Obrazy na stronie

think those hearts worth the winning, even at
the price of my own power. (Load cheering.)
We have been accused of attempting by
a threat of revolution to intimidate those
very opponents, whose favourite argument
against this bill-whose staff of reliance,
if I may judge from their cheers, is their
own fear of revolution as the ultimate
consequence. Why, Sir-threat for threat
upon our joint showing of the case, the
question would only be which way led
soonest and straightest to revolution. They
do not defend acknowledged iniquities of the
present system upon any other grounds than
those of general expediency; they acknow-
ledge the occasional personal, and constant
moral, corruption inflicted by our present
nomination system; but it is the only way,
forsooth, of keeping things quiet; the only

summed up in his own words:"If you
reform the House of Commous on the ground
of past misconduct, what will you do with
the House of Lords?" Now, Sir, this ob-
jection to reform in general, is shortly and
conclusively answered by a reference to that
part of the bill which is now the subject of
discussion. In the schedules A and B is
written that which we intend to do with the
House of Lords: we intend to deprive them
of that corrupt and unconstitutional influence
which they exercise in this House; intend to
confine them to their own court; we wish
in future that either House should be what
it was intended to be, a court of perpetual
appeal from the decisions of the other, in-
stead of that monstrous anomaly which
they now offer to the world of two courts, de-
sigued to control each other, but ruled in a
great measure by the same judges, and con-way of saving the monarchy, the peerage, and
trolled by a mutual influence. (Cheers.) One the church. Why, Sir, may we not entertai
complaint has been made against the particu- the same fears as our adversaries? Why a
lar part of the measure now under discussion, they to be allowed to allege their own prospec-
which comes with a peculiarly bad grace from tive cowardice as a reason against that mea-
those by whom it is now put forth; we are sure, in favour of which we must not state
told of the anomalies both as regards popula-our present apprehensions? (Hear, hear.)
tion and property, which will still defend our Sir, I am not afraid of a revolution in
representative system, as if those anomalies either case. 1 am not afraid of that phy-
could be put for one instaut in comparison sical violence, against which, if we were not
with those which now exist, and as if those protected by the good sense of the people
very persons would not be the most vociferous of England, the bigotry of their self-elected
in scouting such a reform as would be neces-rulers would be but as a broken reed.
sary to sweep away all anomalies whatever. But I do think that we shall give no small
(Cheers.) Another complaint I will notice is confirmation of that charge of legislative in-
one not directed against the measure itself, capacity which is now ringing in our ears, if
but against those who have introduced it; we neglect to repair our house while it is still
and this complaint I approach with some diffi- summer, because the winter hurricane is not
dence of my own Constitutional knowledge. yet upou the horizon. (Hear, hear.) It is be-
Sir, 1 must confess (and I shall be thankful cause we can retreat with diguity that I wish
for correction if wrong), I must confess that to retreat now; I wish to exchange that sus
I was not aware until the late debates on this picious safety which we owe to the good sense
question, that the appeal of a British King rather than to the good wishes of the people,
from his Parliament to his people was an un-to the remembrance rather than to the con-
constitutional measure. I had thought that tinuance of former affection, to the habit
both the theory and practice of our Constitu- rather than to the feelings of past fidelity,→I
tion had decided, that a Parliament at issue wish to exchange that suspicious safety
with its constituents on a great Constitutional for the holiday security of a people's love.
question might, by no unprecedented exercise (Cheers.) There be some few, I know, in
of the Royal Prerogative, be sent back to those all political parties, who care neither for
constituents, if not for further instruction, at a people's love nor have faith in a peo-
least for further proofs of confidence. (Cheers.) | ple's gratitude; whose best political vir
And now, Sir, before I sit down, one word tue is a proud consistency in wrong, and
concerning that people of England, to whose whose highest moral courage is an unreflecting
hopes and wishes, as it seems, his Majesty's security. (Hear, bear, hear) Where, indeed,
Ministers must not even allude in this House, was ever seen a fabric of time-worn political
without danger of being taunted from the op- privilege tottering to its fall, the majority of
posite bench, with an appeal to their physical whose possessors have not displayed the same
force! I, Sir, shall put forth myself no idiotic security, amidst the ruin which every
vaunting defiance of that giant power which one else foresaw. (Loud cheers.) will not
now sleeps a faithful servant at our feet-that detain the House by quoting proofs of that
power which never yet put forth its strength melancholy truth, of which political history
but in our defence, and against which, if once is but one long example; I will go no farther
it turn in madness on its master, no defiance back than to the early days of many whom I
will avail. (Cheers.) If, as a legislator, I am now address, and ask was it the firmness of
called upon to forget that the people have real or the madness of fancied security when
hands, as an Englishman I cannot forget that the Court of Versailles drove the representa
they have hearts; and at all times, indeed, tives of popular opinion to swear in a Tennis
but more especially in times like these, I do Court their own inviolability and the regene-

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ration of France? (Hear, hear.) Or was it the firmness of real or the madness of fancied security when, as it were but yesterday, the breathless herald of approaching insurrection was ordered to wait on the threshold of St. Cloud

"Donec Borbonico libeat vigilare tyranno." (Hear, hear, hear.) What price, not the people of France alone, but all civilised Europe, were compelled to pay for chaining that first madness, is now matter of history; what price, not France alone, but all civilised Europe are about to pay for chaining this second madness, I dare not trust myself to prophesy (cheers); but I appeal to all impartial observers of past and passing events who have witnessed the reluctance with which that mighty people commenced the struggles for which they have paid so much, to say whether that people would not have repaid with a rich

rn of confidence and love, the voluntary rifice of antiquated power, worthless and defenceless though it was. (Hear, hear.) That such gratitude would have been felt by the people of France for such sacrifice, I do most sincerely believe; that such gratitude will be felt by the people of England for far less painful sacrifices I do most unhesitatingly affirm; (cheers) and the more gratitude, inasmuch as such sacrifices on our part are not yet inculcated by the presence of that other fearful, alternative. (Cheers.) For the honour of this ancient monarchy, whose perils and whose triumphs for so many generations are chronicled in the proceedings of this House; for the sake of this faithful people who have stood by us in the hour of our trial, and borne with us in the hour of our pride, let us seize the opportunity which now presents itself, to inscribe ourselves on the page of history as the first recorded example of "power correcting its own usurpation." The hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud and general cheering.


For Sale at my Shop, Bolt-court, Fleetstreet, London.

quantity under 10lbs. 10d. a pound; any quantity above 10lbs. and under 50lbs.9 d. a pound; any quantity above 50lbs. 9d. a pound; above 100lbs. Sd. A parcel of seed may be sent to any part of the kingdom; I will find proper bags, will send it to any coach or van or wagon, and have it booked at my expense; but the money must be paid at my shop before the seed be sent away; in consideration of which I have made due allowance in the price. If the quantity be small, any friend can call and get it for a friend in the country; if the quantity be large, it may be sent by me. This seed was growed last year at BarnElm, on ridges six feet apart; two rows, a foot apart, on each ridge. MANGEL WURZEL SEED. - Any quantity under 10lb., 74d. a pound; any quantity above 10lb. and under 50lb., 7d. a pound; any quantity above 50lb., 64d. a pound; any quantity above 100lb., 6d. a pound. The selling at the same place as above; the payment in the same manner. This seed was also grown at Barn-Elm farm, the summer before the last. It is a seed which is just as good at ten years old as at one.-The plants were raised in seed-beds in 1828; they were selected, and those of the deepest red planted out in a field of 13 acres, which was admired by all who saw it, as a most even, true and beautiful field of the kind.

COBBETT's CORN.-I SELL THE CORN AT MY SHOP IN BOLT-COURT, AT 1s. A BUNCH OF FINE EARS, SIX IN NUMBER; and the Book, on the cultivation and uses of it, at 2s. 6d.; which is called a TREATISE ON COBBETT'S CORN.

LOCUST SEED.-Very fine and fresh, at 6s. a pound, received from America about two months ago. For instructions relative to sowing of these.seeds, for rearing the plants, for making plantations of them, for preparing the land to receive them, for the after cultivation, for the pruning, and for the application of the timber; for all these see my "WOOD-MITCHELL, G., jun., Brighton, broker, LANDS" or TREATISE ON TIMBER TREES AND UNDERWOOD. 8vo. 148. SWEDISH TURNIP SEED.-Any

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FRIDAY, APRIL 15, 1831.

GERRISH, W., Bristol, dealer.
GUNNELL, R. G., and W. Shearman, S
bury-square, Fleet-street, printers,


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ALLWRIGHT, J., Strand, and Wokingham,
Berkshire, cheesemonger.

ARMSTRONG, J., Raskelf, Yorkshire, miller.
BARNETT, J., Devonshire-place, Old Kent-
road, navy-agent.

CHALK, T. H., Barking, Essex, corn-dealer. CLAYTON, M. and H., East Retford, Nottingham, drapers.

COUTTS, J., jun., Notting-hill, Kensington, baker.

CRITCHLEY, J., Ryeford, Gloucestershire,

CRONIN, J., Old Bailey, stone-merchant.
DAVIS, J., King's-head-yard, Russell-street,

& Hart-st., Covent-garden, orange-mercht. FRANCIS, E. H., Wandsworth, Surrey, schoolmaster.

LEA, J, jun., Worcester, butcher.
MILLS, J., Clerkenwell-green, wine-mercht.
MONK, C. and T., Frome Selwood, Somer-
setshire, linen-drapers.

NOVELL, W., Clapham-road, carpenter.
PLATT, T., Brentford, coal-merchant.
SMITH, R., William-street, New Kent-road,
licensed victualler.

SMITH, G. and R. Foulerton, Gutter-lane,

WOOLSTON, J., Kingston-upon-Hull, toy


WRANGHAM, W., Louth, Lincolnshire, silversmith.


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42s. to 46s. Hams, Irish........50s. to 60s.


of calves moderately good, of sheep, lambs,
This day's supply of beasts was rather great,
and porkers, limited. The trade was through-
out very dull, with mutton at an advance of
2d., veal at a depression of from 2d. to 8d. per
stone, with beef, lamb, and pork, at Friday's
quotations. Beasts, 2,879; sheep and lambs,
|15,500; calves, 120, pigs, 160.

3 per Cent.
Cons. Ann.
Cons. Ann.

MARK-LANE, CORN-EXCHANGE, APRIL 18.Our arrivals, since this day se'nnight, of foreign wheat have been great; of English malt, English, Irish, and foreign oats and flour, English beans and foreign barley, 'moderately good; of English wheat and barley, English peas, English and foreign rye, and seeds from all quarters, very limited. This day's market having been numerously attended by both London and country buyers, together with the intelligence received this large. morning from the country signifying that the prices. provincial markets were firm, and for the most part scantily supplied, and the sellers here seeming determined not to submit to Friday's depression, the trade, notwithstanding


Fri. Sat. Mon. [Tues. Wed.Thur 794 87 79 79 793795

MARK-LANE.-Friday, April 22.
The arrivals of Foreign Wheat are again
The market is very dull at Monday's

Printed by William Cobbett, Johnson's-court; and published by him, at 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street,

VOL. 72.-No. 5.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, April 30th, 1831.


1. On the Dissolution of Parliament.
2. On the Effects of that Measure.



Kensington, 27th April, 1831.

[Price 1s. 2d.

was necessary also to do the thing at the time at, and in the manner in which, it was done. There was no time to be lost a few minutes later would have brought an address from the Lords against a dissolution. There was no doubt that this address would have been carried; and though it might have been rejected by the King, still it would have made the breach wider, and have produced great embarrassment. As to the manner, it was wise in the highest degree for the King to prorogue the Parliament in person. Indeed, this was become, in some sort, necessary, on account of the reports about his disinclination to dissolve, about tenders of resignation, and the like. The going LAST Friday, the 22d of April, will in person, when it might have been so be a memorable day in the history of easily avoided, and when his thus going this country. The transactions of that in such a case was contrary to custom, day are recorded in the report (inserted put his good-will towards reform bein another part of this paper) of the pro-yond all doubt, proved him to be corceedings of the two Houses of Parlia-dially with his Ministers and his people, ment, and such proceedings it is impos- and sent the opposing Members back sible for you to look at, without calling to the country with a mark of royal as to mind the many scores of times that I well as of popular disapprobation on have told you to be prepared for the their heads. most desperate of deeds on the part of the seat-fillers, whenever the seats should appear to be in real danger. It is now clear, that they, until the last moment, relied on their power to prevent the King from dissolving the Parliament; and the extent of their mortification at being defeated here is well depicted in their ungovernable rage, the equal of which has seldom been witnessed amongst men in any rank of life.

But now, what are to be THE EFFECTS of this great act of the King? Those who imagine that the dissolution has of itself settled the matter, are very much deceived. It has enabled the people to settle the matter in a quiet manner; but the result will depend who 'ly on their exertions: the Ministry and the King have really done all that they can do: the rest must be done by the people, or one of two things will take place; namely, NO REFORM, The Ministers had no course left but or a GENERAL CONVULSION. It that of dissolution or of resignation; is in the power of the people to prevent and fidelity to the King and people, and both; and I am sure, that as far as my especially to the former, demanded, with readers are concerned, no exertions will voice imperative, the former; because, be wanting. But before pointing out to follow the latter course would, in what those ertions ought to be, it is effect, have been to denounce the King necessary thy we have a full view of as being opposed to reform, which the dangers. 2 avoided, and of the would have been to give a blow, not evils to beated; for, otherwise, it only to the King's character, but to is not ree to expect that due exkingly government in this country. It ertions wille made.


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The boroughmongers have the services? Has CHARLES LONG shared strongest of all possible motives to de- this melancholy fate of poverty? Are feat the bill, and their exertions will be the Roses, whose father was a purser. commensurate with those motives. In- in the navy fifty years ago, the poorer for deed, their exertions are visible to all the three hundred thousand pounds eyes. It is said, that they have half a which they have received out of the million of money already subscribed for public money? Did HUSKISSON bethe carrying on of this horrid war against come poor by being in office? Did King and people; and their language CANNING experience the same fate? is as bold and resolute as their mea- Has HERRIES got to be poor in consesures. But without any of these open quence of his services rendered to this indications, we must upon reflection be niggardly public? Have the descendconvinced that they will spare no ex-ants of SAUNDERS MACGREGOR become pense, that they will run any risk in at-poor in consequence of having been in tempts to defeat this measure, which, office? Have the rival family of if carried into full effect, will take from WELLESLEY become poor? Have those them for ever a greater possession than was ever before taken from human beings; nothing short of the absolute direct command of all the powers and all the resources of the most powerful and opulent country upon earth!

four peers, and the very Reverend Dean, got to be the poorer for being taken into public employ? In short, where can you look at one who has been in public employ, however low and poor in his origin, that has not become enormously Power was never yet known to put rich? And would it be difficult to find an end to itself: but it is not power out two hundred men, or two hundred alone in this case: it is the resources families, at least, who, amongst them, of the country: it is the fruit of the have, within the last forty years, skill and of the labour of the most in- received a hundred millions of the pubdustrious people in the world: it is lic money? Have the DUNDASSES besixty millions of taxes a year, solely come poor? Have the EGREMONTS under their control, and of which they In short, nothing can equal the falsetake pretty nearly as much to them-hood of this assertion, but its insolence. selves. How often have I had to point Have the BARINGS themselves, belongout to my readers, that all was pos-ing to that other branch of the system, sessed by them; that the church, the become poor in consequence of the exarmy, the navy, the colonies, the diplo-istence of this borough system? matic body, and the department of the Well, if this reform take place, there law, the academies; that, in short, the is at once an end to this miraculous crown lands, every species of public mode of obtaining riches. Think of a property; the barracks and all belonging set of men really chosen by the people, to them; that the pension and sinecure formed into committees to examine into and allowance lists; that all, that the different branches of expenditure: every-thing was, in fact, a possession imagine one set of them taking the of theirs. ALEXANDER BARING, in a pension list, for example, and coming speech which he made the other night, to the names of the Duchess Dowager upon the subject of the Reform Bill, of NEWCASTLE, the Countess Dowager and, in opposition to it, had the un-of MORNINGTON, Mrs. HERRIES and her blushing boldness to say, that those daughters; and hundreds of others that who filled public offices became the poorer for it; that they were underpaid; that there was no waste in this way. What, are the brace of SCOTTS the poorer for having filled public offices? Are the GRENVILLES the poorer for having been in public offices? Has VANSITTART become the poorer for his

might be mentioned; but, suppose a Committee of three coming to these names and sums, can you imagine for a moment the possibility of their not running their pen through them? Can you imagine it to be possible that they would think of looking their constitúents in the face again without putting

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