the prim schoolmaster is found a more effective bugbear to political disturbers than the grim headsman, it is too much to demand of us the continuance of those means of Government whose worst corruption was unnoticed amidst the greater hideousness of the ends to which they were rendered subservient. (Hear.) Sir, I never contemplate the discussions which have passed on this question, but I feel myself half a convert to the now unfashionable conduct of the wisdom of our an

few sounding phrases and a few hard names are sufficient to deter us from putting to a practical use the results of that experience, and the deductions of that knowledge. (Hear, hear.) So much, Sir, for the authority of past generations; now a few observations address

for the purposes of this dispute, to assume cal honesty should be identified with blind that our right to our present liberties is a pre-fidelity to the landlord or the party leader. scriptive right alone; for, by the very same But now, Sir, that the Sunday Pamphlet has evidence whereby this is proved, I claim the superseded the bludgeon of the mob; now, same prescriptive right to occasional neces- that the daily journal has been admitted, by sary reform. If I am referred to the records mutual consent, as a fitter arbiter between of history for the title deeds of our representa-coutending factions than the axe; now, that tive system, that same history tells me of alterations in that system, compared with which the present measure dwindles into insignificance. (Hear, hear.) If I am told that the transfer of the elective franchise from Gatton to Birmingham, without judicial procedure, is a violent innovation, I caunot but recollect that within little more than a century, two independent legislatures have been blotted out from the page of the constitution, (hear, hear,) and with them the greater part of the representation whereof they were composed.cestors. I am told that they had, of necessity, If I am told that the vested rights of the less experience, and less wisdom than ourpresent constituency are inviolable, I ask selves. Less experience I admit they had; (and though so frequently asked before, it but that they had less wisdom I almost doubt, has never yet received an attempt at an an- when I see that, unlike their descendants, swer) what has become of the 40s. freeholders they made, to the best of their ability, a prac of Ireland? (Hear.) Sir, that very revolution tical application of that experience to the neof 1688, which has sometimes been appealed cessities and difficulties which occurred; and to as the definitive resting-place of our con were Sir Thomas More really to rise from his stitutional ark, as the Sion of our political grave for the purpose of instructing a Poet wandering, that revolution which changed the Laureate in political economy, he might well succession to the throne, is surely sufficient ask us what do we gain by our superior kuow precedent for the disfranchisement of a nomi-ledge and accumulated experience, when a nation borough. (Hear, hear.) Sir, if the success of my own argument were the sole interest I felt in this question, I should willingly risk the event of the controversy on this appeal to historical precedent; but I will not place the cause of the people of England on any such narrow ground of defence. We seeked to the reflection and the experience of the not this reform as a matter of abstract right, present. Of course, Sir, I shall not be called but of practical expediency; we claim it, not upon at this day, either in or out of this House, as the fruit of historical research, but of his to answer an opponent who seriously pretends torical experience; (hear, hear;) we ask it, ignorance of the measure in which our nonot because it was so in our forefather's time, mination system works, whatever may be his but because it would have been so now, had opinion of the results which it produces. our forefathers lived in ours. (Cheers.) Sir, Upon the former of these questions, there is it is not enough to tell us that our borough no longer either mystery or disagreement; to system is now what it was 200 years ago. It the latter I shall briefly address myself. Now, is not enough to tell us that a system of ty- Sir, this question of the results of our borough rannical compulsion and corrupt influence system is a question of fact; and it is a which was in harmony with the violence and question of fact which the limits of debate fraud of the political warfare of those days, preclude us from adducing as satisfactory and which was in harmony with the remains of direct testimony; for such testimony would feudal power and the remembrance of feudal be nothing less than the political history of fidelity, which was suited alike to the selfish- England for such a period as the disputants ness of their political vices and the sternness should agree in considering a fair criterion. of their political virtues; it is not enough to To enter satisfactorily upon such a field of intell us that such a system is not grown worse, quiry is, in this place, manifestly impossible; or even that it is considerably improved. and to touch upon it by quoting a few isolated If the political struggles of those days examples is only opening a vast magazine were, compared with the polite encounters of whence disputants on either side may furnish our own, the warfare of giants, they displayed themselves with a species of light weapon of the selfishness and tyranny of giant natures; equal brightness, but equally indecisive. We and when the bludgeon was the umpire of have been told, for instance, of the talent popular meetings and the axe of legislative habitually introduced into the House through assemblies, it was natural and unavoidable the narrow portal of a close borough; but we that corruption and intimidation should be have not been told what proportion this talent reckoned the two main pillars of established bore to the aggregate mediocrity, not to say Government and social order, and that politi-occasional imbecility, of such introductions.

Honourable Members opposite string up their Petitions (hear, hear); that the agriculturist dozen of choice pippins in a golden row to winks at, if he does not encourage, the outwin our admiration; but we have not been rages of his labourers, as a circuitous means called to notice the bushels of crabs which of lightening those taxes which had disabled have sprung from the same stock. (Cheers.) him from meeting their demands; it is, Sir, And surely, Sir, it would not have weakened for these reasons that (however our adversaour opponent's case, if they had bestowed ries may persist with a politic affectation of some pains in showing that this talent had fear to transpose the terms) that Revolution been generally applied to the service of the has been called for when reform was wanted; country, and not of its possessors and their it is, Sir, to the obstinate coutinuance of this patrons. Napoleon's servile Senate was a antiquated corruption that we owe those pecollection of the talent, the science, and the riodical outbreaks of popular discontent which, experience of France; but we shall bardly since the first French Revolution, have kept refer to that as a pattern of a legislative that people, and among them the greatest assembly. (Hear, hear, bear.) And these intellect of the age, in a state of wonder at observations, Sir, remind me of what is, the continued existence of a Constitution after all, the fatal objection to such a system which only throws off its peccant humours by of election; that which is, to my mind, the this system of chronic convulsions. (Hear.) decisive reason against the existence of even It is, Sir, to use the language of common the purest of these boroughs. We have life-it is because I am obliged to secure, not heard much boasting of the independence of by force, at least by an understood readiness our self-elected legislators; and if independ- to apply it, the good conduct towards me of ence is always to be measured by irresponsi- that man to whom I can offer no other mobility, it is not to be denied that they are tives; it is because a very little knowledge of most aristocratically independent of that human nature would make the most careless people whose representatives they are so fond disposition unwilling to trust for a moment of styling themselves. But here, Sir, is the out of sight that man who has any power in fatal taint in the source from whence they his possession, but of whose character I do not spring, here is that illegitimacy of origin approve, and over whose actions I have no which will ever stand in the way of that salutary respect which all rulers, to make their rule effective, should enjoy in the eyes of the people. Legislators they may be, wise and honest legislators if you please, but representatives they are not and cannot be. Hereditary members of an elective assembly, peers in the House of Commons, by their presence here they intercept from the hereditary branch of the legislature that popular confidence which they cannot enjoy themselves. (Cheers.) Sir, there is no one remark which our adversaries are more assidu. ous in submitting to our attention than the necessity, that a legislative assembly should so far enjoy the confidence of the people that it should not be obliged to act as the mere momentary index of popular will; that it should represent the opinious of the community upon an average of years, and be responsible for the ultimate tendency rather than the particular line of its conduct. Sir, in this doctrine I most cordially agree: and I do, therefore, protest against the continuance of that system of representation which compels the people to interfere with a jealous expression of their opinions on each particular action of this House that does not fall in with their momentary humour; because they feel, that whether the ultimate results of that action be such as to justify us or not, they at one argument which I shall suggest to the least will have no future opportunity of con- House-an application of the old argument trolling the actors, or of adopting precau- from cause to effect. What, Sir, is the plain tions against the repetition or continuance state of the case now before this court? Here of the action. It is, Sir, for these reasons are two parties: one affirming the good effects that the press admonishes us by threats of our nomination system; the other, at least instead of advice (hear, hear); that the equally numerous, and if not more disintermanufacturing artizan enrols his name in ested, at least placed in circumstances which. affiliated societies, instead of subscribing it to throw less suspicion over their testimony, af

control. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, as I said before, it is quite impossible to prove general misconduct, or general merit, by any number of particular instances which the limits of debate will permit us to quote; there is but one indisputable criterion to which we can appeal in this place; and that criterion must be sought by each individual among the results of his own observation, and his own experience without these walls. That criterion of legislative capacity is the general effect produced upon public opinion by the conduct of such a legislation; a slow, silent, continuous effect-visible, indeed, through the whole of its insidious progress to those whose business it is to watch the signs of the times— the gathering thunder-cloud of a summer's day-unheeded by less attentive observers, until the first audible mutterings of its wrath, and unnoticed by the multitude in general, until it burst in storm aud desolation on the land. This is that unerring criterion to which rulers have never yet appealed until the eleventh hour; this is that indisputable sign of the times which Governments never deign to notice until they can no longer close their eyes to the lightning nor their ears to the thunder. (Cheers.) There is, indeed, Sir, on this question of fact-on this question of the good or bad results of our present system

firming, with as bold an appeal to experience, | (cheers); and who now, when such denial is the bad effects of the same system! So far, no longer possible, think to evade the results Sir, the

equal amony fu favour of us is at least of of their own obstinacy by an affectation of

with that in favour of our ad-sudden discovery, that such blemishes have versaries; but what will be said when these gone too far-have spread themselves too very adversaries join most cordially with us in universally through the system, to leave any their character of the system which produces part where a repair may be commenced with these much-disputed effects? Why, Sir, out danger of pulling the whole to pieces? these very trumpeters of this House-those (Hear, hear, bear.) And these, Sir, are the champions of our motley franchise-allow that self-elected champions of our Monarchical they are astonished when they contemplate Government? And these are the best grounds the apparently inadequate causes which pro- on which they would risk its defence? Sir, I duce these vaunted results; they allow that am not of their opinion. I have better they cannot explain by what miracle of our thoughts of that monarchy of England, which politico-moral nature such purity is engen- has withstood far more serious renovation dered of such corruption. (Hear, hear, hear.) than this; I have better thoughts of those We infer the existence of bad effects from bad institutions which our ancestors feared not to causes. Our adversaries join with us in our reform and repair whenever they saw need so character of the causes, but infer therefrom to do. I tremble not at their exposure to the nothing but good effects. (Hear.) Thus ordeal of public opinion; through that ordeal much, Sir, for those who, abandoning the they were never yet passed but they came out machinery of our representative system as with equal beauty and with renovated purity untenable ground, take up their position in (hear, hear, hear); from those struggles defence of its results. But there is another, which have exuded the superfluous flesh the and no less numerous class, who, giving up bone derives its strength and the sinews their both machinery and results as equally inde- elasticity. What these apprehensions of fensible-who, acknowledging that they see danger are it is in vain for us to ask. Our here no exception to the old rule of "Like opponents have on this subject contented causes produce like effects," demur, never- themselves with vague generalities, nor have theless, to any proposal for amending the sys- they even condescended to place before us tem from an apprehension of danger, whose any intelligible picture of those phantoms magnitude, in their eyes, is perphaps to be which exercise so powerful an 'influence explained upon the old principle of "omne over their own imaginations. We cannot, of ignotum pro mirifico;" inasmuch as they have course, be expected to combat those forces never yet been able exactly to specify what which will not take the field. We can only that danger is. The sole difference between ask, what danger there will henceforth exist them and us is, Shall the decayed parts of which does not exist now? What supports the system be mended or not? Both are the monarchy and peerage now but public agreed how much the system wants mending, opinion? and how can that support be weak. but one party is unwilling to begin so perilous ened when we have enlisted public opinion in a job. Both are agreed that it is in rags and their favour by granting that reform which, tatters; but whenever we begin to thread the of all others, public opinion is now most darning-needle, they exclaim, "Leave it loudly demanding? (Loud cheering.) We alone, in the name of prudence-in the name have been told, indeed, that the House of of caution-in the name of Robespierre and Peers could not exist without the support Danton-it is so rotten, that if you attempt to which it derives from its nominees in this put a stitch in the whole will fall to pieces." I assembly. But, Sir, were we to grant this will not stop, Sir, to remind such objectors what we should immediately ask, what supports manner of compliment they are paying to the this assembly? If the House of Peers is old garment which has served their turn so thrown back upon the House of Commons, long, and for which they profess such a on what does the House of Commons rely? veneration (a laugh); but do they not see After all the discussions of the theoretical, and the inevitable inference which the political the intrigues of the practical statesman, we renovators would draw from this admission? come ultimately and in the last resort to Would not the answer be ready and irre-public opinion as the tortoise which is to plicable? If the state of the garment be such as you avow, then it is high time to get a new one. And is not this, Sir, the dilemma in which the obstinate refusal of all the moderate and timely amendments has, for some time, placed us? Have we not been told by a loud, if not a strong party, that the LegisTature of England is incorrigible? that it is too rotten to be patched up, and that it is high time to get a new one? And to whom do we owe this, but to those who passed by every opportunity for a timely reform, with an impudent denial of the existence of any blemish

carry the elephant, which carries the ministerial world; and, however we may consult our distaste for unpalatable remedies, however we may think to avoid the bitter necessity of physic by attributing our strength to the disease of which we are dying; however we may flatter our imagined dignity by a vaunted independence of popular opinion; it is that popular opinion which is our best staff of support, though we will continue to insult it by clinging to a broken reed. (Cheers.) This topic, Sir, reminds me of Mr. Canning, and which is thus briefly

think those hearts worth the winning, even at the price of my own power. (Load cheering.) We have been accused of attempting by a threat of revolution to intimidate those very opponents, whose favourite argument against this bill-whose staff of reliance, if I may judge from their cheers, is their own fear of revolution as the ultimate consequence. Why, Sir-threat for threat

summed up in his own words:"If you reform the House of Commons on the ground of past misconduct, what will you do with the House of Lords?" Now, Sir, this objection to reform in general, is shortly and conclusively answered by a reference to that part of the bill which is now the subject of discussion. In the schedules A and B is written that which we intend to do with the House of Lords: we intend to deprive them upon our joint showing of the case, the of that corrupt and unconstitutional influence question would only be which way led which they exercise in this House; intend to soonest and straightest to revolution. They confine them to their own court; we wish do not defend acknowledged iniquities of the in future that either House should be what present system upon any other grounds than it was intended to be, a court of perpetual those of general expediency; they acknowappeal from the decisions of the other, in- ledge the occasional personal, and constant stead of that monstrous anomaly which moral, corruption inflicted by our present they now offer to the world of two courts, de- nomination system; but it is the only way, sigued to control each other, but ruled in a forsooth, of keeping things quiet; the only great measure by the same judges, and con-way of saving the monarchy, the peerage, and trolled by a mutual influence. (Cheers.) One the church. Why, Sir, may we not entertait complaint has been made against the particu- the same fears as our adversaries? Why a lar part of the measure now under discussion, they to be allowed to allege their own prospecwhich comes with a peculiarly bad grace from tive cowardice as a reason against that meathose by whom it is now put forth; we are sure, in favour of which we must not state told of the anomalies both as regards popula- our present apprehensions? (Hear, hear.) tion and property, which will still defend our Sir, I am not afraid of a revolution in representative system, as if those anomalies either case. I am not afraid of that phycould be put for one instaut in comparison sical violence, against which, if we were not with those which now exist, and as if those protected by the good sense of the people very persons would not be the most vociferous of England, the bigotry of their self-elected in scouting such a reform as would be neces- rulers would be but as a broken reed. sary to sweep away all anomalies whatever. But I do think that we shall give no small (Cheers.) Another complaint I will notice is confirmation of that charge of legislative inone not directed against the measure itself, capacity which is now ringing in our ears, if but against those who have introduced it; we neglect to repair our house while it is still and this complaint I approach with some diffi- summer, because the winter hurricane is not dence of my own Constitutional knowledge. yet upou the horizon. (Hear, hear.) It is beSir, 1 must confess (and I shall be thankful cause we can retreat with diguity that I wish for correction if wrong), I must confess that to retreat now; I wish to exchange that sus I was not aware until the late debates on this picious safety which we owe to the good sense question, that the appeal of a British King rather than to the good wishes of the people, from his Parliament to his people was an un- to the remembrance rather than to the conconstitutional measure. I had thought that tinuance of former affection, to the habit both the theory and practice of our Constitu- rather than to the feelings of past fidelity,→I tion had decided, that a Parliament at issue wish to exchange that suspicious safety with its constituents on a great Constitutional for the holiday security of a people's love. question might, by no unprecedented exercise (Cheers.) There be some few, I know, in of the Royal Prerogative, be sent back to those all political parties, who care neither for constituents, if not for further instruction, at a people's love nor have faith in a peoleast for further proofs of confidence. (Cheers.) ple's gratitude; whose best political virAnd now, Sir, before I sit down, one word tue is a proud consistency in wrong, and concerning that people of England, to whose whose highest moral courage is an unreflecting hopes and wishes, as it seems, his Majesty's security. (Hear, hear, hear) Where, indeed, Ministers must not even allude in this House, was ever seen a fabric of time-worn political without danger of being taunted from the op- privilege tottering to its fall, the majority of posite bench, with an appeal to their physical whose possessors have not displayed the same force! I, Sir, shall put forth myself no idiotic security, amidst the ruin which every vaunting defiance of that giant power which one else foresaw. (Loud cheers.) I will not now sleeps a faithful servant at our feet-that detain the House by quoting proofs of that power which never yet put forth its strength melancholy truth, of which political history but in our defence, and against which, if once is but one long example; I will go no farther it turn in madness on its master, no defiance back than to the early days of many whom I will avail. (Cheers.) If, as a legislator, I am now address, and ask was it the firmness of called upon to forget that the people have real or the madness of fancied security when hands, as an Englishman I cannot forget that the Court of Versailles drove the representa they have hearts; and at all times, indeed, tives of popular opinion to swear in a Tennis but more especially in times like these, I do Court their own inviolability and the regene

This seed was also grown

at Barn-Elm farm, the summer before the last. It is a seed which is just as good at ten years old as at one.-The plants were raised in seed-beds in 1828; they were selected, and those of the deepest red planted out in a field of 13 acres, which was admired by all who saw it, as a most even, true and beautiful field of the kind. COBBETT's CORN.-I SELL THE CORN AT MY SHOP IN BOLT-COURT, AT 18. EARS, SIX NUMBER; and the Book, on the cultivation and uses of it, at 2s. 6d.; which is called a TREATISE ON COBBETT'S CORN.

A BUNCH OF FINE

ber; for all these see my "WOOD-MITCHELL, G., jun., Brighton, broker, LANDS;" or TREATISE ON TIMBER TREES AND UNDERWOOD. 8vo. 148. SWEDISH TURNIP SEED.-Any

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bury-square, Fleet-street, printers,