TO THE READERS. against me, of having been actuated by resentment, arising out of the famous prosecution, to do injustice to the ministry of Lord GREY, I will not do as you do; I will not garble, I will insert the whole of what you stated. 745 that he who spared them once, may not always spare them. As far as we are concerned, Mr. Cobbett does us injustice. We are far from wishing to injure him. We did not wish to give him a sly stab; we, on the contrary, think the prosecution had much better be abandoned. We do not conceive that this is a time to revive piscussions by prosecutions of the press. We should be truly sorry to think we had in any way injured him, or diminished his claim to justice from an English Jury. And without going the full length of believing that he can do so much mischief as he would have us suppose he can, we certainly think Ministers are not a little beholden to him for his services at a very critical time, and that a fitter subject for prosecution might have been found without much difficulty. Mr. Cobbett proceeds to observe, that if he were capable of being actuated by such motives as we ascribe to him, he could have taken an ample vengeance on these Ministers in the case of the Reform Bill, as their dirty bill of indictment was found on the 25th of February, and he did not oppose or criticise their Reform Bill when it came out on the first of March, and had even supported it from that day to this.If," says he, "I had mustered up all "that I could have said against it, never "would that bill have been read even a first "time; the people would all have been divi- Now, DOCTOR, you had no right to "ded; the poor would have been in arms suppose either of these miracles; and, every where against the rich; the Ministers above all things, not to suppose that I "would have been turned out with the rays of glory shed from the Special Commissions imputed stupidity to the people of "on their heads; and the whole country England. I pretended to no such "would have been in a state of confusion." general power; but, in the particular Now we willingly bear testimony to the ability case alluded to, I had the power, and with which Mr. Cobbett supported the bill, and to the zeal and promptitude which he every-body knows it. In the very displayed at a very critical period. But he petitions and resolutions, from Leeds supported the bill, of course, because he ap- and Birmingham, who is blind enough proved of it, and his arguments were irresisti- not to see the effect of the suggestions ble because they were founded on truth. But allowing as we willingly do, that he gave a proceeding from me? In the year most efficacious support to the bill, we cannot 1822; and again upon a more recent allow that his opposition would have been occasion, I maintained the justice and equally efficacious, because we are in charity the propriety of employing even the bound to suppose that Mr. Cobbett could not have argued so powerfully against conviction, troops in Ireland, to stop the provisions as with a conviction of the goodness of his from coming away, and to take food cause. But if we were to allow to him his and raiment wherever to be found, and supposition, we must not only suppose that be distribute them amongst the people. can advocate a bad cause as powerfully as he But because Mr. CHARLES JONES, who can advocate a good one, and still more, that all the people of England who approved of the is a very clever man, recommends the cause which he supported on conviction, same thing in these resolutions, do I would have equally disapproved of the same call Mr. JONES a stupid man; do I im cause when he supported it against conviction. He calls on us to believe in two miracles-pute stupidity to the meeting who first, that he, Mr. Cobbett, can argue as well passed the resolutions? It is, and it against the truth as for it, and that the people necessarily must be, that men take of England can only take that view of a cause their opinions from one another; and, which is presented to them through his specta- from whom were the people likely to oles. Of a truth in that case Mr. Cobbett is a this terrible power he possesses, and, next, bill? I am not pretending that, if I very dangerous man, and considering, first, take their opinions respecting a reform the stupidity of the people of England who can had used my utmost efforts, I could be so led by him, one can hardly feel astou-have caused a majority of the people ished, as Ministers cannot get rid of the people of England, that they should wish to get to be against the Reform Bill, full of vid of the man who possesses such a fell power good as it is; but, what I contended over them. We fear gratitude in such a case for, and what I still contend for, is, would be no match for fear; and the consider that I could have made the division to ation that Mr. Cobbett spared them, when he could have turned them out, with the rays of be so great, that, the bill never could glory shed from the Special Commissions on have had a first reading and this, in their head, is but too apt to suggest to them, spite of all the sarcasm that you can muster, is the belief of the whole country, friends or foes. What you say about the wishes of the Ministers has more reason in it; that they should wish to get rid of a man who possesses so much power as to matters in which they are so nearly concerned this is a matter which I leave them and you to settle between you, with this assurance to you both, however, that they shall not get rid of me! They may get rid of you, if you and they like, but they and the Scotch feelosofers both together shall not get rid of... WM. COBBETT, AND AFFAIRS OF LOUIS-PHILIPPE. which dinner, a M. GALLOIS, twenty years old, a mathematician,, rose, and, holding up a knife in his hand, gave, as he held out the knife, this toast"To Louis-Philippe, if he betray us. The company, when they heard the first words, began hissing, and kept on for some time, thinking that it was simply the health of Philippe; but, when they had heard the whole of the toast, they applauded it highly. Mr. GALLOIS was prosecuted for this toast; and the jury acquitted him! Before I proceed further, I will insert an extract from the report of the trial. “Trial of M. Gallois, jun., Professor "of Mathematics, aged 20, who was "accused on Wednesday last, and brought before the Court of Assizes, "for having uttered language at a "public meeting, tending to provoke an attempt against the person and life "of the King! The charge originated My readers will recollect, that, from "out of a banquet given on the 9th of the moment I heard of a king having" May, to celebrate the acquittal of the been stuck up in France, I said that he "Republicans, who, you will rememhad been put up with the connivance of “ber, were brought to trial on the Charles X. and of all the despots. I charge of attempting to overthrow said that he was put up to keep the place "the Government of July. This trial warm for the old Bourbons. He has" of M. Galleis is most important! I proved this to be true; and his fate is by "do not recollect any circumstance no means doubtful. There wanted" which has for years past made so only his sending Talleyrand hither to "great an impression. You will at convince me of the nature of his inten" once see why, when you have read tions. If he do not change, and that "the following questions and answers right quickly too, I am convinced he" which were put to and given by the will not reign a year from the day he accused. They give rise to painful became king. This is a subject of vast "feelings, but we must look our situaimportance to all the world, and par- "tion full in the face, and act with pruticularly TO US; to the burdened, the "dence and firmness. distressed, the starving people, of this "The President put the following kingdom; and, therefore, I beseech the" among other questions to the prireaders of the Register to pay great at-“ tention to it. soner : "Q. At the meeting of which you As in all other instances, a despotic" formed one, did you not yourself, disposition and perfidious intention have" drawing a knife or a poignard, prohere shown themselves in a most bitter" pose as a toast To Louis-Philippe?" hostility against the liberty of speech "A. The following is the fact:and of the press, in prosecuting which "Having a knife in my hand, I rose Louis-Philippe has been constantly en-" and said, "To Louis-Philippe if he begaged ever since the loan-jobbing" tray us!!!' and I was answered with Chambers made him king, with the secret" hisses, the last words not being heard. connivance of Charles and his crew. "Q. No person then heard these last Very recently there was a grand dinner" words? at Paris, of the friends of freedom, at "A. No, unless it was those imme 36 diately around me, on account of the Pro This examination would have been P "A. Certainly! 1 "Q. Your intention then was to de"nounce the King to the poignards of "the people, in case he should betray "them? "A. Yes, Sir!!! "Q. Was this an indication that your opinion was that the King merited * assassination—or was it your inten“tion to excite the party to such an attempt? **A. It was my wish to excite such an attempt, in case Louis-Philippe "should prove to be a traitor!-i. e., "in case he should act illegally in order to oppress the people. "Q. Explain your idea more fully? "A. I meant to say that the measures continued but for the intervention of the prisoner's Counsel, who put it to the Court whether it was prudent to enter into the curious details of facts "which preceded the accession of the "King? The Advocate General thought "it was not prudent, t, and the ex tion was interrupted. examina They In the closing part of these proceedings, we see that the grand secret was about to come out we see that the plot by which Louis-Philippe was thrusted upon the French people for a King, was about to be exposed stopped short; but it is impossible to believe that the whole French people will not speedily be fully informed about the intrigue which gave them a King instead of a Republic, which they expected to have and which they ought to have had, as the fruit of the famous days of July. I said, the moment I saw TALLEYRAND Sent lither, that that King affair was the result of a deep-laid plot; I said that it appeared wondrous strange, kept song at "of the Government were such as to that Lovis-PHILIPPS, who he days of 1 "lead to an apprehension that Louisແ Philippe might some day prove himself a traitor!!!! Q. The proceedings then of the Go"vernment, in your opinion, are such as to lead you to apprehend that the "King may some day betray the nation? "A. I do not say positively that the King will be a traitor; but one may "be allowed to conceive so. Sufficient guarantees have not yet been given to preclude such an apprehension. "Q. Do you fully understand the "question-and do you mean by your answer to accuse the King of meditat“ing a breach of faith? "A. I have badly expressed my "meaning by simply answering yes; his country house during the days of about GREY sur mean to say that all the acts of the "King, without positively indicating *bad faith, are at least calculated to “ create doubts of his good faith; as, for "example, is LONG PREPARED passes the Duke ofgros in an "ACCESSION TO THE THRONE. sorts of prosecutionis, of which poor ་་ 12 Scotland has just afforded us a afforded us a most having the interest of the people, at striking specimen.t and fonaitre » heart; a Government just and efficient, The French people, however, are hent and at the same time cheaps a Governupon being neither cajoled nor sold by ment that knows nothing, and never LOUIS-PHILIPPE, They tell him to his did know any thing, of state, prosecuface, that he has not fulfilled their ex- tions; a Government which has existed pectations, and they complain his forty years without one single state pro-abandonment of the Belgians, the Poles secution for speaking, or writing, or and the Italians., In the midst of this publishing: a Government that exacts no discontent with him, the veteran tax. upon paper, and puts no (stamp LAFAYETTE has written and published a upon print: a Government that asserts its rights against all the nations in the world with the utmost rigour and with the completest effect; a Government that does not cost so much in a whole year as the Government of LouisPHILIPPE costs in one single week: a letter, in which he clearly states that this Bourbon PHILIPPE has deceived him; that he has broken the pledges made at the Hotel de Ville, before the office of King was offered him; and, though the General does not actually say that he ought to be unkinged, he Government whose chief magistrate evidently means it. does not receive so much in one year It is a common opinion in England The French complain that their bur-as it costs the French people to maindens are not lightened; they complain, tain the gamekeepers of Louisas I said before, of the base abandon- PHILIPPE. That is what the French ment of the cause of freedom in Bel-people want; that is what LAFAYETTE gium, Italy, and Poland; they com- knows they want; and that is what plain that the creatures of Charles are LAFAYETTE knows they will have. still kept in power; but they complain, above all things, of the EXISTENCE that PHILIPPE will come and join his OF AN HEREDITARY PEERAGE. relations in this country. I do not beTheir elections are coming on; and lieve that: I think America would be they are preparing to pledge their repre- his choice; and it is very curious that sentatives to the passing of a law for some of the French papers have said abolishing this peerage; this thing, that he has sent a great sum of money which in France means a band of le-to be deposited in the United States! gislators maintained out of the taxes, PHILIPPE's papers have contradicted with pensions as well as titles descend- this in the following manner: "We ing from father to son; fellows who," have authority, founded on letters generally speaking, have no estates of "from New York, to contradict the their own, and whose interest dictates" statement that the King has sent a to them to be incessantly robbing the large sum of money to that country; people, It is an oligarchy of the worst and, moreover, the statement is a forpossible description; nor is the other" gery!" This moreover is excellent. house much better. Every-thing says I cannot know, to be sure, that PHILLIPE that there must be another revolution, has sent a large sum of money to Amesweeping away this peerage, substi- rica; but this I know, that he had tuting an elective senate in its stead, eighty thousand pounds in the English and very greatly, indeed, extending the funds last winter; that I stated this suffrage at elections. It is impossible fact in the Register; that it was conthat the present order of things can re-tradicted in the Morning Herald; but main. LAFAYETTE says that he told that no name appeared to the contradicLOUIS-PHILIPPE that an hereditary ion, and I now again re-assert the fact peerage was a thing unsuited to France; to have been true; and I dare say he and that the Government she wanted was has the sum there at this moment. I one like that of the United States of was told the fact by a banker, and a America. To be sure: a Government man, I am sure, who woukl not tell, me chosen by the people; a Government a falsehood, the of zolZZADDA · 9 Therefore this pretended authority from New York is not worth a straw the fact is, in all likelihood, true; and I have no doubt that he clearly sees, that if he remained in France he must soon be content to remain as a private individual; for that, when the French come to elect a President of a Republic, they will find a man of ten thousand times his talent.: borgi the circumstances are taken into view, where is the man of common-justicę or common humanity who can swish that nation, at this time, tordenany other than a republied What are her evils now bei Whatzaretienscourges which she has to endure Distress in trade and agriculture; penury hud anxiety in the middle class want of employment, and misery amongst the working class! It would be an absurdity quite mon- These arise from the weight of taxation; strous to think of an hereditary King that arises from the enormousness of when the other two bodies were elective. the debt and the hideous pensions and The President might be elected for life; extravagances springing out of the for a longer term than four years; Bourbon Government. She is agitated. but to have him hereditary would be with apprehensions and alarms ;) and an absurdity to excite laughter through- why? Because there is a pretender to out the whole world. As to the the throne safely kept in Englands she question whether it would be prudent fears intrigues in the courts of the in the French to abolish the title of despots; and why? Because even her King and, in short, make a Renew dynasty is connected by blood or publican Government, like that of the marriage with those despots because United States, there can be no doubt there is a natural and strong feeling of the advantages of it to France. It is between it and all them. Then Louisone thing to destroy a kingly govern- PHILIPPE has the better part of a dozen ment and an aristocracy, and another children, who will become married, thing to avoid making a kingly govern-first or last, in the families of other ment and an aristocracy, when they do kings and emperors: these will bring not exist. On the thirtieth of July last crowds of intriguing foreigners to plot neither of them existed in France: the against the liberties of France. v Every legitimate King and his legitimate suc-marriage of this sort is a new battery of cessors were gone: their office and hostility to the freedom of the French, rights were abolished; their persons at the same time that it brings upon were banished for ever; and France, the French nation a new expense in an as to affairs of Government, was a additional burden of taxes. As PAINEpiece of blank paper whereon to write said, republics do not marry; and this down that sort of Government which is a great recommendation to them. the people would choose to have. They were all ready and eager to write down "a Republic, with a President, a Senate, if there were a nobility of ancient “and a House of Representatives, all "chosen periodically by the people." But the French people were tricked out of this; by that intrigue which Mr. GALLOIS was about to expose, as abovementioned, they were cheated into a new King and a new dynasty, to neither of whom, however, did they ever give their assent. Both were made by two assemblies, one of which is now dissolved, and for the other of which they call aloud for the abolition. France is still a sheet of blank paper wheron to write the name and description of its Government; and when all If, indeed, the old Royal Government of France were still in existence; standing; if that nobility had estates in the country, and the people had been in: the settled habit for ages and ages to pay willing respect to them; then it would be another matter ; then, without some unbearable provocation ja without some open and flagrant act of tyranny and of treachery like those which the French people had to avenge in 1789; then it would require long deliberation before any sensible and good man would propose to demolish that species of Government and erectias republic in its stead; but having no such sort of Governments in France 34 |