short admonitory exhortation to those who should be persuaded by his arguments, not to act upon them hastily and without serious self-examination, allured by the love of novelty, or urged by a contempt or hatred for mere human institutions; lest through the suggestions of an unfounded remorse for their apostacy and broken vows, they should finally relapse from their imperfect conversion into a worse than their original condition.

It was well in Luther to publish this warning, though there might be no great hope of its efficacy. For in the confusion which presently followed, and which, if not

* De Votis Monast. Op. Luth. t. ii. fol. 490.

occasioned, was at least accelerated by this composition, among the numbers who broke loose from their seclusion and rushed with eagerness into a world for the most part unknown to them, many were doubtless impelled by the most questionable motives.* And these, when they found how little personal consideration rewarded their apostacy, and how few of the promised pleasures of their emancipation were realised, returned with heavy and repentant hearts to reclaim the refuge they had deserted. Such was not indeed the sort of remorse foreseen by Luther. But when he suggested a deliberate religious conviction, as the only proper motive for casting off the monastic yoke, he sufficiently guarded his readers against the danger of any relapse into their former impiety.

* On the 28th of the March following Luther thus wrote to John Langus: "I dare say that you had sufficient reason for quitting your monastery, though I could wish that you were above all reasons-not that I blame the liberty of going forth, but that I could wish to cut off from the enemy all pretence for slander. . . . I see many monks go out, for no better reason than that for which they entered-for the sake of their belly and carnal liberty-by means of whom Satan will go far to corrupt the good odour of our preaching. But what can we do? They are lazy selfish men; and it were better for them to sin and perish out of a cowl than in one-ne bis pereant si hac vita puniuntur.” (No. 379.)

CHAPTER XVI.

MELANCTHON-LUTHER'S RETURN TO WITTEMBERG.

Origin and early education of Philip Melancthon-his connexion with Reuchlin-lectures at Tübingen-appointment to the Greek professorship at Wittemberg-his reception there, and immediate intimacy with Luther-journey to Leipzig and subsequent controversy-his defence of Luther against the university of Paris-his Loci Communes-— his apology for the pastor of Kemberg-on the celibacy of the clergy -affairs at Wittemberg during Luther's absence-commotions at Erfurth-the Augustinians at Wittemberg desire the abolition of private masses-inquiry into the matter by the Elector-arguments and negotiations—a commission appointed by Frederick-five articles of Beyer -reply of the deputies and perseverance of the university—perplexity of Frederick-popular commotion headed by Carlstadt-convention brought about by Beyer-declaration of the general meeting of the Augustinian Order in those provinces in six articles-progress of the Reformation elsewhere-the sect of fanatics at Zwickau—the origin of the Anabaptists—their pretensions—the leaders expelled from Zwickau find refuge at Wittemberg-the countenance they receive from the divines there-perplexity of Melancthon-the judgment of Frederick -the reply of Luther—the tests by which he would examine them— the influence which they obtain notwithstanding-danger of confusion at Wittemberg, and general desire for the return of Luther— this strongly dissuaded by the Elector, as perilous to the reformer— Luther determines to appear-Frederick urgently objects-on what grounds-remarks on them-Luther perseveres and writes his celebrated Letter-remarks on his supposed pretensions to the apostolical and to the prophetical characters-Conclusion.

FROM this time forward the name of Philip Melancthon will be continually before our eyes. On one or two

important occasions we have, indeed,

already seen him

contending by the side of Luther. But circumstances placed him at this moment in a more prominent situa

tion; and he maintained it long and faithfully, with great advantage to the interests of his cause, and with immortal distinction to himself. We shall therefore briefly examine the history of his earlier life.

Philip Schwarzerde, which is in Greek (Meλavxwv) Melancthon, was born at Bretten, a small town in the palatinate, situated near the banks of the Rhine, on the 16th of February, 1497. His father, an honest and religious man, was an armourer, of celebrity in his trade, a native of Heidelberg, and a near relative of the celebrated Reuchlin, or Capnio. To this connexion he was indebted for his classical surname, and possibly for his literary tastes and liberal principles. For it appears that he attracted at a very early age the attention of his kinsman, and received from him, in approbation of his boyish acquirements, a present of two books-they were a Greek grammar and a Bible. It is not absurd to suppose that the studious inclinations of the scholar may have been decided by this circumstance; and that the talents, which would otherwise have been employed on other subjects, were thus turned into their destined channel, Greek and sacred literature.

His first master was one John Hungarus, of whom he spoke with respect and affection in after life. At the age of twelve years he went to a school at Pfortzheim. Thence he was removed to Heidelberg, thence to Tübingen, where he acquired so much reputation as to deserve, even at that early age, the honourable notice of Erasmus.* He received, in 1514, the degree of Doctor in Philoso

* “In 1515, in prim. edit. N. T., Erasmus spoke of him as follows :At Deum immortalem, quam non spem de se præbet etiam adolescens et pæne puer Philippus ille Melancthon, utraque literatura pæne ex æquo suspiciendus! quod inventionis acumen! quæ sermonis puritas! quanta reconditarum rerum memoria! quam varia lectio, quam verecunda regiaque prorsus indolis festivitas!" Apud Scultet. Ann. 1516.

phy, and was immediately appointed to give public lectures on rhetoric, and to explain Virgil and Terence and other authors.

He had been thus engaged for three years, when the Elector of Saxony requested Reuchlin to recommend to him two learned men, to be professors, the one of Hebrew, the other of Greek, in his university of Wittemberg. Reuchlin replied, that for the former chair he would have presented Ecolampadius, had he not been already engaged at Basle; that he was acquainted with only two other persons qualified for that office, Paul Riccius, a layman, physician to the bishop of Gurck, and Conrad Pellican, a monk in the monastery of Rufach, in Alsace. For the latter, he at once and confidently recommended Melancthon. This took place in the year 1518; and as soon as the appointment was completed, he communicated it to his young disciple in the following terms:

"I have received the letter of the most religious prince, signed with his own hand, in which he promises to be kind and propitious to you. I will therefore now address you in no poetical expressions, but repeat to you that true promise made to the faithful Abraham (in the 12th chapter of Genesis): ' Get thee out from thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's house, into a land that I will show thee. And I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing.' And thus, my Philip, my work and consolation, my soul tells me that it will be with thee."

He arrived at Wittemberg on the 25th of August (1518). Low in stature, of timid and ungraceful demeanour, he created a first impression far from favourable. But this was soon effaced. "On the fourth day," Luther thus wrote to Spalatin, "he pronounced an ora