-duty, to prove this assertion of yours to be false.

been in arms, everywhere, against the rich; the Ministers would have been turned out with the rays of glory shed from the Special Commissions on their heads; and the whole country would have been in a state of confusion.

or criticize their Reform Bill, when it came out on the 1st of March? Have "Let me ask you, then, whether this I not supported them in this measure be the first time that I have pleaded the from that day to this? In three, if not cause of the poor, and especially of the in four counties, I could, in my own poor people of Ireland? I am sure that person, have divided the Meetings; and, you yourself remember, that in 1822, if they had got petitions in favour of when there was a famine in Ireland, Itheir Bill, I could have made them not insisted on the absolute necessity of worth a straw. In short, if I had opPoor-Laws for that country; and that posed the Bill; if I had mustered up all the troops ought to be employed imme-that I could have said against it, never diately, not to shoot at the starving would that Bill have been read even a people, but to go and seize food for first time; the people would all have them, find it where they might. In been divided; the poor would have short, Register after Register was employed in urging the then Ministers not to suffer the provisions to come away until the people were fed. In the year 1825, in the History of the Protestant Reformation, I pleaded for Poor Laws for Ireland in a manner more formal. "Here then was a sure and certain From first to last I strenuously opposed way of getting rid of the liberal Whig the Disfranchisement Bill in 1825 to prosecution, and of the liberal Whigs 1829; and that Bill is now alleged to themselves into the bargain. I saw it! be one of the great causes of the present I saw it clearly, at once; but, when I famine. Later, in the year 1829, I came to place my just resentment in presented a Petition to the House of one scale, and these enormous mischiefs Commons, praying for an abolition of to my country in the other scale, I the Church in Ireland-that Church could not bring my heart to prefer the being held by me to be one of the causes gratification of the former to the preof the sufferings of the people of Ire-vention of the latter. land. During the present year, and long "Thus, then, Sir, your assertion is before the Whig prosecution com- false. In my remarks with regard to menced, I complained of the conduct the conduct of the Ministry respecting of the Government, in neglecting the Ireland, I have been actuated by no means of arresting the progress of such motive as that which you impute misery in Ireland, of which approach- to me; but have been actuated by that ing misery they had been duly apprised, indignation which every good Englisheven in the month of December last man must feel at seeing a Government, year. which swallows up sixty millions a year, stand an idle spectator, while of the people, committed to its care, hundreds and thousands are perishing for want.

Now, Sir, look back over the pages of the Register; and then express your sorrow, not that the liberal Whigs are prosecuting me, but that you have grossly misrepresented my conduct and my character, and have done as much as you are able to aid in that spiteful attempt to reduce me to silence. But, if I were capable of being actuated by motives such as you ascribe to me, how ample was the vengeance that I could have taken on these Ministers in the case of their Reform Bill! They got their dirty Bill of indictment found on the 26th of February; and, did 1 oppose

"Here, Sir, I might stop as far as relates to myself; but you have undertaken, not only to defend the conduct of Lord Grey in this instance, but to throw the blame upon his predecessors in power. I am not about to defend his predecessors; but with regard to this particular matter, what was the conduct of those predecessors? They, indeed, did nothing to remedy what you call the disease of the social system of Ireland. They did nothing to correct the enor

3

.

mous abuses in the Church of Ireland; this affair of Ireland is of the utmost mous abort Grey done, or nor has Lord Grey done, or talked of importance, especially at this time. doing, anything upon either of these There is a stir making NOW; but the subjects. His predecessors did not, stir should have been made in the however, stand and look on like true month of December last. However, Whig feelosofers, and see the poor crea-before we proceed further, let us hear tures eating sea-weed, nettles, and this defence of the Chronicle. The arstinking shell-fish, to save life; Lord ticle that I am about to quote divides Eldon, who, you tell us, never bestowed itself into two parts; the first relating a moment's consideration on the well-to the conduct of the Ministry, and the being of the great body of the people, latter to myself, which latter, though did not, upon that occasion, console of less importance, must still be nohimself with the reflection that the ticed. Schoolmaster was abroad, and that he had law-reforms in store, in abundance, for the starving people; he did something, at least, to save their lives. He and his colleagues advised the King to issue his letter to the Bishops and Clergy; the Ministers took the lead in the subscriptions, and they called upon the Parliament to grant two hundred thousand pounds. In short they sent, and caused to be sent, more than half a million of money, to save the lives of the starving people, while Lord Grey and his colleagues have taken no one single step to put a stop to that starvation, which is four times as extensive as it

was in 1822.

"Oh! But the Reform Bill! That has occupied almost the whole of the time of the Ministers. Poor men! It has been a great job to be sure, and it does not seem to be half over yet. They have however found a plenty of time for some matters; and their abettors have found time for inventing a gallows for travelling amongst the starving people. But I do not think myself justified in troubling you with remarks upon any subject not connected with Ireland; and therefore, respecting what you say regarding what the Ministers have done, and have not had time to do, I shall reserve my observations for another place I am Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,
WM. COBBETT.

Now, what says the Doctor in answer to this? His answer is very curious, and I must give it, because it is a still further attempt at a defence of the Whig Ministry in this case; and

"Mr. Cobbett, no doubt, pleaded the cause of the poor, and of the Irish long before this; but the gist of our argument was, not that he of the Irish to found on it an accusation was now for the first time pleading the cause against Earl Grey's Ministry; but that the charge against the Ministry of 1822 made by Earl Grey, founded on "the hundreds and the streets for want of food, in the midst of thousands of the people of Ireland dying in an alleged superabundance," could not with justice, under the same circumstances, be retaliated against his Ministry, because the Mnistry of 1822 had had ample time and opportunity to look into the condition of Ireland, and to attempt the cure of its evils; whereas the Ministry of Earl Grey have neither had time nor opportunity. The condition of the people of Ireland is a subject that well deserves the attention of the legislature, but it was impossible to enter on this question and the great question of Parliamentary Reform at the same time, and the Ministry did right form. To show that he was not unjust toto give the preference to Parliamentary Rewards Earl Grey's Ministry, it was necessary that Mr. Cobbett should do more than refer to the occasions when he pleaded the cause of

the

the co-existence of starvation and abundance

poor and the Irish; it was necessary that charged with the present starvation of the Irish be should show that Earl Grey was as justly in the midst of abundance as the Ministry of 1822 were justly charged by his Lordship with in Ireland. But this, which was the point he ought to have proved, is the point over which he has very dexterously skipped. Now it is quite possible that Mr. Cobbett might have been equally unjust towards Earl Grey, if possible that he might have exulted in the there had been no prosecution; it is quite same manner at the supposed discovery of his Lordship's inconsistency; and as he says be has not been in the least influenced by the prosecution, we are bound to believe that be is not conscious of any such influence; but, as Mr. Cobbett considers himself aggrieved by the prosecution, and few nien are able to judge dispassionately the conduct of those should be led to attribute the injustice to a who injure them, it was not unnatural that we bias caused by prosecution. If Earl Grey bad

allowance for the sternness of Mr. Cobbett's virtue."

..

I.

not only not prosecuted Mr. Cobbett, but" midst of abundance, as the Ministry heaped favours on him, he might still have of 1822 was justly charged by his been equally unjust towards his Lordship; and, of course, we were not entitled to say starvation and abundance; but this, Lordship with the co-existence of that the prosecution led to the injustice; but, under the circumstances of the case, we may which is the point he ought to have almost be excused for not making sufficient proved, is the point over which he "has very dexterously skipped." have skipped over nothing, neither dexWe are here told that the Ministry of terously nor awkwardly. The question 1822 had ample time and opportunity to was not who had produced the starvalook into the condition of Ireland; and tion in Ireland, but whether Lord GREY that Lord GREY has had neither time could not, and ought not, to have prenor opportunity. What! had not Lord vented it. I know very well that he GREY time since the month of Decem- has not been in power for a great many ber to send money, to send provisions, years; and that in fact he never before to do something to mitigate the evils had the power of doing what he liked. which were then manifestly approach-I know very well that, till he came into ing, and which you were told were ap- power, his proposing of poor-laws for proaching? What does the Chronicle Ireland would have been useless. But, mean by "looking into the condition the moment he came into power, he of Ireland?" There wanted no looking could have proposed poor-laws; and he into the condition of it: full informa- did not propose poor-laws, nor did he tion was given with regard to the dan-propose any thing else to better the ger of starvation: the starvation has condition of Ireland. He was not in come; thousands have been in a perish-power, to be sure, before November, ing state for months; and nothing has 1830; but he was a witness of what been done that I have heard of, by the was done and what was left undone Government, to prevent the dreadful with regard to Ireland. His opinion effects which have shocked the whole with regard to remedies for the state of world; which have excited the commiseration of foreign countries; and, how disgraceful will be the fact, if such it should appear, that a subscription was absolutely going on at Paris for the relief of the starving Irish before the Government here took any one step to effect that relief! There is no excuse on this score. There have been time and opportunity in abundance for measures of coercion all over the kingdom; time and opportunity enough, if the newspapers speak truth, to send away pensioners out of this country with four years' pension paid before-hand. Time and opportunity a plenty for various other things of very questionable policy, and very questionable justice; but neither time nor opportunity to save the lives of the perishing people.

Ireland must have been formed long before he came into power. He approved, or he disapproved, of the line of conduct which the Government had, for many years, been pursuing towards Ireland. If he approved of that line of conduct, he has now no right to ascribe the starvation to that line of conduct, without taking his share of the blame : if he disapproved of that line of conduct, why did he not change it the moment he got possession of power? He may choose which he pleases. He was in Parliament, and witnessed the endless bills passed with regard to Ireland: he had seen that the country grew more and more miserable under the operation of these bills; and yet he comes into power and leaves them all in force from that day to this. After all, however, But the Chronicle says, that for me this was not the question between me to show that I was not unjust towards and the Morning Chronicle: the quesLord GREY'S Ministry, it was necessary tion was whether the Ministry had used "that I should show that Lord GREY proper diligence to prevent the people was as justly charged with the pre-of Ireland from dying from starvation;

sent starvation of the Irish in the and that they have not will be denied

741

by no man in the kingdom who has any from Ireland were imported. In my regard for truth. 942 19498n való last, I mentioned the importations of Before I come to the latter part of London and Liverpool only. I now an this article, to which I have alluded be- able to state, from the Birmingham fore, I must do Leeds and Birmingham paper, the importations to Bristol, in the justice to notice their efforts in the one week, observe, previous to the cause of the suffering Irish. At Leeds meeting at Birmingham. I will take the people have met, have set a sub- the words as I find them in this paper, scription on foot, and have agreed to and which are as follows:-"On rea petition to the Parliament on the " subject, which petition I take from the "during the last week, we find that at ferring to the imports from Ireland Leeds Patriot, in the following words," Bristol nine ships had arrived, bringof which I shall say more when I have "ing 2293 quarters of oats, 1055 barrels inserted the resolutions passed at Bir-" of oatmeal, 15 firkins of butter, 1280 mingham. "barvels of flour, 17 boxes of salmon, 2278 pigs, 589 sheep, 21 hampers of eggs, 12 casks of bacon, and 20 cows. the same period, were six-fold;"The imports into Liverpool, during

66

To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-" land, in Parliament assembled.

The humble Petition of the undersigned

York:

Inhabitants of the Parish and Neighbourhood of Leeds, in the County of" within seven days no fewer than 50 SHEWETH, That your petitioners have" cessaries of life, had arrived from the "ships, entirely laden with the nelearnt, with deep concern, that there exists in Irish ports. This excess of produce, various districts of Ireland extreme distress; and yet prevalence of famine in the that in some parts famine and disease have already carried off numbers of the population," same country, presents a state of

the hand of British charity, or Government funds, and again re-shipped "for the relief of its destitute and fa"mishing producers."

and that uuless prompt and efficient relief be" things sufficiently monstrous and onafforded, these dreadful scourges will increase natural. The tale, however, is yet to a most alarming extent. That your petitioners conceive it expedient to call the attention of the Legislature to this highly imported to this country is bought by "but half told. The very produce important subject, and to urge upon your honourable House the importance of granting from the public purse such present relief as the urgency of the distress may require. That your petitioners are of opinion that the misery and distress of the sister island are of too great an extent and of too frequent occurrence to being were proposed by Mr. CHARLES The resolutions passed at this meeteffectually remedied by occasional Parliamentary grants, or by the contributions of private JONES, a man whose name we find charity; and that it is highly important to amongst the foremost in every good the welfare of the whole empire that a system of legal permanent relief for the poor of Ire land be established without delay, and other measures adopted for increasing the happiness and extending the prospects of that portion of the empire.

Your petitioners therefore pray your honourable House to adopt such measures for increasing the happiness and extending the prosperity of Ireland, and in particular for the establishment of a system of legal permanent relief for the poor of Ireland, as to your ho nourable House shall seem meet.

At the meeting at Birmingham, when they had already raised five hundred pounds, it was stated at the meeting, and has been printed in the Birmingham Journal, that at Bristol alone, in the course of one week before the meeting took place, the following provisions

act; and a sincere radical reformer too,
notwithstanding the sneers of the
ruffians who, with their pockets full of
taxes, reproach us with want of feel-
unable to subscribe those sums which
ing for the people, because we are
they have taken from us.
tions were as follows, and full of sense
The resolu
they will be found to be.

That it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting, that all contributions flowing merely duals, must necessarily be totally inadefrom the benevolence and charity of indiviquate to the relief of the wide-spread misery and distress existing in Ireland.

suffering brethren of Ireland in frequent de That, in the opinion of this meeting, THE SYSTEM which leaves a large portion of our pendence on the charity of individuals, is

fraught with cruelty and injustice of the deep- the county rates of Ireland, or in such est dve, and it ought to be abolished. other manner as the King in Council That the first right of civilized man is protection from the society of which he is a mem-night think proper. smo I 97

ber; and that he is, before all things, entitled Thus, as in all other, cases, the good to a sufficiency of proper food and raiment. never comes, till the people themselves That an humble petition be presented to his step forward to demand it. Now, inmost gracious Majesty, beseeching bis Madeed, we shall hear enough of the meajesty, considering the emergency of the occasion, to be mercifully pleased to issue forth. sures of relief for the suffering Irish; with an order in council, suspending the ex-but we shall not hear of Poor-laws; we portation of food from Ireland, until the wants shall not even now hear of any efficient of the people are supplied; and authorising and commanding all magistrates, constables, permanent measure to prevent these and all others in authority in Ireland, to take calamities, unless the people themselves, food and raiment, wherever they can be found, in all parts of the country, come forward and to distribute them amongst his Majesty's to urge the adoption of such measures. suffering subjects in that part of the United Even the speech from the Throne, Kingdom, so as effectually to relieve their present most dreadful necessities, and thereby which I shall have to insert by-and-by, to stay the appalling march of famine, and gives us very little reason to believe ↓ the inexorable hand of disease and death! that Poor-laws, which are the only efAnd that, in the present exigency, his Majesty fectual means of preventing the recurwill be pleased to direct that all food and rai ment so taken and distributed, be paid for out rence of starvation, will be proposed of the county rates of Ireland, or in such to the Parliament by this Ministry. other manner as to his Majesty's wisdom may For what have we? We have these seem fit. That, with the view of finally terminating«ducing measures, which, by assistwords," the possibility of intro

That a Committee be appointed to prepare a petition to his Majesty, grounded on the foregoing resolutions, and, further, for the carrying of those resolutions generally into

effect.

ing the improvements

"

this system of cruelty and injustice, we humbly and earnestly implore our paternal of the naKing that he will be graciously pleased, as "tural resources of the country, may soon as may be, to send a Royal message to "tend to prevent the recurrence of such each House of Parliament, calling the atten "evils, must be a subject of the most tion of the Legislature to the state of Ireland, and directing it to institute such laws us shall" anxious interest to me, and, to you, prevent, for the future, the recurrence of such" of the most grave aud cautious delicalamities. "beration." Now, here are no meaSures recommended; no measures proposed for deliberation; no call upon the Parliament to deliberate upon the subject; but they are called upon to Here are remedies pointed out. If deliberate with gravity and caution on, Lord GREY did not know what to do for what? "on the possibility of introducIreland, the people know. They calling any measures upon the subject! for prompt and efficient relief to the This is cold comfort, indeed; and, as suffering they call, as I have always far as the ministry are concerned, I called, for the Government force to venture to predict, that poor-laws for be employed, "to take" provisions, Ireland will never be introduced. Oh, wherever they are to be found, and to no! the current has set the other way, for distribute them amongst the people to the last twenty years: directly the conprevent them from dying; and not to trary way; for, instead of poor-laws for stand shilly-shally, calculating the ul- Ireland being added to the statute-book, timate consequences. And this is what the English poor-laws have been graought to have been done. These sensi-dually chipping them away. We must, ble people, who are subscribing, too, therefore, wait with patience and see recommend that an order should be whether it be possible for a reformed issued forthwith to prevent the exporta-Parliament to sit out a Session without tion of food from Ireland until the peo- compelling the Irish landlords to relieve ple should be supplied; and that food their own poor. and raiment should be taken wherever they are to be found, and paid for out of

And, now, DOCTOR BLACK, let me turn to your justification of your charge