rishing of her provinces to its own state; a suggestion which shewed distinctly enough, that no means could properly be neglected to save that power. If this great object could not be obtained by a just peace, it was necessary to support Russia and Prussia by a powerful co-operation. From this natural view of things, upon which even France could no longer deceive herself, his majesty continued his preparations with unwearied activity. He quitted, in the early part of July, his residence, and proceeded to the vicinity of the scene of action, in order the more effectually to labour at the negociation for peace, which still continued to be the object of his most ardent desires; and partly to be able the more effectually to conduct the preparations for war, if no other choice should remain for Austria.

A short time before, the Emperor Napoleon had declared, "that he had proposed a congress, to be held at Prague, where plenipotentiaries from France, the United States of North America, Denmark, the King of Spain, and the other allied princes on the one hand; and on the other, plenipotentiaries of England, Russia, Prussia, the Spanish insurgents, and the other allies of this hostile mass, should meet, and lay the ground-work of a durable peace." To whom this proposition was addressed, in what manner, in what diplomatic form, through whose organ it could have been done, was perfectly unknown to the Austrian cabinet, which only was made acquainted with the circumstance through the medium of the public prints. How, too, such a project could be brought to bear how, from the combination of such dissimilar elements, without any generally acknowledged principle, without any previously regulated plan, a nego. ciation for peace was to be set on foot, was so little to be comprehended, that it was very allowable to consider the

whole proposition rather as a play of the imagination, than as a serious invitation to the adoption of a great po. litical measure.

Perfectly acquainted with all the obstacles to a general peace, Austria had long considered whether this distant and difficult object was not rather to be obtained progressively; and in this opinion, had expressed herself both to France, and to Russia and Prussia, upon the subject of a continental peace. Not that the Austrian court had misconceived, even for a moment, the necessity and importance of an universal peace among all the great powers of Europe, and without which there was no hope of either safety or happiness, or had imagined that the continent could exist, if the separation of England were not invariably considered as a most deadly evil! The ne gociation which Austria proposed, af ter the alarming declaration of France had nearly destroyed all hopes of England uniting her endeavours in the attempt to procure a general peace, was an essential part of the great approaching negociation, for a general and effective congress for peace: it was intended as preparatory to this, to draw up the preliminary articles of the fu ture treaty, to pave the way by a long continental armistice to a more extended and durable negociation. Had the principle upon which Austria ad vanced been other than this, neither Russia nor Prussia, bound by the strongest ties to England, would cer tainly ever have listened to the proposals of the Austrian cabinet.

After the Russian and Prussian courts, animated by a confidence in his majesty highly flattering to the emperor, had already declared their concurrence in the proposed congress under the mediation of Austria, it became necessary to obtain the formal assent of the Emperor Napoleon, and to determine upon what principles the ne

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gociations for peace were to be carried on. For this purpose, his imperial majesty resolved towards the end of the month of June, to send his minis. ter for foreign affairs to Dresden. The result of the mission was, a convention concluded upon the 30th of June, accepting the mediation of his imperial majesty in the negociation of a general, and if that could not be ef. fected, of a preliminary continental peace. The city of Prague was fixed upon for the meeting of the congress, and the 5th of July for its opening. In order to obtain a sufficient time for the negociation, it was determined by the same convention that the Emperor Napoleon should not give notice of the rupture of the armistice which was to terminate on the 20th of July, at that time existing between himself and Rus sia, till the 10th of August; and his majesty the emperor took upon himself to obtain a similar declaration from the Russian and Prussian courts.

The points which had been determined in Dresden, were hereupon imparted to the two courts. Although the continuation of the armistice was attended with many objections, and with much serious inconvenience to them, the desire of giving to his imperial majesty another proof of their confidence, and at the same time to satisfy the world that they would not reject any prospect of peace, however confined it might be, that they would not refuse any attempt which might prepare the way to it, overcame every consideration. The only alteration made in the convention of the 30th of June was, that the term of the opening the congress, since the final regulations could not so soon be determined, should be deferred until the 12th of July.

In the mean time his majesty, who would not as yet abandon all hopes of completely terminating, by a general peace, the sufferings of mankind, and

the convulsions of the political world, had also resolved upon a new attempt with the British government. The Emperor Napoleon not only received the proposal with apparent approbation, but even voluntarily offered to expedite the business by allowing the persons to be dispatched for that purpose to England, a passage through France. When it was to be carried into effect, unexpected difficulties arose, the passports were delayed from time to time, under trifling pretexts, and at length entirely refused. This proceeding afforded a fresh and important ground for entertaining just doubts as to the sincerity of the assurances which the Emperor Napoleon had more than once publicly expressed of his disposition to peace, although several of his expressions at that particular period afforded just reason to believe that a maritime peace was the object of his most anxious solicitude.

During that interval, their majesties the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia had nominated their plenipotentiaries to the congress, and had furnished them with very decisive instructions. On the 12th of July they both arrived at Prague, as well as his majesty's minister, charged with the concerns of the mediation.

The negociations were not to be protracted beyond the 10th of August, except in the event of their assuming such a character as to induce a confident hope of a favourable result. To that day the armistice had been extended through the mediation of Austria: the political and military situation of the allied sovereigns, the condition of the countries they occupied, and their anxious wish to terminate an irksome period of uncertainty, prevented any further extension of it. With all these circumstances the Emperor Napoleon was acquainted: he well knew that the period of the nego ciations was necessarily defined by that

of the armistice; and he could not, moreover, conceal from himself how much his own determinations would influence the happy abridgment and successful result of the pending negociations.

It was therefore with real sorrow that his majesty soon perceived, not only that no serious step was taken by France to accelerate this great work; but, on the contrary, it appeared as if a procrastination of the negociations, and evasion of a favourable issue, had been decidedly intended. There was, indeed, a French minister at the place of congress, but without any orders to proceed to business, until the appearance of the first plenipotentiary.

The arrival of that plenipotentiary was in vain expected from day to day. Nor was it until the 21st of July that it was ascertained, that a demur which took place on settling the renewal of the armistice between the French and Russian and Prussian commissioners; an obstruction of very subordinate importance, having no influence whatever upon the congress, and which might have been very easily and speedily removed by the interference of Austria, -was made use of as the justification of this extraordinary delay. And when this last pretext was removed, it was not until the 28th of July, sixteen days after that appointed for the opening of the congress, that the first French plenipotentiary arrived.

Even in the very first days after this minister's arrival, no doubt remained as to the fate of the congress. The form in which the full powers were to be delivered, and the mutual explanations should be conducted, a point which had already been treated by all parties, became the object of a discussion which rendered all the endeavours of the mediating power abortive. The apparent insufficiency of the powers intrusted to the French negociator occasioned a silence of several days. Nor

was it until the 6th of August that the minister gave in a new declaration, by which the difficulties with respect to forms were by no means removed, nor the negociation by one step brought nearer to its object. After an useless exchange of notes upon every preliminary question, the 10th of August arrived. The Prussian and Russian negociators could not exceed this term: the congress was at an end, and the resolution which Austria had to form was previously determined by the progress of this negociation. by the actual conviction of the impossibility of peace, by the no longer doubtful point of view in which his majesty examined the great question in dispute, by the principles and intentions of the allies, wherein the emperor recognised his own, and, finally, by the former posi tive declarations, which left no room for misconception.

Not without sincere affliction, and alone consoled by the certainty that every means to avoid the war had been exhausted, does the emperor now find himself compelled to action. For three years has his majesty laboured with unceasing perseverance to effect, by mild and conciliatory measures, real and durable peace for Austria and for Europe. All his endeavours have fail. ed: there is now no remedy, no recourse to be had but to arms. The emperor takes them up without any personal animosity, from a painful ne cessity, from an irresistible duty, upon grounds which any faithful citizen of his realm, which the world, which the Emperor Napoleon himself, in a moment of tranquillity and reason, will acknowledge and justify. The neces sity of the war is engraven in the heart of every Austrian, of every European, under whatsoever dominion he may live, in such legible characters, that no art is necessary to distinguish them. The nation and the army will do their! duty. An union established by com

mon necessity, and by the mutual interest of every power that is in arms for its independence, will give due weight to our exertions, and the result, with the assistance of Heaven, will be such as must fulfil the just expectations of every friend of order and of peace.

Treaty of Amity, and of Defensive Alliance, between the Courts of Vienna and St Petersburgh, concluded at Toeplitz, the 9th of Sept. (August 28), 1813.

We, Francis I. by Divine Clemency, Emperor of Austria; King of Jerusalem, Hungary, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Sclavonia, Gallicia, and Lodomiria; Archduke of Austria; Duke of Lorraine, Wurtzburg, and Franconia; Great Prince of Transylvania; Margrave of Moravia; Duke of Styria, Carinthia, Upper and Lower Silesia; Count of Hapsburg, &c.

Make known to all and singular who are interrested therein, by these presents;

That since nothing is more anxiously desired by us, and the most Serene and Potent Emperor of all the Russias, than to promote by a stable peace the welfare of Europe, so long overwhelmed by the calamities of war, and towards that object have mutually joined our counsels to provide for that wished-for order of things, which, we firmly trust, will arise from our reciprocal efforts to attain the end; a treaty, of which the following is the tenour, has been entered into by each of the contracting parties:

In the name of the most holy and undivided trinity:

His majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, equally animated by a desire to put an end to the calamities of Eu.

rope, and to secure its future repose by the establishment of a just equilibrium between the powers, have resolved to prosecute the war in which they are engaged for that salutary object, with the whole of the forces which Providence has placed at their disposal. Wishing, at the same time, to extend the effects of a concert so beneficial, to the period when the present war, having obtained its full success, their mutual interest shall imperiously require the maintenance of the order of things which shall be the happy result thereof, they have appointed to draw up the articles of a treaty of amity and defensive alliance, the following plenipotentiaries furnished with their instructions:

His majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the Sieur Clement Wenceslas Lothaire, Count de Metternich WinnebourgOchsenhansen, Knight of the Golden Fleece, Grand Cross of the Royal Order of St Stephen, Grand Eagle of the Legion of Honour, Grand Cross of the Order of St Joseph of Wurtzburg, Knight of St John of Jerusalew, Chancellor of the Military Order of Maria Theresa, Curator of the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts; Cham berlain, Privy Counsellor, Minister of State, of Conferences, and of Foreign Affairs, of his Imperial, Royal, and Apostolic Majesty:

And his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, the Sieur Charles Robert, Count de Nesselrode, Privy Counsellor, Secretary of State, Chamberlain, and Knight of the Order of St Wolodimir of the Third Class; who, having exchanged their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles :

Art. I. There shall be amity, sincere and constant union, between his majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and

his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, their heirs and successors. The high contracting parties shall, in consequence, pay the greatest attention to the maintaining between them reciprocal amity and correspondence, by avoiding every thing that might subvert the union and good understanding happily subsisting between them.

Art. II.-His majesty the Emperor of Austria guarantees to his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias the possession of all his states, provinces, and dominions.

On the other hand, his imperial majesty of all the Russias, guarantees to his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, the possession of the states, provinces, and dominions, belonging to his imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty.

Art. III. As a consequence of this reciprocal guarantee, the high contracting parties will constantly labour in concert on the measures which shall appear to them most proper for the maintenance of peace in Europe; and in case the states of either of them shall be menaced by an invasion, they will employ their most effectual good offices for the prevention thereof.

Art. IV. As the good offices, however, which they promise each other, may not have the desired effect, their imperial majesties bind themselves henceforward to assist each other with a corps of 60,000 men, in the event of either of them being attacked.

Art. V. This army shall be composed of 50,000 infantry, and 10,000 cavalry. It shall be provided with a corps of field-artillery, with ammunition, and every other necessary; the whole proportioned to the number of troops above stipulated. The auxiliary army shall arrive at the frontiers of the power who shall be attacked or menaced by an invasion of his posses

sions, two months at the farthest after the requisition has been made.

Art. VI. The auxiliary army shall be under the immediate command of the general-in-chief of the army of the power requiring it; it shall be conducted by a general of its own, and employed in all the military ope rations according to the rules of war.

The pay of the auxiliary army shall be at the charge of the power required; the rations and portions of provisions, forage, &c. as well as the quarters, shall be furnished by the power re quiring, as soon as the auxiliary army shall have passed its own frontiers, and that on the same footing as the latter supplies or shall supply its own troops in the field and in quarters.

Art. VII.-The order and internal military economy of these troops shall solely depend on their own proper chief. The trophies and the booty which shall be taken from the enemy, shall belong to the troops which shall have taken them.

Art. VIII.—In the event that the stipulated succour shall be insufficient for that one of the two high contract. ing parties who shall have been attacked, his majesty the Emperor of Aus tria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, reserve to themselves, to come to a mutual understanding, without loss of time, on the furnishing of more considerable aids, according to the exigency of the case.

Art. IX. The high contracting parties reciprocally promise each other, that in the event that either of the two shall be compelled to take up arms, he will not conclude either peace or truce, without therein including his ally, in order that the latter may not himself be attacked in resentment of the succour which he shall have fur

nished.

Art. X.-Orders shall be transmit