ving the Dutch people a pledge of the principles and conduct of his future government. Accordingly, on the 1st of December an address was distributed, in which it was stated, that after nineteen years of absence, the prince received, with the greatest joy, their unanimous invitation to return among them. That he now hoped, by the blessing of Providence, to be the instrument of restoring them to their former state of independence and prosperity. That this was his only object; and he had the satisfaction of assuring them, that this was also the object of the combined powers; that it was particularly the wish of the Prince Regent, and of the British nation. That this great truth would be proved to them by the aid which that powerful and generous people would immediately afford them, and which would restore those ancient bonds of alliance and friendship, so long a source of happiness and prosperity to both countries. That he had come among them determined to pardon, and to forget all that was past, and that the spirit of party must be banished for ever.

While these events were passing at the Hague, a Russian force, consisting of 2400 men, and six pieces of cannon, under the command of General Benkendorf, arrived at Amsterdam. These troops had embarked on the Zuyder Zee to avoid the French army at Utrecht; and a Prussian corps was also at this time known to be advancing against the fortress. Nor was this all; for on the same day the important fortress of Brielle was taken. This place was garrisoned by 500 men, the half of whom were Prussians and foreigners, who were disaffected to the French government, and daily deserted. The people of the town, profiting by this circumstance, rose upon the French, and, aided by the national guards, who were all Dutch, after fighting in the streets for an hour and

a half, compelled the garrison to surrender, and hoisted the Orange flag.

On the 3d of December, the Prince of Orange, accompanied by the English embassy, made his entrance into Amsterdam. He was received with unanimous applause by all classes, and proclaimed Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands. The next day an address was published, in which the new title of his serene highness was alluded to, and a determination was expressed to establish a free constitution.

During the stay of his royal highness at Amsterdam, intelligence was received of the capture of Arnheim, which had been stormed with, the greatest bravery by the Prussian troops under the command of General Bulow. Thus all apprehensions from the army of General Molitor, which was in full retreat, and all fears of an attack from the side of Utrecht, were dissipated. The French were still in force in the neighbourhood of Gorcum, but General Bulow was preparing to advance upon that place. The Fort du Quesne was surprised on the 4th by a band of workmen, who were employed in the fortifications. This event materially contributed to the subsequent surrender of Helvoetsluys. Some mariners of Admiral Young's fleet, aided by a body of Dutch troops, having advanced to the neighbourhood of Helvoetsluys, that town was evacuated in the night of the 5th by the French; and thus the communication with England, which had hitherto been exposed to great hazard and delay, was rendered safe and expeditious. The next day 1700 of the English guards landed at Scheveningen, an event which terminated all doubt as to the success of the revolution.

On the 6th, a proclamation was issued by the Prince of Orange at the Hague, in which it was stated, that when, in conformity with the general wish expressed by the people, he had

taken upon himself the sovereignty, it was his desire to celebrate this event by some great solemnity; but the situation of the country, and the important occupations which resulted, had induced him to delay this ceremony, till he should be able to present to the nation, a constitution which should insure to the people of Holland their ancient liberties. The prince announced, that in the meantime he had taken the management of affairs into his own hands, and dissolved the provisional government, not without warm feelings of gratitude for its efforts, to which the liberation of Holland must be chiefly ascribed, and without which the deliverance of the country could have been the result only of the victorious arms of the allies. He absolved his subjects from their oath of allegiance to Napoleon Buonaparte; and concluded by stating, that his confidence in the future was entirely founded upon the affection of his country. men, the protection of Providence, and the consciousness of the purity of his intentions. This proclamation was followed by the recognition of William the First as sovereign prince in every part of Holland which was not occupied by the French, that is to say, in all the country and open towns, from the

department of the Ems to the right bank of the Maese.

As the enemy, however, was still in possession of many of the principal fortresses, and as a French garrison was at Naarden, within nine miles of Amsterdam, measures were immediately adopted for the formation of an army, the levy of troops, and the regulation of the military force. But the country was so completely drained of arms and ammunition, and of every thing necessary for the equipment of the troops, that it was impossible at once to organise the new levies; yet, in the short space of four months, and out of a population of 1,800,000 souls, 25,000 men were raised, armed, and equipped, in a country which had been previously exhausted by the conscription, and part of which was still in the possession of the enemy. These measures, supported by the rapid progress of the allied armies, completed the triumph of Dutch patriotism; while the liberties of the people were secured by a constitution, combining most of the advantages of that admi red frame of government, which seems destined to form, at no very distant period, a model for all civilized nations.

AN impression prevailed for some years, particularly among the commercial classes, that great defects existed in the administration of justice in this part of the island. As the higher offices of the law in Scotland never were filled by men of greater integrity and more extensive acquire ments than at this very period, the evils of which litigants complained were ascribed entirely to the defective system upon which our courts of justice had been constituted. Nor can it be denied, that before the recent divi. sion of the supreme civil court into two chambers, the complaints of the litigants were but too well founded. It is not so obvious, however, that there has of late existed any necessity for resorting to an experiment so hazardous as that on which the people of Scotland are now about to venture, by introducing jury trial, in civil causes, into this part of the kingdom.

No one will dispute, that the innovation which has recently obtained the sanction of parliament, is of a very serious character, and may be attended

with important consequences to the rights of individuals, and to the law of Scotland. To some, the measure will be strongly recommended by the very circumstance, that it is a great innova tion. Nothing could be more absurd, of course, than to impute such notions to any of the grave and learned characters who have concurred in forwarding this important measure; but it is not impossible that they may have been led, by the sophisms so current at the present day, into the hasty appro bation of an experiment, of which, if unsuccessful, it may be difficult to abandon the prosecution.

The love of novelty, on its own account, is but a childish propensity, contemptible in matters of slight moment, and pernicious in affairs of greater weight. It is a passion which can have no legitimate influence beyond the regions of taste and sentiment; there, indeed, the principle of novelty forms an essential element of our most refined pleasures. But as variety is required in our enjoyments, steadiness is no less essential in the great business of life.

A new play, or a new poem, may be read with excusable eagerness; but a new constitution will, by wise men, be studied with distrust and suspicion.

Before any great change in our public institutions can be justified, some evidence must be brought to prove that the existing evil is of a serious character; that by a less important deviation from established usages a remedy could not be obtained; that no risk of incurring greater evils by the proposed innovation can reasonably be dreaded; and that we shall be able to retrace our steps without difficulty if the change be found prejudicial. These conditions appear to be indispensable to every wise plan for effecting a reform of our laws and institutions; and if they have seldom been found to concur, the reason is easily discovered why so few changes of magnitude have been attempted on the civil and political institutions of great nations.

Where there are no complaints of a serious nature, there can be no room or apology for innovation. It may be said, indeed, that there is always occasion for improvement, since all institutions are defective; and defects, as well as positive errors, are evils which ought to be cured. Neither is it necessary, we are told, before pro. ceeding to reform errors and abuses, to wait for the murmurs and complaints of the people; because such complaints are never extorted but by positive wrongs, the want of great improve ments, of which the benefits have never been experienced, being insufficient to provoke them. Thus a wide, nay, a boundless field is opened in speculation, which every empiric will be in haste to occupy. But that reform, which has reference to no positive wrong, can have no limits; and the same reason (a desire of further improvement) which might justify a small change in one particular, would equally serve as an argument for the most im

portant changes in every department. But where there are no complaints, there must be a great deal which is good; yet the reasonings of innovators who desire to practise their experiments at random on the structure of society, would expose all that is good, or indeed all that exists, to continual perils. Their views, if they were sound, would place the whole fabric of society in their hands, to alter or new-model at their discretion; for as abstract perfection never can be reached, much improvement must always be attainable in theory. But common sense, as well as sound philosophy, rejects this empirical interference: men in general set a value infinitely higher upon what is good in possession, than what is plausible in speculation; and thus it happens, that unless some serious evil be endured, the class of projectors is commonly treated with very little ceremony or regard

It is an axiom in philosophy, that we ought, in accounting for any effect, to assign only such causes as are adequate to its production; and it is a maxim no less sound in politics, that in attempting reform, we should limit ourselves as much as possible in the extent of the change produced, and cautiously avoid any innovation which does not appear indispensable. Neglect of the philosophical axiom leads to error and confusion in our speculations; and a contempt of the political maxim will surely conduct us to unprofitable and hazardous innovation. In so far as the change projected goes beyond a remedy for the disorder, it is pure empiricism,-gratifying, indeed, to idle and giddy brains, but offensive to every sound understanding. The same principle which demands that, without any grievance at all, no innovation should be attempted, prescribes, in language not less imperative, that the evils of a change should be encountered under their mildest aspect, and reduced with