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at considerable length, which makes his testimony on the point before us unquestionable. He next shows the reason why Cuba looks with hope if not with confidence to the United States; "the property of the island," he says, "has derived no small advantage from the numerous American establishments in it. Improved modes of agriculture, of fabrication, of conveyance, were introduced by the Americans. I was present at the opening of the first railway, from Havana to Guines, in 1837. To American enterprise and energy, solely, I have reason to know, this great undertaking was indebted." And further on: "The substitution, in Cuba, of the old grinding-mill, rudely constructed of wood, by steam-engine machinery, is also chiefly due to the Americans. To them, therefore, Cuba is indebted for the various improvements in the fabrication of sugar, and the modes of conveying the produce of its plantations, which enable the proprietors to compete successfully with those of the English colonies. Cuba, ever since I knew it, has been slowly but steadily becoming Americanized." That we may present further evidence from a similarly independent foreign source, we quote from a work published in London, in 1851, entitled "The United States and Cuba," by the late John Glanville Taylor, written with remarkable candor and correctness. "Every step of progression," says this author, "which Cuba has made, every undertaking which has been projected and accomplished, every opposition to and breaking through of the mists of Spanish prejudice, has been carried out by Anglo-Saxon enterprise. Her mines, her railroads, her improvements in machinery and agriculture, are all due to it, and it is only by continually pushing and driving on their part, that the Spanish authorities can be coerced, as it were, into abating a jot of their old fashions and policies. They see, or ought to see by this time, that it was a continuance in them which lost them all their other possessions, and would also lose them Cuba; they are letting in light now, it is true, but it is not of their own kindling, and I have reason to know that even the mighty engine of the press is carried on and worked by American enterprise, and that the very types are cast in the United States. Ominous sign! If these improvements in Cuba were due to the exertions of a regenerated race of Spaniards alone, we might yet hope; but, with such facts before us, unless something extremely unlikely should occur, I can see but one end."

Considerable sensation has lately been excited by the publication of the official papers relative to the policy of our gov

ernment in regard to the island of Cuba for the last thirty years. A great many have condemned this publication as exceedingly unwise and injudicious at the present juncture. On the contrary, we are glad that the whole story is out. We do not believe in any secret policy whatever. Honesty and straightforwardness require no concealment. Only rogues should dread the publicity of their actions. We hold in contempt the hackneyed doctrine of diplomacy which, in its tortuous and detestable course, winds snake-like towards its object. The diplomatist fears everything which seems to be honest and outspoken, as if the intercourse between governments should be marked step by step by cunning intrigue. Fair, open, and direct dealing between individuals is every where commended. Even the sensible knave learns to exclaim that honesty is the best policy. This is quite as true of intercourse between nations-a fact which we commend to diplomatists generally, while we avow our conviction that the sooner the present system, known by the name diplomacy, is abolished, the better. A word about these official documents. They do not present any new facts. They only exhibit the course of diplomatic transactions. Everybody knew that the United States had regarded Cuba for many years with eager interest; that for thirty years she has declared that from reasons of self-preservation she would not permit Spain to part with Cuba to any other European power; that she was content, so long as it remained subject to Spain; that England has intrigued more or less to achieve the independence of Cuba, and that President Polk offered one hundred millions of dollars for the island. These facts, we say, were all known before the publication of the official papers, but the dates and attending circumstances we get more particularly from them. We cannot however overlook the clear and elaborate correspondence on this subject of John Quincy Adams while Secretary of State. We commend the whole to the perusal of the reader as indicating a manly avowal of opinions and a forcible defence of them. We quote from his letters to Mr. Forsyth, as follows, under date of April 28, 1823:

"In the war between France and Spain, now commencing, other interests, peculiarly ours, will, in all probability, be deeply involved. Whatever may be the issue of this war, as between those two European powers, it may be taken for granted that the dominion of Spain upon the American continents, North and South, is irrevocably gone. But the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico still re

main nominally, and so far really, dependent upon her, that she yet possesses the power of transferring her own dominion over them, together with the possession of them, to others. These islands, from their local position and natural appendages to the North American continent, and one of them, Cuba, almost in sight of our shores, from a multitude of considerations has become an object of transcendent importance to the commercial and political interests of our Union. Its commanding position, with reference to the Gulf of Mexico and the West India seas; the character of its population, its situation midway between our Southern coast and the Island of St. Domingo, its safe and capacious harbor of the Havana, fronting a long line of our shores destitute of the same advantage; the nature of its productions and of its wants furnishing the supplies and needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable and mutually beneficial, give it an importance in the sum of our national interests with which that of no other foreign territory can be compared, and little inferior to that which binds the different members of this Union together. Such indeed, are, between the interests of that island and of this country, the geographical, commercial, moral and political relations formed by nature, gathering, in the process of time, and even now verging to maturity, that, in looking forward to the probable course of events for the short period of half a century, it is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our federal republic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself. It is obvious, however, that for this event we are not yet prepared. Numerous and formidable objections to the extension of our territorial dominions beyond sea present themselves to the first contemplation of the subject; obstacles to the system of policy by which alone that result can be compassed and maintained are to be foreseen and surmounted, both from at home and abroad; but there are laws of political as well as of physical gravitation; and if an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, cannot choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjointed from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union, which, by the same law of nature, cannot cast her off from its bosom.

"In any other state of things than that which springs from this incipient war between France and Spain, these considerations would be premature. They are now merely touched upon to illustrate the

position that in the war opening upon Europe the United States have deep and important interests involved peculiarly their own-the condition of Cuba cannot but depend upon the issue of this war. As an integral part of the Spanish territories, Cuba has been formally and solemnly invested with the liberties of the Spanish constitution. To destroy those liberties, and to restore in the stead of that constitution the dominion of the Bourbon race, is the avowed object of this new invasion of the Peninsula. There is too much reason to apprehend that, in Spain itself, this unhallowed purpose will be attended with immediate, or at least temporary, success. The constitution of Spain will be demolished by the armies of the Holy Alliance, and the Spanish nation will again bow the neck to the yoke of bigotry and despotic sway. Whether the purpose of France or of her continental allies extend to the subjugation of the remaining Ultra Marine possessions of Spain or not, has not yet been sufficiently disclosed.

"But to confine ourselves to that which immediately concerns us-the condition of the island of Cuba-we know that the republican spirit of freedom prevails among its inhabitants. The liberties of the constitution are to them rights in possession; nor is it to be presumed that they will be willing to surrender them because they may be extinguished by foreign violence in the parent country. As Spanish territory, the island will be liable to invasion from France during the war; and the only reasons for doubting whether the attempt will be made, are the probable incompetency of the French maritime force to effect the conquest, and the probability that its accomplishment would be resisted by Great Britain. In the meantime, and at all events, the condition of the island, in regard to that of its inhabitants, is a condition of great, imminent and complicated danger; and without resorting to speculation upon what such a state of things must produce upon a people so situated, we know that its approach has already had a powerful effect upon them, and that the question, what are they to do upon contingencies daily pressing upon them and ripening into reality, has for the last twelve months constantly excited their attention and stimulated them to action. Were the population of the island of one blood and color, there could be no doubt or hesitation with regard to the course which they would pursue, as dictated by their interests and their rights; the invasion of Spain by France would be the signal for their declaration of independence. That even in their present state it will be imposed upon them as a

necessity, is not unlikely; but among all their reflecting men it is admitted as a maxim fundamental to all deliberation upon their future condition, that they are not competent to a system of permanent self-dependence; they must rely for the support of protection upon some force from without; and, in the event of the overthrow of the Spanish constitution, that support can no longer be expected from Spain-their only alternative of dependence must be upon Great Britain or upon the United States. Hitherto the wishes of this government have been that the connexion between Cuba and Spain should continue as it has existed for several years; these wishes are known to the principal inhabitants of the island, and instructions, copies of which are now furnished you, were some months since transmitted to Mr. Forsyth, authorizing him in a suitable manner to communicate them to the Spanish government. These wishes still continue so far as they can be indulged with a rational foresight of events beyond our control, but for which it is our duty to be prepared. If a government is to be imposed by foreign violence upon the Spanish nation, and the liberties which they have asserted by their constitution, are to be crushed, it is neither to be expected nor desired that the people of Cuba, far from the reach of the oppressors of Spain, should submit to be governed by them. Should the cause of Spain herself, issue more propitiously than from its present prospects can be anticipated, it is obvious that the trial through which she must pass at home, and the final loss of all her dominions on the American continents, will leave her unable to extend to the island of Cuba that protection necessary for its internal security and its outward defence."

We have previously shown how Spain was enabled to retain Cuba, notwithstanding the numerous revolutions through which she passed; and we cannot add anything to the clear statements of Mr. Adams relative to the policy of our government on the subject.

We may now lay down the following propositions regarding Cuba. She is oppressed beyond any parallel in history. She dreads and hates her oppressor. She longs for freedom. She looks for aid to the United States, to which she is indebted for nearly all her late improvements. She has been gradually becoming Americanized for the last fifteen years. While the government of the United States has declared that it would not consent to her transfer to any other European power, but was content that she should remain, as she is, subject to Spain, it has still desired to purchase the island, and Spain has re

fused to sell it. Finally, France and England have invited the United States to become a party with them in a convention, by which the three powers should severally and collectively disclaim, now and for the future, all intention to obtain possession of the island of Cuba, and by which they should also be bound to discountenance all attempts to that effect on the part of any power or individual whatever; which invitation has been respectfully declined by our government, on the ground that, in the language of President Fillmore, "the proposed measure would be of doubtful constitutionality, impolitic, and unavailing."

What is the duty of our government in this emergency? Such is the next question, in logical order, to be presented. It requires no great amount of reasoning power, no great exercise of judgment, to decide on any practical line of conduct, when one brings to bear on it the plain tests of honesty and truth. This is as true of states as of persons. But where these are to be shirked, it requires a vast amount of argument, of sophism, and of special pleading, to make the worse appear the better reason." There is not, we affirm, one rule of morality for a nation, and another for an individual. What is right will be right always, and what is wrong will always be wrong, whether in persons or in governments, no matter how much the wrong is attempted to be whitewashed with the affectation of a desire to promote liberal principles, or concealed by the tortuous intrigues of a narrow diplomacy. We may foresee that certain events will come to pass, but the instrument which hastens them is not always to be commended. Offences must come, but woe is denounced on him through whom the offence cometh. "Thou shalt not covet," is a law addressed to all intelligences, individual or aggregate. Our neighbor may be a drunkard, a spendthrift, or a man incompetent for business; his farm, which adjoins our own, may be fast going to ruin; we foresee that he cannot long hold it; that it must come into the market, and that we alone, in such an event, can possibly purchase it: but this is no reason why we should plot to hasten the consummation which we know will put us in possession of the desired fields. It would be unmanly, it would be base for us to do so. the profligate or feeble possessor of the estate has by his own conduct brought ruin on himself; he is properly punished; he suffers a just reward. Now while we assert, that, as between Cuba and Spain, the latter has forfeited all right to a supremacy over the former, this gives to the United States no rights in the case what

Yet

ever. It is true that the unfortunate island is entitled to the sympathy of all Christendom; and although as individuals we should feel her wrongs, and in all proper ways assist any people struggling with despotism, yet, in such an instance, a nation is not permitted to do so. The reason is plain enough. If one man beholds another inflicting blows and wounds upon a weaker and unresisting fellowcreature, he does not hesitate to interfere in his behalf, without stopping to inquire whether or not he may be committing a technical assault. But a nation cannot proceed in the same way. The subject who comes forward to protect his fellow is amenable to the law of the land in which he lives, and he must answer to it if he has done injustice. But a nation is amenable to no constituted earthly authority. Hence the necessity-indeed the absolute necessity-of the rule we have laid down. Situated as the United States are with Cuba, every expression of sympathy, even from individuals, will be looked upon with suspicion by other states. Mercenary motives, than which nothing can be more utterly wicked and contemptible, influence great numbers of our population to ask for Cuban independence and for annexation. And this tends to throw distrust on the honest, earnest sympathy of the great body of our citizens. In such a condition of affairs, considering that Spain is a weak nation, tottering toward ruin, our government should be especially cautious to conduct toward her with a strict adherence to existing treaties.

-It is excellent

To have a giant's strength; but it is tyrannous To use it like a giant. Nothing could disgrace our country more than to take advantage of her strength, and of Spain's weakness. And it is proper that we avoid all excuses and pretexts for any quarrel; to endeavor to create such excuses and pretexts would be pitiable.

Much has been said, of late, about “manifest destiny," and the term has got to be a sort of watchword in the mouths of patriotic orators and political speech-makers. It is, however, a poor excuse for the unlawful seizure of the territory of a friendly power, or for an unwarrantable interference with their rights, to raise, in avoidance of the charge of robbery or oppression, this plea of "manifest destiny;" for the proposition is as good on the part of the highwayman, as on that of a power which shall take to the high road of nations, and, armed with more resistless energies, prey upon the weak or distracted. We must take care in this respect that the republic suffer no disgrace, that it pre

serve untarnished its integrity and its good faith.

But what of the Future? Is it not our duty, as well as our right and privilege, to regard the signs of the times, and form judgments in relation to them? We have spoken of "manifest destiny" as a political watchword. There is a sense in which it may be used by the more prudent and reflective, and in which it becomes no longer absurd: for when the judicious observer of events endeavors to form an opinion as to the future, and, from examination of the past, and all that he can see in the present, a result presents itself which is not to be mistaken, he is content to say that it is this which it is the manifest destiny of a nation to do, to become, or to achieve.

It is a fact, that Cuba longs for admission into our Union. She pleads earnestly and continually. She tells us, that from the moment she becomes an integral portion of the United States, all the exactions and oppressions which now weigh so heavily upon her, will be at an end. The slavetrade will be abolished; the people will enter at once into the enjoyment of freedom; her ports will be open to the commerce of the world, her soil cultivated to its full capability, her products sent to an unrestricted market; and under the influence of the moral and political forces which are the vital elements of the American nationality, her children educated, and her pulpits and presses set at liberty, she would become the most prosperous of the States. On the other hand, she depicts the advantages which will accrue to the United States from the annexation of Cuba, as incalculable. She argues that, if annexation were fully consummated, Cuba would be as valuable to our confederacy as New-York itself-as an outpost, essential to American trade, and as a centre of transit and exchange, increasing in importance to the whole family of the confederation, in even measure with the growth of the states on the Pacific, and the rising tide of oriental commerce which the flag of the Union is about to lead from Asia across the Isthmus. She lies exactly in the track of the golden current, and none of the states are, like her, in a position to watch and defend its every inlet and outlet. In the circle of production, essential to a home supply, always sure, and independent of foreign interference, Cuba claims that she would fill a remaining gap, with her coffee, cocoa, and tropical fruits: thus serving all her sister states, since she would sell to every one, and buy of every one, which is not true of the special products of any other state. She would also add as much as

the Union really needs to the production of sugar, and would make that, henceforth, a strong and distinct feature in the national balance of interests. She urges that a new sectional pursuit always implies another mediation in the councils of the confederacy-a proved truth in favor of the permanent equilibrium of the republic. The manufacturing east, the wheat and cattle-raising west, the commercial centre, the cotton-growing southwest, the rice and sugar-planting south, and, last and latest, the new-born and gigantic mineral resources starting up on the great northwestern lakes, and seaming the continent, down to the far Pacific, with their sudden influence-have each and every one their independent geographical weight and representation, as well as a diffused reciprocal dependence on each other, and on the Union as a whole. In the perpetually recurring-but under these balance checks never fatal-state jealousies, every distinct interest is a distinct guarantee for the general equity of adjustment. It has been seen in the slavery discussions how far sectional bitterness can go, when the whole Union is reduced to two great conflicting parties, with no disinterested and intermediate powers to urge peace, and teach conciliation. Yet even in this difficulty it will be found, at last, that the counsels which suggest, and the votes which compel moderation and compromise, will come from almost a third interest. Cuba may suffer from the dispute between the free and slave states; but apart from this, she desires to come into the Union without offence to any, and to the absolute profit of every partner in the confederacy. In bringing to the commonwealth a class of luxuries which each state largely demands and consumes, and which is not produced by any, she also brings to the Union fresh elements of mediation, harmony, and stable equipoise.

Such is the argument which Cuba is constantly addressing us. And individually we cannot help but approve it. Others there are who do not hesitate to make rash avowals, and harebrained threats, appealing to improper motives, urging false reasons, and dangerous suggestions, by which, unhappily, many are led astray. In every land there is a class of men of "desperate fortunes;" everywhere we find a certain number of "fiery voluntaries." What these have already done, we know; what they are preparing to do, we can guess. There is nothing more noble than to battle in the cause of freedom. We honor Lafayette-we surround with glory the name of Kosciusko—we bless the memories of those foreigners who hastened to our shores in the war of the revolu

tion to fight with us for independencefor we know that they were disinterested. No rich soil attracted them, no prospective emolument or reward, no promise of divisions of lands, no hope of office, no receipt of scrip. Had they been influenced by any of these things, their characters would have sunk into that of base and mercenary soldiers of fortune. We have some such among us, but we believe the number is limited. Yet, even such may make or hasten a denouement. We have but to watch and to wait, careful to preserve our honor.

6.

In this connection it will not be uninteresting to see how British writers regard the future of Cuba. We quote once more from Mr. Taylor: "Shall I say," he remarks, after all, what I think on this subject of annexation with the United States, which I have not adverted to before? I am not at all sure, then, but that this would be one of the best things that could happen for Cuba. The Americans are an enlightened, progressive race; the Spaniards the extreme reverse; and however lamentably split and opposed in party views the Americans themselves may be, yet, as a trade, few of them would think of defending slavery." "I find it extremely difficult," he continues, "to pass any judgment on the effect which might be produced by the annexation of Cuba to the United States. That its conquest would be certain, if undertaken by the United States government, few even doubt. It is perhaps as well that the late miserable buccaneering attempt on that fine island failed in the ridiculous manner it did, since it defers the entire subject, as it were, to maturer consideration. May success attend all America's nobler aims to advance the human race and character! And let the Spanish government beware, for it will be quite out of its power to travel much longer in its old tracks, and if it cannot accomplish the essential reforms leading to freedom, it will be surely done for it."

Mr. Baird, whose work I have also before referred to, writes as follows: "Could any one, who has personally ascertained the truth of transactions and occurrences such as those before recorded, feel much regret were Cuba to pass out of the hands of Spain into those of the United States? No doubt there are serious objections to the acquisition of Cuba by the United States of America. In the first place there is the important want of a causa belli to justify anything like a forcible seizure. In not making with Spain such treaties as England has done, and covenanting with her

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