at SMITHFIELD-March 14, In the Beef trade prime young Scots sell 4s. 4d. to 4s. 8d. per stone. Mutton, for the best young Downs, fetches 5s, to 5s. 4d. per stone, and coarser sheep are 4s. to 4s. 6d. per stone. In Veal, the finest young Calves are worth 5s. 6d. to 6s. per stone, and dairy-fed Porkers are quoted at 4s. 6d. to 5s. per stoue. Beasts, 2,455, Sheep, 16,440; Calves, 102; Pigs, 140. By Rome, Terni, Perugia, Arezzo, Florence, NEW EDITION. EMIGRANT'S GUIDE. " JUST published, at my shop, No. 183, Fleet Street, a New Edition of a volume under this title, with a PoSTSCRIPT, price 2s. 6d. in boards, and consisting of ten letters, addressed to English Taxpayers, of which letters, the following are the contents ---- Letter I.-On the Question, Whether it be advisable to emigrate from Eugland at this time? Letter .-On the Descriptions of Persons to whom Emigration would be most heneficial. Letter III-On the Parts of the United States to go to, preceded by Reasons for going to no other Country, and especially not to an English Colony. Letter IV. On the Preparations some time previous to Sailing. Letter V. Of the sort of Ship to go in, and of the Steps to be taken relative to the Passage, and the sort of Passage; also of the Stores, and other things, to be taken out with the Emigrant.. Letter VI.-Of the Precautions to be observed Letter VII-Of the first Steps to be taken on Letter VIII.-Of the way to proceed to get a Farm, or a Shop, to settle in Business, or to set yourself down as an Independent Gentleman. Letter IX. On the means of Educating Chil dren, and of obtaining literary Knowledge. Letter X.-Of such other Matters, a knowledge relating to which must be useful to every one going from England to the United Postscript.-An account of the Prices of States. Houses and Land, recently obtained from America by Mr. Cubbett. It grieves me very much to know it Milan, over the Alps by Mount St. Berto be my duty to publish this book; but nard, Geneva, and the Jura, back into France; The space of time being, A description of the country, of the principal I cannot refrain from doing it, when I see the alarms and hear the cries of thousands of virtuous families that it may save from utter ruin. A TREATISE on COBBETT'S CORN; containing Instructions for Propagating and Cultivating the Plant, and for Harvesting and Preserving the Crop; and also an account of the several uses to which the Produce is applied, with minute Directions relative to each mode of application. These are all drawn from the actual experience of Mr. Cobbett, on his Farm at Barn Elm, last year (1828). The Book is a neatly-printed Duodecimo. Price 5s. 6d. DVICE TO YOUNG MEN.—This work | PAPER AGAINST GOLD; or, The HISTORY being now completed, those who want AD odd Numbers to complete their sets, must get them quickly, for the single Numbers will soon be gone. The work, now freed from the expense of wrappers and the loss and inconvenience attending on a publication in Numbers, will, bound in boards, be sold at 58. A FRENCH GRAMMAR; or, Plain Instructions for the Learning of French. The notoriously great sale of this Book is no bad criterion of its worth. The reason of its popularity is its plainness, its simplicity. 1 have made it as plain as I possibly could · I have encountered and overcome the difficulty of giving clear definitions: I have proceeded in such a way as to make the task of learning as little difficult as possible. The price of this book is 5s. in boards. THE HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT "REFORMATION," showing how that event has impoverished and degraded the main body of the people in those countries; in a series of letters, addressed to all sensible and just Englishmen. This is the Title of the Work, which consists of Two Volumes, the first containing the Series of Letters above described, and the second containing a List of Abbeys, Priories, Nunneries, and other Religious and charitable Endowments, that were seized on and granted away by the Reformers to one another, and to their minions. The List is arranged according to the Counties, alphabetically, and each piece of property is fully stated, with its then, as well as its actual value; by whom founded and when; by whom granted away, and to whom.-Of this Work there are two Editions, one in Duodecimo, price 4s. 6d. for the first Volume, and 3s. 6d. for the second; and another in Royal Octavo, on handsome paper, with marginal Notes, and a full Index. This latter Edition was printed for Libraries, and there was consequently but a limited number of Copies struck off: the Price 11. 11s. 6d. in Extra Boards. and MYSTERY of the NATIONAL DEBT, the YEAR'S RESIDENCE IN AMERICA. This To be had at No. 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street. THE WM. COBBETT. COTTAGE ECONOMY. I wrote this Work THE "AMERICAN STOVES" from Mr. COBBETT'S Model are now ready packed in Baskets, so that no delay in the execution of orders will take place: also, the "LONGITUDINAL CORN-SHELLER" from Mr. COBBETT'S Model, price 31. 10s. H. S. W. JUDSON, Ironmonger, Kensington, the only Manufacturer. Printed by William Cobbett, Johnson's-court; and VOL. 71.-No. 13.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 26TH, 1831. THE PRESS AGAINST PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE. [Price 1s. 2d. ing for it, because its customers are cla-1 mouring for it; but, if any-thing should) happen to make the result doubtful, we should see it begin to hesitate; and if the result should be the defeat of the bill, and a new Ministry likely to stand, we should hear this very paper crying: out for the blood of Lord Grey! This has been its uniform course, from the day that it was set up by Old Walters to the present hour. Oh, no! no fellowship with this infamous paper, the crew who own which hate reform, and Kensington, 22d March, 1831. hate the present Ministry, whom they: I SHALL wait till to-morrow before attacked in the basest manner only. I offer any remarks on the state of the two days before the Reform Bill was country as regards the REFORM BILL; brought forth, calling the Ministry "all because, to-morrow will tell us whe-" imbecility, all crotchet and Poulett ther the borough-people mean to fight" Thompson." When this vile thing the thing out, or to yield. In the mean- heard the whole nation burst forth in while I insert the most curious debate applause of the bill and the Ministers, on the articles in the Old, Bloody Old it instantly tacked about, and began to Times newspaper, which, looking upon abuse the Duke of Wellington, Peel, the borough-people as down, has been and all the Opposition, in a really indancing on their carcasses, and, in fact, famous manner. It is the Robespierre calling for their blood as clearly as it of newspapers; it is a literary bloodcalled for that of the labourers and for hound. I now quit it for the present, mine, only three months ago. I beg requesting my readers to remember my the readers of the Register to read this words; namely, that if Lord Grey debate with attention; and to mark, should be defeated, this paper will not particularly, what was said by the only turn against him, but will, almost Attorney-General! He opposes a mo- in so many words, call for his blood. tion for prosecuting this bloody paper for libels the most ferocious that ever were put into print, because they were true! Mark that, reader. In the next Register I will, if I can get the papers, insert these publications of the bloody old paper, which really would seem to be written in a slaughter-house. So that it causes blood to be shed, it does not seem to care much for what, or how: its delight is in carnage. It may be said that, whatever it may have been, it is now labouring in the same cause with me, and that, therefore, I ought to act towards it as towards a fellow-labourer. I deny all this: I deny that this infamous paper wishes, for Reform; I know that it abhors the thought of it. It is clamour BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. tention of the House to a question which inSir ROBERT INGLIS.-I beg to call the atvolves a Breach of its Privilege-a matter at all times important, but now, when it has reference to a subject of the highest interest, peculiarly so. I am not myself a party con- ; graph in which my name has been mentioned. cerned, nor have I to complain of any paraBut I should be unworthy of a seat in this. House, if, after reading the paper which has been put into my hands, I should refrain from the eve of such a discussion as that which is calling the attention of the House to it. On now pending, it is not fit that Members should come to a vote with threats hanging over them, couched in such language as must reeffect of it. The paper to which I referi quire some nerve to divest the mind of the called The Times-respectable, as I under stand, in point of talent, though how far it is so in other points of view, it is not for me to inquire. I understand, also, that it has a large circulation, and that it arrogates to itself the designation of the leading journal of Europe, and talks of its own thunder. And, therefore, I rather bring this before the notice of the House than any more obscure journal, which may have been equal in virulence though not in effect, as it may not enjoy so large a circulation. It is my misfortune-or rather I do not consider it as a misfortune-that I am not one of those who are in the habit of reading The Times; (a laugh;) but though I shall call the attention of the House to only one paragraph, I am informed it forms but part of a series which has existed from the first of March, the first day on which the noble Lord brought forward his bill, all of which tend to degrade this House in the opinion of the people, and to hold up a large body of those who take part in its deliberations as unworthy of the confidence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Sir, we are legislating for the country with Poissards in the gallery; and unless we are able to disregard all public opinion, I cannot say that we are placed in that calm situation in which we ought to be; and we shall not only be betraying our duty to the nation, but to ourselves and to the constitution, if we suffer any one of our Members, and much more a large number of them, to be insulted in the way which is here done. I shall content myself with reading a single paragraph unless my motion is opposed, which I do not expect, as. I have shaped it in strict conformity with the precedents of the House. In one of The, Times there has been published a list of those who are supposed to be introduced into this House by nominees, and I beg honourable Gentlemen to bear this in mind, for they will see how it is connected with the paragraph which I am now about to read. The unanimous enthusiasm of the people of England in defence of the national rights and liberties" (tremendous cheering)-The honourable and learned Gentleman (said Sir R. Inglis, turning to some one behind him on the Opposition benches, whom we were not able to discover) has utterly mistaken my object and general character, if he thinks that I would complain of that passage in the paragraph. I have no such design; but I am convinced that the paragraph would hardly be understood if I had not read the introductory line, on which I have no intention to found any motion. The article is in The Times of Monday, the 14th of this mouth, and goes on thus-"The unanimous enthusiasm of the people of England, in the defence of the national rights and liberties, was never so manifest within our recollection as on this present question of the Reform Bi; nor have we found recorded a single instance of rich and poor, high and low, men of all conditions, professions, and fortunes, feeling an equal sympathy in any cause, except, indeed, ་་ in that of war against some hated publicenemy. That enemy now is the usurper of the people's franchises-the cutpurse of the people's money-the robber of the public treasury under the forms of law-of laws enacted by the plunderer himself, to favour his own extortion, his own systematic conversion of the fruits of other men's industry to selfish or criminal uses. If the thing itself now about, we trust to God, to be expelled for ever from our re-established commonwealthif that has justly incurred the execration of every honest man in the community, how utterly disgusting it is to see the very agents of the system-those through whom the whole weight of its oppression has been felt and exemplified during the last. twenty years-push themselves forward to bolster up its vice and rottenness, and to charge with ignorance,' ' presumption,' 'absurdity,' nayiniquity, a patriotic Government and united Nation, for joining in one common effort to put the nuisance down. When, night after night, borough nominees rise to infest the proceedings of the House of Commons with arguments to justify their own intrusion into it, and their continuance there, thus impudently maintaining what the lawyers call an adverse possession' in spite of judgment against them, we really feel inclined to ask why the rightful owners of the House should be longer insulted by the presence of such unwelcome inmates?" I am happy that there is no lawyer to be found to cheer this. "It is beyond question a piece of the broadest and coolest effrontery in the world, for these hired lackeys of public delinquents to stand up as advocates of the disgraceful service they have embarked in." If there is one man, Sir, in this House who will state that this is not a gross and scandalous breach of privilege (hear, hear)—that it is not a violent endeavour to disturb the freedom of debate that it is no attempt to degrade the House in the judgment of its constituents; if there be one such, at least I will say that I trust that every other Member will be in opposition to such sentiments. (Hear, hear.) The last occasion on which this House was called upon to exercise its power in this way was in the time of Mr. Fox, when that gentleman made a complaint against The Public Advertiser of that day; and if, after reading this paragraph, I could have contented myself with being silent, then, indeed, I should be unworthy of being a representative here, for I feel that though I am not directly implicated by it, yet this House generally would be disgraced, if such paragraphs as those were to be allowed without the just sense of the Hause being expressed upon them, (Hear, hear.), And if it should be said that we ought to wait longer, and see if a better tone will not be taken by this writer, all can say is, that the longer indulgence of the House will only give the idea that such things may be done with impunity. Under these circumstances, I have no option but (having brought the subject before the House) to move, in the first place, that the paragraph be read by the Clerk of the House; and when read, I shall follow this up with another motion. Baronet's motion again. Mr. CALCRAFT: From his knowledge of The CLERK then read the paragraph. the House of Commons of England, he did Sir ROBERT INGLIS.-I feel that it is un- such tendency. (Hear, hear.) not think that the paragraph would have any necessary to add another sentence to what convinced that it was impossible to proceed He was quite I have already said, but to move "that the in a more ungracious manner than by disparagraph now read is a false and scandalous cussing a measure of this sort, and attempt libel on this House, tending to deter the Mem-ing to divert the minds of hon. Members bers from the discharge of their duty, and to from the important question of the evening alienate from the House the respect and con- by the course taken by the hon. Baronet. fidence of their fellow-subjects." (Hear, hear.) (Hear, hear.) He was not prepared to speak. An HONOURABLE MEMBER, who spoke un-in defence of The Times, or any other newsder the gallery, and was not very distinctly paper, or in condemnation either; but he heard, complained that he himself had been would say, that the press of this country mustmade the object of attack by the Editor also. continue free, and that he never knew that In the report of a meeting, which took place House gain any-thing in the opinion of the in the city, he was pointed out by one of the country, or ultimately in its own opinion, by speakers as being either a knave or a fool, entering into controversies of this sort.. also insinuating that he had a large sum of (Hear, hear.) If these articles were libels, money embarked in the present system, and the Attorney General was the proper person that his vote was influenced by that con- to take notice of them. (Cries of No, no.) sideration. He had consulted with his friends He would rather that a prosecution should, whether it would be right for him to introduce come from that quarter, without any interferthis matter to the notice of the House, and euce on the part of the House. had declined it upon the consideration that it might look like too much sensitiveness on the part of a young Member. He, however, could add his testimony to the justice of the remarks of the honourable Baronet, for his honest cenviction was, that after the extravagance to which the public press had gone (and he did not speak this either with warmth or want of consideration), it was the bounden duty of the House to take that course which should free it from such licentious attacks. (Hear, hear.) He did not fear for the feelings that might be raised in their own bosoms, but there were considerations, as affecting their constituents, which made it their duty to check that course of abuse and invective, in which almost the universal press of the country was indulging. Mr. BARING right hon. Gentleman in persuading the hon., was disposed to join the Baronet to withdraw his motion, though only for a short time. He must, however, main-, tain that the House, whether in its present shape, or degraded according to the provisions of the new bill, would be unmindful of its own dignity, if it suffered such attacks to be made. He thought that nothing could be more fatal to the freedom of debate in that House, than the recommendation of the right hon. Gentleman to refer such proceedings to the 'Attorney-General (hear, hear,), leaving to any person, whatever his motives, whether set on by the crown at one time, or by the people at another, to throw out reflections on the House. But the reason why he recommended delay to the hon. Baronet, was, because the paragraph had reference to the real nature of the subject which they were about to debate. That subject was the Constitution of the House of Commons, and therefore if they were to debar public writers from saying that the constitution of Parliament was vicious and bad, it would be in reality saying that there should be no free discussion out of doors on that very subject which now agitated the country from one end of it to the other. He admitted that the paragraph that had been read, and many others in the same paper (for, contrary to the hon. Baronet, he read The Times every morning (a laugh), went far' Mr. CALCRAFT thought that the hon. in showing the licentiousness of the press, Baronet having had the paragraph read ought and the expressions that had been used were to be satisfied with that step; for he was sure very injudicious, and worthy, on any other that the words of the hon. Baronet's subse-subject, of being severely taken up. On any quent resolution could not be borne out other topic he should not be nice; but when He was sure that the paragraph could have the article alluded exclusively to the privileges no tendency to prevent the members of that of the House, he did not feel inclined to go House from doing their duty. (Murmurs of discontent.) He would beg that tire motion might be read again. The Question being put from the Chair, Lord ALTHORP wished to put it to the hon. Baronet whether it was desirable to propose such a Resolution, as the one he had now offered, without giving due notice to the House? (Hear, hear.) He trusted that the hon. Baronet would have no objection to postpone it to another day. Sir R. INGLIS begged to state to the noble Lord, that he had strictly followed the precedent of the last occasion when such a motion was brought before the House; and he apprehended that it was not usual in such cases to postpone the motion. (Hear:) the length proposed by the hon. Baronet. He felt no apprehension for the vote he should give, and he was sure no Member need be |