Parnell*, "who at this time distinguished them"selves for their exertions in favour of the catholics, "there was no one to whom they were under "greater obligations than to the late Mr. Burke. "He wrote for them the petition which was pre"sented to the king in 1774. In the English "house of commons, in 1778, he was the first to "declare the necessity of concessions being made "to them; he said that Ireland was now the "chief dependence of the British crown, and that "it particularly behoved that country to admit the "Irish nation to the privileges of British citizens;' "and in the year 1782, he wrote his celebrated "letter to lord Kenmare, in which he so ably exposes the folly, injustice, and tyranny of the "penal laws."

From this period to the year 1790, the catholic question was not agitated in parliament; but in the mean time two events happened, which materially assisted the catholic cause ;-the fear of an invasion from France,-and the establishment of the national independence of Ireland. The first produced the embodying of volunteer corps throughout all the kingdom, and these were composed indiscriminately of catholics and protestants.

Insensibly they became an armed association for compelling Great Britain to grant to Ireland the independence of her legislature. In this important attempt the protestants took the lead; and it was evident that the victory would belong to the party, to which the catholics should attach themselves. • History of the Penal Laws, p. 84.

*

Their protestant brethren, on the other hand, endeavoured to conciliate them by public resolutions in favour of their complete emancipation. Among these, the Dungannon convention, which met in February 1782, and was composed of the representatives of one hundred and forty-three protestant corps of volunteers, deserves particular mention. They resolved, with two dissenting voices only, "that they held the right of private 'judgment, in matters of religion, to be equally "sacred in others as themselves; therefore, that as christians and protestants, they rejoiced in "the relaxation of the penal laws, against their "roman-catholic fellow subjects, and that they "conceived the measure to be fraught with the happiest consequences to the union and pros"perity of Ireland."

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In 1791, the committee of catholics agreed upon a petition to parliament; but, incredible as it may appear, the catholics, though they constituted, as we have frequently mentioned, the great majority of the nation, had not, even in this state of amelioration, sufficient influence to induce any one member of parliament to present it.

It is painful to relate that, during this time, the administration had been endeavouring to counteract the views of the catholics, by a negotiation with some of their principal nobility and gentry; and that this was so far successful, that, at a meeting of the general committee, held in December 1791, for the purpose of considering of the policy of petitioning parliament, a division took place: but

fortunately the party of the nobility were left in a minority of seventeen to ninety.

The committee delegated Mr. Devereux, Mr. Edward Byrne, Mr. John Keogh, and two other gentlemen to negotiate with Mr. Pitt: they were directed chiefly to insist upon five objects,-the elective franchise, their admission to grand juries, to county magistracies, to high shrievalties, and to the bar. Mr. Keogh was the soul of the delegation: he possessed a complete knowledge of the subject, uncommon strength of understanding, firmness of mind, and a solemn imposing manner, under an appearance of great humility, which obtained for him an ascendancy over almost every person with whom he conversed. On one occasion, he was introduced to the late Mr. Dundas, afterwards Lord Melville. That eminent statesman was surrounded by several persons of distinction, and received the delegates with great good humour, but some state; a long conference ensued, and the result was not favourable to the mission of Mr. Keogh. After a short silence, Mr. Keogh advanced towards Mr. Dundas, with great respect, and, with a very obsequious, but very solemn look, mentioned to him, that "there was one thing, "which it was essential for him to know, but of "which he had not the slightest conception." He remarked, "that it was very extraordinary that a

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person of Mr. Dundas's high situation, and one "of his own humble lot, (he was a tradesman in Dublin), should be in the same room: yet, since "it had so happened, and probably would not

happen again, he wished to avail himself of the opportunity of making the important disclosure: "but could not think of doing it, without Mr. "Dundas's express permission, and his promise "not to be offended." Mr. Dundas gave him this permission and promise: still Mr. Keogh was all humility and apology, and Mr. Dundas all condescension. After these had continued for some time, and the expectation of every person present was wound up to its highest pitch, Mr. Keogh approached Mr. Dundas, in a very humble attitude, and said," Since you give me this permission, and your deliberate promise not to be offended, I beg "leave to repeat,-that there is one thing, which you ought to know, but which you don't suspect, 66 -you, Mr. Dundas, know nothing of Ireland."

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Mr. Dundas, as may be supposed, was greatly surprised; but with perfect good humour told Mr. Keogh, that he believed this was not the case: it was true that he never had been in Ireland, but he had conversed with many Irishmen. "I have "drunk," he said, "many a good bottle of wine "with lord Hillsborough, lord Clare, and the "Beresfords."-"Yes sir," said Mr. Keogh, "I "believe you have; and that you drank many a good bottle of wine with them before you went "to war with America."