sters to repeat the assertions of those who expressed such sanguine opinions as to the probable result of the repeal of the orders in council. They abandoned their own opinion upon that question, and adopted that of their adversaries, which no doubt furnished a strong proof of their vigour, firmness, and perseverance. They ought, in fact, to have expected, and been fully prepared for war with America; they ought, as statesmen, to have known that the American government had been long infected with a deadly hatred towards this country. It was absurd to suppose that governments might not, as well as individuals, be influenced by passion; or that they were not more apt to act from the impulse of their own vices or corruptions, than from a consideration of the interest of those over whom they preside. No statesman would therefore conclude, that because it was contrary to the interest of the American people to engage in war with this country, the American government would shrink from such a measure. In this instance, indeed, no such conclusion could be deemed in the slightest degree excusable, for the disposition of the American government was quite evident, and therefore common policy might have urged ministers to prepare fully for the event; they ought to have made ade. quate exertion to pacify, intimidate, or to punish America. No means should have been unprovided to repel the audacious attack which the American government had ventured to make upon Great Britain.-Nothing of this kind, however, had been done, and America had been suffered to commence, and, for a time, to carry on hostilities, even without danger to herself. The most extensive exertions should be made to convince the American government of its folly; and the best hope of peace would rest upon the manly and vigorous employment

of our resources to make our enemies feel the consequences of war."

The only remaining topic in the speech, was that which related to India. The affairs of our Indian empire, it was said, should be fully investigated before any system for its future government was finally determined upon. The whole question should be brought forward, not in the shape of a bill for legislation, as was proposed last session, but in a distinct and separate form for deliberate enquiry, in order that it might be examined in all its details.

The omission to notice the catholic question in the speech from the throne, was severely censured. "After all that had occurred in discussion," said some members of opposition, "and been excited in hope, no disposition whatever was expressed to conciliate the catholics, or to adjust their claims. Every one remembered what had taken place at the close of last session in both houses of parliament; by the House of Commons, indeed, a distinct pledge had been entered into, fully to consider the catholic question, with a view to an ultimate and satisfactory arrangement. Was it now resolved to relinquish this pledge, and set aside all that had been done? There were too many grounds of suspicion upon this subject; and several proceedings had occurred both in this country and in Ireland, where, to use the words of Lord Camden," the hand and fingers of government were very visible." Such, indeed, was the supposed hostility of government to the cause of the catholics, that one motive for the dissolution of parliament was said to be a desire to get rid of the pledge of the other house upon the subject; and if the rumours now abroad were well founded, that statement would appear not improbable. For, according to one rumour, it was the intention of ministers, after the Houses had met for a few days, and adjusted some

matters immediately necessary to the objects of government, to propose an adjournment for two months. Now, the practical effect of such an adjournment would be to evade the pledge for taking the catholic question into early consideration, which, combined with the omission in the speech, was a bad omen for the catholics. There were some words at the conclusion of the speech in praise of the constitution. Yet there was also a report that ministers had it in contemplation to propose an extension of the duration of parliament upon the demise of the crown; but the praise of the constitution contained in the speech, surely destroyed all belief in the rumour."

Such was the view taken by opposition of the general policy of government. The ministers, on the other hand, vindicated their conduct from the imputations which were cast upon it, and expressed" their readiness to submit the whole of their proceedings to the strictest scrutiny, whether referring to disaster or to triumph-whe. ther furnishing matter for congratulation, or connected with events which every one must deplore. With respect to the conduct of the war, history enabled every one to pronounce that those who looked for unmixed success and exemption from every species of misfortune, rested on hopes the most chimerical. But where misfortune occurred, the majority of parliament and of the public were too considerate and just, not to distinguish between that which was attributable to the contingencies of war, and that for which ministers or their agents might be deemed fairly responsible. The war in Spain might be regarded as a new era in the history of modern wars, because here the people were active in repelling their invaders. Unlike the people of Germany and Italy, who were passive spectators of the conflict

produced by French invasion, the Spaniards were most forward to contend for the independence and for the old establishments of their country, and therefore their cause held out an encouraging prospect, and a good example, which the people of Russia were now so nobly emulating. It was this exhibition of a high national spirit which originally induced ministers to become the advocates of that assistance which the Spaniards had received from this country. Indeed, if this country had not afforded that aid, it would have betrayed an indifference, not only to every high sentiment of liberty, but even to the most common notions of policy. But while our object was to assist Spain,-to afford to the Spanish people and to Europe the means of profiting by circumstances which appeared so promising, ministers were certainly not so sanguine, as many others who concurred with them, in the policy of granting assistance. Whatever the result might be, it was the duty of England to make an attempt in favour of Spain, The real question therefore was, whether the exertions of Britain were commensurate with her means and resources, as well as with the importance of the object, the attainment of which was in view? This was the true question. With regard then to the amount of the aid afforded, the utmost had been done for Spain, which, consistently with a due attention to other objects, it was possible for government to accomplish. It was for those who maintained the contrary to shew how and where more might have been done. As to the adequacy of the means to the end in view, it was proper to remark, that our great commander in the peninsula had never been deceived by government with respect to the means in its power to afford, nor had any aid which that officer required ever been refused. It would,

indeed, have been an injustice to him, to our ally, and to the country, to have deceived him on such points.-Considering the subject in all its bearings, how could any blame be imputable to ministers? It was admitted, indeed, that at the period when the French armies were engaged with Russia, the opportunity was favourable for a great effort in the peninsula, but considering the uncertainty of war, and the responsability of government for the perpe. tual protection and safety of the empire, would it have been consistent with its duty, for the sake of one extraordinary effort, to throw away the means of fu. ture exertion. As the most brilliant campaign has often no decisive influence upon the fate of war, should a wise government cast all on one die hazard the power, and shed the heart's blood of a country, merely to make a flourish-and risk perpetual strength for the triumph of one year? A government entrusted with the management of the resources of a great empire, is bound to recollect that it has to provide for the future as well as the present, and ought to look to the safe ty of the whole.-The country ought to know what exertions had actually been made, and it would be convinced of their sufficiency. But when the assertion was hazarded, that more ought to have been done for the peninsula, let us look to the proudest periods of our history-to the periods of King William and Queen Anne, when the great Duke of Marlborough wielded the energies of the nation with so much glory and success. Let all the relative circumstances be fairly taken into view. Our means had of late aug mented in a surprising ratio; and with in two or three years the increased strength of the military force of the country was great beyond example. For what was the actual state of our force in that quarter, which it had been said was so inadequately supplied? We had

on the 25th of June last, in the peninsula and the Mediterranean, an army of no less than 127,000 men in our pay; that was, 91,000 British, including foreign or German troops, with 36,000 Portuguese. Such was our force, independently of Spanish auxiliaries, who received from us all the assistance in our power, in their formation, equipment, and pecuniary supply. Nay, the British army alone under Lord Wellington, at the period alluded to, amounted to 58,000. Did the exertions which collected such an army deserve to be characterised in such terms

three years ago would any man have been so sanguine as to believe the collection of such an army practicable? Yet such had been the exertions of that government, which had also to provide for the protection of India, of our numerous colonies in the West, and for our domestic arrangements,As to the alleged deficiency of equipment in our army,-that our soldiers should be quite secured from privations, that they should at all times be com pletely equipped, it would be too much to expect in the ordinary vicissitudes. of war. Where, however, such privations occurred, and where they were reported by our illustrious commander, his requisitions were immediately attended to. This could and would, no doubt, be confirmed promptly by that distinguished commander himself-for it was a striking feature in his character, that he was as just to those who supported him, as he was bold to those who opposed him—and it was another striking feature in his character, that he was never extravagant in his expectations or demands; indeed, he was never likely to make such demands, because ministers took care that he should be always accurately informed as to the means of supply. That some inconvenience might have been felt from the state of the military chest no one could deny ;

but the supply of specie at present must depend upon a great variety of circumstances, beyond the power of any ministers to controul; upon the means of obtaining money for bills on the continent, and other causes, particularly the state of the Spanish colonies in America, all of which naturally interfered with the importation of bullion. Yet no blame could attach to government, for nothing practicable was left undone by them. There was, however, a limit to their means, as there was a limit to the means of any nation; by that limit alone government was confined in its efforts to assist these operations which it was called upon to extend.-The Sicilian expedition was prepared to sail early in March, and was conducted throughout in concert with Lord Wellington, who communicated regularly with the commander of that force. The appearance of this expedition off Catalonia was of great utility, as it prevented Suchet from sending reinforcements to Joseph Buonaparte, who in consequence evacuated Madrid; and the arrival of this expedition at Valencia, instead of being a mistake, as asserted, was the result of a concerted plan. That the late campaign had eminently succeeded was obvious. For what was the object of the campaign? Why, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, the expulsion of the French from the south of Spain, and the raising of the siege of Cadiz. All these objects had been attained; and would not that man have been deemed very sanguine, who at the outset would have predicted the attainment of such important objects, particularly the liberation of the Spanish government by the raising of the siege of Cadiz ?While the objects of the campaign had been accomplished, many of the hopes excited by the victory of Salamanca had been disappointed. But that disappointment was not at

tributable to any want of energy on the part of his majesty's government; nor was the scarcity of artillery at Burgos any imputation upon government; for in fact there were three battering trains on the continent; and besides these, one was sent last March to Lisbon to be kept afloat, subject to the orders of Lord Wellington. According to the opinion, however, of the noble lord himself, Burgos must have been taken, if at all, without de lay, and before any artillery could be brought to him. But the failure of our gallant commander's calculation, and the consequent recapture of Madrid, was owing to the refusal of Ba lasteros to obey his commands; which refusal facilitated the movements of the French force, and disconcerted Lord Wellington's plan of operations."

So

With reference to America, it was observed, "that the dispatches of her government clearly demonstrated that the orders in council were the great stumbling-block, in the way of an amicable arrangement between the countries. Not only the acts of the government, but also the acts of congress, expressly declared, that the repeal of the retaliatory measure, the non-importation act, depended upon the rescinding of those orders. soon as that very measure should be adopted, which it was now pretended the Americans regarded as insignificant, the American government proclaimed that its hostile measures should cease to be enforced.—It had been asserted, that we were unprepared for the American war; but where and how were we unprepared? Were we unprepared in Canada, or was there any neglect at the Admiralty? Upon this subject, as well as with respect to Spain, let the opponents of ministers come to close quarters-let them state facts-let them bring something specific, and abandon that style of loose and general accusation, of which the

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House had been favoured with so many specimens in the course of the discussion. "Now as to the concluding topic of the noble marquis's (Marquis Wel. lesley's) speech, I have not," said the Earl of Liverpool," made use of any expression with respect to the cathoHic question, to which I do not adhere. My opinion I have always publicly proclaimed upon this subject. I have resisted, and I will resist, the proposition for entering into the consideration of the catholic claims, because I cannot see any way to an adjustment of those claims, likely to satisfy the catholics. I therefore think it more consistent to oppose the proposition at once, than to seek to defeat it by what are called guards or securities. I meet the catholics openly and publicly, and will never attempt to disappoint their wishes by any little under. hand opposition-by any schemes or subterfuge. My system of opposition I feel to be more fair and candid, and therefore I will continue to pure sue it. In stating this to be my intention, I declare merely my individual opinion, without meaning to sway the judgment of any of my friends.""

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Returning again to the affairs of the peninsula, it was remarked by other members, "that this was the point on which ministers ought, by the ordinary course of policy, to make their effort as a diversion in favour of Russia, since it could not be expected of this country, that it should be able, at one and the same time, to make proper exertion in that quarter, and nerve the arm of Russia in the north, by fur nishing her with men or money. Ministers would not be inclined to ward off any censure that might be applied to them, on the ground of relaxation in their efforts to carry on most vigorously the war in Spain; but there had been no relaxation on their parts; neither had they neglected any means by which it was possible

VOL. VI. PART I.

for them to obtain possession of a greater disposable force. The ministers of the prince regent were prepared to defend themselves on the exercise of the means they actually did possess, or could possess, and on their having employed the resources entrusted to them to the utmost, without draining the country beyond that point which no nation could sustain or support. Ministers certainly could not have been expected to make these unnatural attempts (now suggested as necessary or defended as politic) by gentlemen on the other side; by those who had ever inculcated upon their minds the necessity there was for husbanding our resources, and, even on the peninsula, keeping our exertions within the bounds of the strictest moderation.It was obviously impossible indeed for ministers to enter on an ample elucidation of the measures respecting which doubts might be thrown out on a night like the present, when all the numerous points of policy connected with the country were thrown open for partial discussion, and the attention was not confined to a single object, though many of those alluded to were sufficiently intricate and important to require of themselves the utmost diligence of parliament.-The country should be on its guard against being led to expect too much from successes, or to despair on account of reverses, even though they might be such as to replace the allied forces in the lines at Torres Vedras. It was not by one victory that the fate of the peninsula would be decided; and it was a dangerous enthusiasm which was elevated beyond bounds, even by such a victory as would soon call for the thanks of the House; or be depressed beyond measure by every failure that might attend our exertions. When by the most consummate generalship, that victory unparalleled in the his