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would be comparatively little felt. For the country had until recently been so much excluded from foreign trade, that all foreign articles had come to our markets, what with the difficulty of transmission, the charge of freights, &c. under an augmenta tion of expence, greatly exceeding the proposed rate of duty. Many circum stances had, however, recently com bined to render those articles at the present moment cheaper to the consumer, even with the increased tax, than they were last year without it. He would estimate the amount of the increase of the custom duties at from 850l. to 900,000/-In addition to this, however, he meant to propose a slight augmentation of the excise duties in a particular branch. He proposed that this should take place on French wines, an article of mere luxury, entirely confined to the higher orders, and if checked in the importation, or wholly shut out, he should consider the exclusion to be a national advan tage. On French wines he proposed to lay an additional excise duty of 13d. a bottle, which would be about 18d. to the consumer; a tax that could not be considered very burdensome to the country. The produce he estimated at 30,000l. no very great sum, and one indeed which it would hardly be worth while so to raise, were not the subject itself one so proper for taxation, that even were the import likely to produce less, or were the cousump tion to be so diminished as to impair the existing produce of the duty upon it, he should still feel it to be incumbent upon him to make his present proposition. The estimated produce, therefore, of the permanent taxes would be 850,000l.-from the general increase in the consolidated duties of customs,-100,000l. from the duty on tobacco, and 30,000l. from the duty on French wines, making in the whole a sum somewhat short of a million,

to answer two objects, the support of the sinking fund, and to make good the defalcation caused by the abandonment last year of the auction duty.— Although he had thought proper thus to propose a substitute for the auction duty, he by no means lost sight of it. He did not think it would be satisfactory to take it for the purpose of contributing to the immediate supply; but he reserved to himself the liberty of proposing means to prevent fraud, and to regulate the duty, if he should find it necessary so to do. Those which he had mentioned were permanent taxes. He should next propose to lay some further taxes under the head of war taxes, for the general purpose of assisting the supplies for the year, and for the particular object of providing for the one per cent. sinking fund, or exchequer bills outstanding on the 5th January of each year, to be granted to the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt. These war taxes he wished to class under the head of imports and exports. The first that he should propose would be a general increase of duty on the importation of all goods and merchandise the manu facture of the French empire, and of all the countries dependent on France. It was true, that trade licences to France and her dependencies were not now granted by government, but it was obvious that circumstances might render it politic to renew them; and we had an undoubted right to retaliate on the enemy all the oppression in which he had persevered against our commerce. It was proposed to double the war-duty on such articles. Those war-duties were at present equal to one-third of the consolidated duties. He proposed to add to them the amount of the other two-thirds, thus making the whole of the duties in war double the duties in peace on French goods. It was extremely dif ficult to estimate the probable produce

of this increase. It would vary with the state of our intercourse with France. If he took the average of the last three years, he would say that it might amount to 200,000l.-Some articles were wholly prohibited; of others the difficulty of importation was great; but by taking the various articles, and allowing one as it were to support the other, he was confident the produce would not fall short of that which he had just stated. With respect to the exports, the trade about to open would in all probability be so great, that no material inconvenience could, in his opinion, arise from adding a halfpercent to the present export duties. In peace, such a proposition would be impolitic-not so at the present moment. He calculated that it might produce about 150,000l. and on this branch of increased revenue he thought he might confidently rely.

The increased import duties would be on goods coming from all countries dependent on France. It would give him great pleasure to see those duties lessened by the diminution of the number of those countries. They were not to attach to the exports of any countries in amity with his majesty, and the declaration of that a mity would immediately cause the cessation of those duties. The only other additional duty on the exports which he meant to propose, was a duty of a penny a pound on the exportation of foreign hides, which would operate very advantageously on our leather manufactures in foreign markets, and it would have been proper perhaps that ere now this measure should have been adopted, as hides might be considered as in some measure a military store. The only remaining article of proposed taxation, was one which he was induced to adopt on political as well as on financial principles-it was a duty on importation of American cotton wool. The American govern,

ment had declared their principal ports to be in a state of blockade, extending from Rhode Island southward ; thus endeavouring to deprive our ma nufacturers of that important raw material. He had every reason to believe, that if proper encouragement were given to the importation of cotton wool from our own colonies, this stoppage on the part of the Americans would be wholly innoxious to this country. It was obvious, however, that to create this encouragement it would be necessary to secure the merchant bringing cotton wool from such a distance against losing by his speculation. If the merchant incurred the danger of having the sale of his cotton injured in our market by the American cotton, he would be in a state of little promise and great uncertainty. Unfortunately such an occurrence had lately taken place :— when the American government imposed the embargo on their ports, which occasioned a temporary stoppage of the importation of cotton-wool from the United States, encouragement was given by government (in order to prevent injury to the British manufacturer) to the importation of large quantities from our own colonies. But unluckily they came too late

the Americans had taken off their embargo; and, unprotected by such a countervailing duty as that which he was about to propose, the British merchant sustained very considerable loss. It was to prevent the occurrence of similar events that he was induced to make his proposition. The object which he had in view was to procure the fine article from the East Indies, by affording a sufficient encouragement to the importers. There was at present a sufficient quantity on hand of every kind; and it was the object of his measure (intended to promote the importation of the finer kind,) to prevent the ruin which would

fall on the importer, by any sudden competition. With this view, he proposed to lay a protecting duty of three halfpence per pound on all American cotton imported in British ships, and a duty of sixpence per pound on all such cotton imported in foreign bottoms.-The whole consumption of cotton in our own manufactures was 80 millions of pounds, of which 30 millions came from America. The deficiency, even if more were now imported from America, would be made up by that imported from the West Indies and Brazil.-There was only one objection to this measure, which was, that it would raise the price of the raw material on the manufacturers in the first instance, and eventually on the consumer. With respect to the home consumer, he thought, however, that it could be hardly felt, and with regard to the export trade, he was of opinion there was no rea son to apprehend any rivalry on the continent of Europe, and America was at present out of the question. He apprehended that no fear could be entertained of any competition in France, where the duty on cotton now existing was five shillings per pound, whereas the duty in contemplation here would only amount to nine-pence entirely, which threw at present a sort of monopoly of this article into our hands. As to the other nations of the continent, some of whose territories were the seat of war, and whose general internal insecurity was adverse to commercial enterprise, but little could be apprehended from their competition. He conceived, at the same time, that it would be desirable that government should have the means of varying this measure according to circumstances, and with this view he had it in contemplation to propose that a power should be given to his majesty in council to suspend or reduce any of those war-duties, according to any

circumstances which might arise at this important crisis to make it expedient so to do. He hoped he had provided for the charges required by the public service in the least objectionable manner. It was difficult in these cases to calculate exactly, but he thought he had here made ample provision for all reverses, as the taxes in question would, in the ordinary state of trade, produce three times as much as he had calculated. surplus in the present case would go into the war-taxes, in aid of the other resources of the country.-The resolutions arising out of these proposals were carried after a short debate.

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On the 11th June, the Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland laid before the House his plan for meeting the extraordinary and additional expenditure of this year, which he stated as amounting in round numbers to 600,000l. "He was aware," he said, "that it was the opinion of some gentlemen, that the system recently introduced into this country, might apply, in a certain degree, to Ireland; and that recourse might be had to the sinking fund. But, however this might be demanded, by the hope of avoiding fresh burdens, yet, the arguments applied to the state of this country could not be applied to Ireland in an equal extent. it had been his principal object, in the taxes which he had already the honour to propose, several of which had met with the approbation of the House and the sanction of parliament, to press as little as possible on the lower classes of the community, and avoid bearing on those great sources of prosperity which were absolutely necessary to the well being of a rising country. To pursue a different policy in a country deficient in resources, and possess. ing no great capital, would be the means of defeating her prosperity, and rendering ineffectual those burdens

which were imposed on her. He had already stated, that the charge for the loans of the present year was 595,8394. He would now proceed to explain the means by which it was intended to meet this charge. He had already submitted to the House a proposition for the further increasing the rate of the custom-duties in Ireland; that increase was 25 per cent. which was estimated to produce 77,3261. The increased duty of 12s. 9d. per 100lbs. on tobacco, was estimated at 43,7221. The additional duty on coffee, 1,900. The increase of one-third of the difference between the British and Irish duties on foreign wines, 40,5651. These, with one or two alterations in existing taxes, formed an aggregate of 265,000l. The next duty was that which had already been sanctioned by the House, the addition of 3s, per barrel on malt; the produce of which was estimated at 115,000l. The next duty he had to notice, was one to which, if he could judge from the general sentiments of the House, he could expect no opposition; he alluded to an additional duty of sixpence on each gallon of spirits. It had been justly argued that 3s. having been imposed on each barrel of malt, there should be a corresponding duty laid on spirits. He did not think that the addition of sixpence per gallon could materially affect the interests of the distiller; at the same time, he felt confident, that an increase of duty on the distilleries was a measure which parliament ought not, and would not, in the present posture of affairs, be anxious to oppose. The amount of this additional duty on spirits, calculated on 4,400,000 gallons, a less quantity than was ever known to have been distilled in any one year, would be 110,000/.-The next duty he had to state was one to which parliament had already acceded, that was the augmentation of the as

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sessed taxes; this augmentation was on the whole of their amount estimated at 25 per cent. It did not however operate generally as a duty of 25 per cent. because persons in the lower ranks of life, and who might be supposed unable to bear it, did not come within its scope to that extent. principal produce was expected from the rich; taking, therefore, the whole tax, he estimated that it would produce 100,000l. The alteration in the postage duties, which had been agreed to by the legislature, he calculated to produce 15,000l. and a regulation of the excise duty on leather would take place, which was estimated at only 5,000l. The whole amount of these duties would be 610,000, being 15,000 more than the charges created by the loans."

After having thus stated the various sources of taxation, by means of which the Irish government proposed to meet the additional expenditure, the Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland made some interesting remarks on the state of that country, with which we shall close the present chapter.

"The general amelioration of the country," he observed, "was evident from the state of the exchange between Great Britain and Ireland, which, notwithstanding the sum annually transmitted to absentees, was now much improved. The rate of exchange was formerly as high as 17; but in the present year it fell to five and one-half. Many objections had been made in former years, when the Irish budget was brought forward; one of these was the high charge on the collection and management of the revenue. He was happy to announce, that a very great improvement had taken place in that respect." He then entered into a statement to shew the saving which had taken place in the collection of the revenue since 181;

from which it appeared, that the gross revenue was now collected five per cent. under the rate of that year; and the net revenue eight per cent. In the post-office department in particular, the revenue was now collected at a much more moderate rate, and with much greater ease, than formerly; the rate at which the net revenue of that department had been collected, being 20 per cent less than in the preceding year.

He then observed, "that Ireland could not bear, in addition to the taxation already imposed upon her, those heavy direct taxes in the contemplation of some gentlemen, without trenching on those resources which were the foundation of her prosperity. He was favourable to an union of the financial departments of the two countries, from which he conceived most beneficial results would be derived. He was aware that a more efficient controul of the depart ments would be one of the first consequences; and this would be followed by a diminution of expenditure. He went, however, no farther than to desire to unite the treasuries, and to consolidate the debts. For if gentlemen supposed that Ireland would af ford a contribution on the same principles as England, even in the proportion which her growing means and increasing population might induce them to reckon on, they would find themselves greatly mistaken indeed; even those who calculated on a great in. crease of general receipt by the imposition of those taxes which Great Britain paid, were deceiving the country and themselves. Ireland now paid taxes on her consumption, from which great Britain was exempted-the principal articles of that consumption were of British manufacture, and of British produce, and besides those articles. which were charged with heavier imposts, Ireland paid nearly 300,000l.

per annum, on the importation of ar-
ticles, most of them of prime necessi-
ty, none of which were liable to any
internal duty in Great Britain. It
would scarcely be contended by the
warmest advocate for what was called
rigorous taxation, that if the financial
system of the two countries were to
be in other respects assimilated, the
Irish people were still to be subjected
to duties such as these; to preserve
them, as protecting duties, would be
in his mind the most puerile policy;
since it must have the effect of com-
pelling every consumer in Ireland to
pay more than the article of his con-
sumption was worth, or than he ought
to pay
for it.

"Here then there would be a loss of 300,000l. per annum in our customs, which the new system of finance must supply. But there was much more. The property-tax payable on the interest of the Irish debt received in this country would surely be considered applicable to the Irish supply, and ought to be carried to the account of that country, which provided with much difficulty for its charge. The same result would arise respecting the property of Irish absentees; at least in equity he was sure it ought, and the deduction on these two last-mentioned grounds be at least half a million from the general resources of the empire. On this he only estimated the remittances to absentees at two millions, which was the amount presumed in the year 1804, when a committee of the House of Commons enquired into the state of the exchanges between Great Britain and Ireland-At the same time he had little doubt that the proportion of absentees was greatly increased-the number who had followed the seat of legislation and of government was necessarily great, and he was sorry to say that many who had not the same excuse daily added to those, who drew the sole resources of

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