HE Swedish government had long mporised with Buonaparte, and enavoured to avoid the evils towards hich he was pressing the state, by manding of it an accession to the ntinental system and a declaration of ar against England. But when the rench ruler perceived that no steps ere taken by the Swedes to aid his rojects, he shewed how much he ras mortified, and to what extremities e was disposed to carry his vengeance. n his famous conference with the Swe lish minister at Paris, he betrayed all is impatience" You signed the peace," said Buonaparte," with me in the beginning of the year, you enga. ged yourselves to break off all commu. nications with England, yet you kept a minister at London, and an English agent in Sweden, until the summer was far advanced,—you did not interrupt the ostensible communication by the way of Gottenburgh until late, and what was the result of it? That the correspondence remained the same, neither more nor less active. You have vessels in all the ports of England.The English trading vessels besiege Gottenburgh a fine proof that they

do not enter there!-They exchange their merchandize in the open sea, or near to the coasts,-your little islands serve as magazines in the winter season, your vessels openly carry colonial produce into Germany,-1 have caused half a score of them to be seized at Rostock -Is it possible that one can affect thus to be mistaken on the first principle of the continental system You have had the address to gain the bad season,-you have time to settle your interests with England,you have had time to put yourselves in a state of defence,-you have still the winter before you, there are no longer any neutrals.-England acknowledges none, nor can I acknowledge them any longer. It is only now, that, more and more undeceived with respect to Swedish politics, I have taken a decisive step which I will not conceal from you. Cannon must be fired on the English who approach your coasts; and their merchandize in Sweden must be confiscated, or you must have war with France. I cannot do you any great harm.-I occupy Pomerania, and you do not much care about it; but I can cause you to be attack

ed by the Russians and by the Danes; and I can confiscate all your vessels on the continent; and I will do it, if within fifteen days you are not at war with England. If within five days after the official act of M. Alquier, the king has not resolved to be at war with England, M. Alquier shall set out im mediately, and Sweden shall have war with France and all her allies. I have not positively demanded the state of war before this moment; but I am now forced to it. Let Sweden frankly range herself on the side of England against me and my allies, if such be her interest, or let her unite with me against England. But the time for hesitation is past when five days have elapsed M. Alquier will depart, and I will give you your passports.

The singular conference from which these passages have been selected, was followed up by the execution of the threats of the French ruler. Assailed by France, by Russia, and by Denmark, the Swedish government an nounced, in a manifesto, its adherence to the continental system, and declared war against Great Britain. All intercourse with the British dominions was thus prohibited, and the importation of colonial produce interdicted. The British government was, however, well aware of the causes which occasioned this manifesto, and these nominal hostilities made no perceptible difference in the relations of this country towards Sweden. The declaration of war, how ever, was far from being popular with the Swedish nation. Opinions were propagated throughout the kingdom that it was the design of Bernadotte to enforce the continental system, establish the French power in the Baltic, and finally, by a war for the recovery of Finland, to co-operate with Buonaparte in his designs against Russia. But Marshal Bernadotte was alive to the critical and singular situation in which his destiny had placed him.

He perceived how great might be the influence of Sweden in restoring peace, or re-establishing a balance of power on the continent of Europe.Buonaparte soon discovered that his former associate in arms, far from holding out to him expectations of aid, at a time when he required all the strength of Sweden to assist him, evidently inclined to the cause of his adversaries. It was impossible, indeed, that Sweden should remain in a state of neutrality.

Bernadotte accordingly addressed the French ruler in a language which was sufficiently indicative of his sentiments. "Sweden," he said, "had resolved to declare war against England, notwithstanding every thing which her safety opposed to that measure. In

the sad condition to which the last war reduced her, she neither should nor could aspire but after a long peace.— It afforded the only prospect of regaining, by agriculture and commerce, the losses she had sustained,-of re-establishing by degrees her finances,-of recruiting her military system, and improving her administration. Yet Sweden had just declared war ;-she had hazarded this step without a single battalion ready to march,-without arsenals or magazines ;-and what was still worse, without a single sous to provide for the expences of so great an enterprise. Sweden, indeed, possesses in herself the materials of a great force ;— her inhabitants are by nature warriors,

her constitution allows of 80,000 men being levied; and the male population of the country is such, that this levy can be easily raised. But armies can only be supported by war; and a great military force, purely defensive, is an expence which Sweden could not support without foreign aid. The constitutional laws forbid the king from imposing new taxes without the consent of the general states; and the war with England had just destroyed one of the principal

branches of public revenue-the produce of the customs, amounting to more than six millions of francs a-year. The contributions now in arrear, and the confiscations made by France, fell upon Swedish subjects, and not upon foreigners, who took the precaution of ensuring payment for the goods imported. The situation of Sweden," continued the Crown Prince, " was most alarming. Nature seems to have destined Sweden and France to live in harmony; and if she had refused Sweden riches, she had endowed her with valour, and all the qualities requisite for the execution of great designs.There was in Sweden but one wish, that of being sincerely in accord with France, and of participating in her glory-but Sweden had not the means. She was reduced to the most deplorable state; and was without any means of supporting the war which she had just declared. Yet the government had redoubled its efforts in so violent a crisis; but it was not in the power of the King of Sweden to extend the system of confiscations, as the constitution guarantees the rights and property of every individual."

Notwithstanding these remonstrances, Buonaparte demanded that Sweden should place at his disposal a sufficient number of sailors to complete the crews of four ships of the Brest fleet. The French agent, in making this application to the Swedish minister, observed," It would be sufficient to meet the desire of the emperor, if the number of officers, masters, marines, and sailors, did not exceed 2000. The emperor will charge himself with all the expence of their journey, and every precaution will be taken in order that the marines and sailors may be properly supported, and the officers fully contented with their treatment. In the critical state in which the Swedish finances are at this present moment, it will, perhaps, be agreeable to

his majesty, to diminish the expences of his marine, without, however, leaving inactive the talents and courage of his seamen. The good offices which the emperor requires of his majesty the King of Sweden have already been performed by Denmark. His imperial majesty is convinced that he has not too much presumed upon the friendship of a power attached for such a length of time to France, by a reciprocity of interest and good-will, which has never ceased to exist."

The reply of the Baron d'Engestrom, the Swedish minister, to this communication deserves notice. "The constitutional laws of the state," said he, "prevent the king from acquiescing of himself in the emperor's demand concerning the 2000 scamen.Rivalling Denmark in the desire to contribute to the accomplishment of his imperial and royal majesty's views, the king, nevertheless, does not think that the example of that country, where the will of the king is an absolute law, can be applicable to Sweden. In consequence of the late events which have placed his majesty on the throne, a constitutional compact has been renewed between the sovereign and the nation, which it is not in the power of any person to infringe. His majesty, in consequence, and in the most lively manner, regrets that the good office which the emperor requires of him should precisely fall on a matter which does not depend on his own will. No new levy can be made, according to the tenour of the constitution, but with the consent of the states. Those to which they have already consented expressly pre-suppose their being intended for the defence of the country; and the number of common seamen is so much diminished since the loss of Finland, that they are scarcely sufficient for the service of the navy, especially under the present circumstances. But if the king could, as he might wish to

do, succeed in putting aside those ties which are imposed on him by the laws of the state, and the rights of the citizens, yet his majesty fears that the 2000 Swedish seamen transferred to Brest, would not entirely fulfil the just expectations of his imperial majesty. Attached to his barren soil, to his domestic relations and habits, the Swedish soldier could not withstand the influence of a southern sky. He would be ready to sacrifice every thing in defence of his home; but when far away, and not immediately combating for it, his heart would only beat for his return to his country. He would, consequently, carry with him into the French ranks that inquietude and discouragement, which destroy the finest armies more than the steel of their enemies. With regard to the of ficers of the navy, there is no obstacle against their serving in France, and his majesty with pleasure permits them to profit by the generous offer of his imperial and royal majesty."-Such were the powerful reasons assigned by the Swedish minister for refusing to answer the demands of Buonaparte; but they were stated in vain to his unbending mind.

When Sweden decided upon em. bracing the continental policy, and declaring war against Great-Britain, she avoided a contest which must have proved unfortunate; her wounds were still bleeding; and it was necessary for her to make great sacrifices. But her commerce was instantly reduced to a mere coasting trade, and greatly suffered from this state of war. Privateers under the French flag, in the meantime, took advantage of her confidence in treaties, to capture, one after another, nearly fifty of her merchantmen, till at last the Swedish flotilla received orders to protect her flag and her just commerce against piracies, which could scarcely be avowed by any government. As the depredations of

the French privateers on Swedish vessels were still continued, the Swedish envoy at Paris stated to the French minister the immense losses which thence resulted to his nation, and entered a strong remonstrance; but he could never obtain the restoration of the captured vessels. Affairs were in this singular condition, when, with the view of possessing a pledge which might influence the conduct of the Swedish government in the war about to commence with Russia, Buonaparte seized Swedish Pomerania. In the month of January 1812, 20,000 French troops, under General Friant, entered that province, and on the 26th took possession of the capital. When the Swedish commandant, Peyron, informed the French general, that it was his intention to resist the occupation of the Isle of Rugen, the latter replied, by making Peyron his prisoner. Rugen was afterwards occupied by the French; the vessels and packets on the coast were detained for their service, and the French colours were hoisted in place of the Swedish. A fleet, with General Engelbart on board, arrived at Stralsund in the month of February, to ascertain the state of the French troops in Pomerania, and to bring off those of Sweden; but the fleet was not permitted to have any communication with the shore.

The attention of Europe was now fixed upon Sweden. Her conduct assumed a more determined aspect, and it was generally believed that the Crown Prince would become a competitor in the field with his former associate in arms. Great expectations of success were therefore indulged on the supposition, that, as Bernadotte had joined the allies, this circumstance must be a decisive indication of the hopes enter. tained by that wary general, respecting the result of the campaign, since he must have been fully acquainted with the personal character of Buonaparte,

On the 14th of March, 1812, he accordingly addressed himself to Buonaparte, and complained that the arrogance of the French minister in Sweden had offended every one; his communications bore no character of those regards which are mutually due from crowned heads to each other. "Baron Alquier," said Bernadotte," spoke like a Roman pro-consul, without reflecting that he was not speaking to slaves." That minister had, therefore, been the first cause of the distrust which Sweden had discovered with regard to Buonaparte's intentions concerning her. Subsequent events had added weight to it. Sweden could not but perceive in Buonaparte an unmerited indifference towards her interests; and she owed it to herself to provide against the storm which was about to break out on the continent. Speaking of the war with Russia, the Crown Prince observed, " if your ma jesty thinks proper that the king should cause the Emperor Alexander to be informed of the possibility of a reconciliation, I augur sufficiently well, from the magnanimity of that monarch, to dare assure you, that he will willingly agree to overtures, equitable at once for your empire and for the north. If an event so unexpected and so universally desired could take place, how many nations of the continent would bless your majesty! Their gratitude would be augmented by reason of the horror which inspires them against the return of a scourge which has lain so heavy on them, and the ravages of which have left such cruel traces behind."-Sweden, he observed, was al

ready justified for the engagements she might make with the enemies of France, by the menaces and insults of that power. The reiterated attacks of France upon the Swedish commerce; the carrying off nearly 100 vessels destined for friendly ports, and subject to France -the sequestration placed upon Swedish property in Dantzic and other ports in the Baltic; and at last the invasion of Pomerania, done in contempt of treaties, must fully acquit her in the eyes of the world. Yet how just soever the complaints which she had against France, she did not at this time desire war, and did not like to be forced to make it, even to preserve her independence and laws. She was ready to listen to any conciliatory propositions which might be made to her." If Sweden was convinced," said the Baron de Engerstrom, in a tone of irony, which must have touched the pride of Buonaparte, "that the Emperor Alexander armed to subjugate Europe, to subject every thing to the Russian system, and extend his states to the north of Germany, Sweden would not hesitate a moment to declare and fight against this ambition; she would be directed by the obvious principle of policy which should make her fear the increase of so dangerous a power; but if, on the contrary, Russia only bore arms in her own defence, to preserve her frontiers, her ports, and even her capital, from all foreign invasion, if in this she did but obey the mandate of necessity, it was for the interest of Sweden not to hesitate a moment in defending the independence of the north. Sweden cannot flatter herself with being able, as a second power, to avoid that servitude with which France threatens states of the first order. A war undertaken to reconquer Finland would not be for the interests of Sweden. Europe is informed of the causes which made her lose it. To undertake a war to re