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for had that House, then acted as the hon. Member for Westminster seemed to wish had that House immediately represented the popular agitation that was going on without, that measure would never have been carried and be believed that it was generally admitted to be a measure on which the peace of the empire had depended. In his opinion, the present representation was not at all at enmity with the people; and he was convinced that the people, seeing the great attention which that House paid to all the interests of the country, would be satisfied with it: and if even there had been a legislature which had watched with parental care over the interests of all classes, the House of Commons was that. legislature; and he who denied it, must either be grossly wanting in observation, or of a most perverted judginent. (Cheers.) But it seemed that there was a new light coming upon them, and to what did it amount? That the whole influence of the aristocracy was to go. (Cries of No, no, answered by continned cheering from the opposition.) The principle on which those market place reformers set out was, that the influence of the aristocracy with that House was illegal. He trusted that no Gentleman would suppose that he was speaking the influence. He should be sorry to see the people-even those of the very lowest grade-without considerable influence in that House: but it was because the interest of one counteracted the interest of another, that they were able to take the representatives of what might be called-hot of fensively-low popularity into that House. Let them look at the example of France there, with a population of 32 millions of people, the constituency of the country had been something short of 90,00), and the qualification of those voters was the payment of 127, in taxes, which might be calculated as auswering to an income of about 60 a year, which, when it was considered what was the difference between the money and fortunes of the two countries, fiight be considered as about equal to 1002. a year in this country. This was what the state of representation in that country had heen, and even since the change that had taken place there, the utmost extent of any alteration that had been pro posed was to change the 60%. a year to 401, and to increase the number of the constituency to about 200,000. No one could rejoice more than he did at the victory that had been gained in that country, for he had looked upon it as being the means of preventing the nation from being trampled in the dust, but, with all the popular excitement that had followed upon that victory, no proposition to a greater extent wifli respect to the Electoral Law than that which he had already stated, had been made. Let Hone suppose that the pro posed such a qualification as this for Englands but he quoted it for the purpose of showing that those who were supposed to have the love of liberty most at heart, thought that property milodie to nonesup 1891 96


ought to be the standard of the right of elec-
tion. What he wanted was liberty for all.
(Loud cheers.) Let him take the liberty of
alluding to the hon. Member for Preston. Not
only were the observations which he añade áu
that House unobjectionable, but many of theat
were extremely useful and it musts bessere
tremely satisfactory to the people to find that
they had such a representative in that House
to state the grievances under which they supe
posed they laboured. Seeing this, it was im
possible that they should shat their eyes to
the importance of the English House of Come
mons. Any one who had seen the power that
people of no property had over popular bodies
ought to see, that, without counterbalancing
that power, the whole systems would he
changed. To form that counterbalance had
been the system of the Government as yet
that had been the constitutions of England
(hear, hear), and it was but shallow policystis
look at it in any other way If the acts of
that House were stated to the people, he bes
lieved that they would be satisfied with them.
If appeal was made to their acts alone, withw
out superadding the excitement of those who
what among them for the purpose of agitations
he believed that that would be the resultausles
would not say that those who thus agitated
did not believe it to be their duty to do so
but it was, in fact, they who set in motion
what it was now the fashion to call the voice of
the people. (Hear, hearJobHe had been als
ways what was called a moderate reformerg
He had never been able to bring his nindsto
vote for what was called a general measure
on this subject, because he believed that such
a general measure would be the means of
altering the entire constitution That large
manufacturing towns should be represented,
was not only necessary to give satisfaction to
the people, but would be useful in enabling
the House the better to discharge its duty
With respect to Scotland, he had always
thought that it ought to have a different
mode of representation from the present
but, at the same time, that must be done
without endangering what he called the
practical constitution of Eugland. But
when he said that the representation of
Scotland wanted alteration, he must say that
he confessed he believed that Scotland was
virtually and really represented in that House.
(Hear, hear.) He had never seen any Scotch
question which had not been most opugna
ciously canvassed by the Members of that
country. This was remarkably instanced in
the case of the Scotch 1. note system. The
Scotch gentlemen had comed spear in hand,
ready for the attack, and had been quite com-
petent to beat all the English and drish gen
tlemen out of the fieldSomething had been
said abolit remunerating proprietors for the
loss of their boroughs he was; however, not
disposed to enter into that question at all the
view that he took of it was entirely in refers
ence to the safety policy, and expedientes of
the measures He wished to kubw whatsgrens
doldw lewo sede meds usvig bed subiss

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advantage was to be derived from striking off (Cheers) of Ifober had not been guilty abany those impure, boroughs, as they were styled, great offence if he were lots braided with and wbat advantage was to be got by leaving any unsightly mark, and would daleetwreely, those sweet scented places that were to be re- he was sure to succeedwolltdwats as spebies af Jained? He scarcely knew what was left to dant to talk of the liberality sand intueixof represent the people. He did not know how populous placesy and it would not purify the was that the noble Lord, when he went on election to descend towa dower class lof voters. his reforming tour, did not stay at Tavistock,(Hear, hear.) He might perhaps complain son, his way to Callington.Loud and con-of partiality; bandi vits might be said, lisahaal tinued cheers.)T He was armed with an ex-indeed been said, thats Callington was onione terminating sword but Tavistock was invul-side of the line and Tavistockson thebother. nerable (Renewed cheers.) Since dies was (Cheers) That was truepibut whodrew the connected with Callington he knew of no line?Cheers continued forb al considerable moral offences, at least he could not complain time.) He did not wish he did niotomeang to of any which had been committed in respect make any personal allusionbas Tavistock was to its elections. He could safely deny that somewhat larger than Callington;bsbut they there was in it any-thing which could deserve were both small towns in the same county, the name of corruption. (Cheers.) He had ten or twelve miles apart. He had received pot speut one shilling in all his elections that 200 votes, and the number of inhabitants was, he would not readily submit an account of to he believed, upwards of 12,500.IT His moble the greatest purists on election matters who Friend (Lord Althorp) saw that the owners of sat on the mountainous part of that side of the nomination boroughsilexercised! an inthe House, (Great cheers.) [The hon. Mem- fluence over the Treasury, and could weoinber spoke from the Ministerial side of the mand the Ministry. Whether Tavistock bèHouse. His whole election bill did not ex-longed to the Duke of Bedford yors not, the ceed 1507., and that was wholly for things, would be able to influence is after the valteraevery one of which he might have bought tions as before. (Lord John Russell intimated openly at Charing-Cross. He had been in some doubts.)olf his noble Friend doubted his time returned for some populous places, this, he would ensure it for half a crown; and if he were to show the bills which he and with his two Members for Tavistock and then paid, they would not place in a very high two for Bedford, which he night always comdegree of respect those popular elections mand with common care (cheers) might she which were to be left by the noble Lord. It not still influence the Treasury (Cheers) was in vain to deny that there were places Might he not knock loud at the Treasury under the influence of individual Peers, who doors? For himself he must say, that he had returned whom they pleased, and the practice beep many years a Member of Parliament, it was difficult to defeud. When it was men- and he had never knocked at the Treasury tioned in the House, Members affected a door, nor had he received any favours, Inor warm indignation, because it was necessary. asked any at any time from any AdministrdThat was a piece of indispensable hypocrisy; tion. (Cheers.) Putting all these matters and yet, wheu stated to an unprejudiced man, apart, the great question for the Housebito bsomething plausible might be said in its consider was, what errors were in the reprefavour. It was not his intention, however, to sentation which might be corrected putting defend it, but only to say, that the places out of view the fact of one place being overwhich were to be left, and were to be odorous looked, and another kept in view of one slike the perfumes of Arabia, were not much being represented, and another not being rebetter than boroughs. The open boroughs, presented-the real question for the House which had more than four thousand inhabit was, and he hoped Gentlemen would consider ants, were to be left with all their imperfec-it well, what there was wrong in the propotions, except that of absent freemen. Whysition was, that it went to cut off all the lower was the Reform not to extend to such places? classes from voting? He was as much as (Hear, hear.) He wished to ask, too, how any man opposed to universal suffrage, but the merchaut was to find access to the House? for the people to have a certain portion of He could only come there by applying to influence in the elections was essentialsto some of those populous places which were so the Constitution. The people now had such extravagant, and by which he would be very an influence, and every reform of an exlikely to get into The Gazette as a bankrupt. tensive nature, which did not greatly enlarge He contended that the present system worked the representation, would be likely to do that well; and if it were wanted to introduce away. It was a beneficial arrangementdat greater purity, why did the Ministers leave present, which made all classes suppose they places to return Members with so few as 4,000 had a concern in the electionsod was not the inhabitants When boroughs were brown amount of wealth represented, it was not the open, would influence be diminished, or number of people, it was the excitement of an would the purity of boroughs, be greater election, the notice that they were represented, When a gentleman nawy went to an open bo much beyond the reality, which (made be rough, what questions were asked Were any present arrangements so beneficial was inquiries made as to his political principles indispensable to the working of the Bill that the low class of voters should be got ridiofqdt


wasp then, the disfranchisement, to a certain not see the great vichanges now proposed, extents of the lower elasses (Hear hears) withoutalarms and concern. He believed, too, But with somewhat of inconsistency it was that the sound mind of the country and ot stated that all thellow class of voters now in see these great changes without appreliension. existence were tollbescntinued during their Much was said of the enjoyment of the rich divesti Noother alteration was to be madepit in this country, but those who had appeared, than to do away with the out voters Paris and Belgium must know, that there the during the dixes of those who at presents pos- misery of the people was extreme that their Isessed the franchise. He wished to know then, distress was great and that the people were ifoit were not anticipated that great binjury demanding work and bread. The lower classes, would accrue to the country from leaving these who demanded these changes, would be the people in possession of their franchise during first to suffer by them, and they, therefore, their lives? If danger were to be apprehended must be weaned from these errors by the from allowing of the continuance of these low more intelligent classes. He had de ghet voters cat the end, say of twenty years, how with one single person who did not feel apprebappened it that no danger was to be apprehensions from this measure. They did not hended from them now? (Cheers. If our foresee what was likely to be its consequences. Isafety was to be compromised at the end of They said it came from the King and from twenty years, would it not be compromised the Government, and they conclude that it sbefore? There might be the same confusion must be wise, and they place confidetrée in now as hereafteris if it were not to be safe to the Government. Some persons, of a more take a lower qualification than 10 at the end ardent and a bolder disposition, who 'speedofotwenty years, was that safe now? He be-lated on consequences, were not without fear, -lieved it would be the same at the end of ten because they could not speculate with any sor fifteen years as at the end of twenty years, certainty basito o its probable results. If -Didiwedlive their ats a period so free from they asked why the measure was necessary, falarms and danger, that we could suppose uo they were answered that there was danger in Idanger was now to ensue from leaving these withholding it, because the excitement was low voters and that it would ensue at the end so great. If it were not granted, it was said lofstwenty years? The noble Lord, by his Bill, there would be a revolutions Why should -cashiered him (Mr. Baring), and if he had a there be this excitement; and would it exist sseat in the House, he would bring in a Bill to if his right honourable friends took pains to (cashier the noble Lorde (Laughter and cheers.) quiet the minds of the people? (Long and The Bill of the noble Lord created an entire loud cheers.) He did not mean that they behanges in the constitution it was an entire had excited the agitation by any improper change in the constitution of that House, and means, but when they announced a measure what were to be its consequences nobody could from the Crown, was it likely that the people tell. The whole construction of the House was would be satisfied with the constitution? -by this Bill changed, and thus was its anoma (Hear, hear.) He must express his great elous nature laid open for the first time. He regret that this question had been agitated odid not mean to say that the House was per- there. When it was first mentioned, he sup-fect in its construction; but he must say, of posed it would be some moderate reform, and the alterations proposed, he could not see the he was astonished when he found it such a -necessity (Cheers.) It was necessary to pre-reform as to surprise, by its extent and by its serve the Government from falling altogether -unders the power of the people. It was said sthat the House was not popular; hut if the impression had got abroad that persons came -to that House to study their own private interests, and to enrich themselves at the expense of the public, whose fault was it polt was the fault of those who created the impression, and who excited the opinion (Cheers. If it were really the case that the House was unpopular; that it had lost the confidence of the people, it could not do that part of its duties which sconsisted in protecting the liberties of the 2people. It was necessary thats the House 1should enjoy the confidence of the people to enable gituto do its duties To restore it to that confidence was the great difficulty, and still that was got bover its operations would be materially affected; bat he would hot consent tery and arguesit by committing suicide (Cheers) It was necessary to state this diff culty and necessary state the danger sapprehendedlo fiicowere unfortunate that abpinibis demanded great changes he could

of society. He could not describe its importance and he hold Madervalue it, he opinion, hilt it were to defy the sale of public wrecked and dismantfed of would be incompetent to discharge the duties The besetting sin of the last Adininistration's of his office. He must be a bold or a very was a disregard of public opinion, both "at". unshrinking man who did not contemplate home and abroad. (Hear, hear, and no, nos the measure with the deepest solicitude and That error had been fatal to themselves, and the greatest anxiety, who could calmly and not only to themselves, but to others." It had B carelessly look at a measure calculated to set all Europe in a flame. (No, un, fem the effect a great change in the character and opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial constitution of the House of Commons a side.) He said yes-it was his belfer that, House of Commons, which, in spite of its they imagine that few men in authority would defects, had for many years contributed so be able to overrule public upidiou, and stifle effectually to promote the happiness of the the strongest feelings of mukind, and this people. (Hear, hear.) He would be unfit for opinion of theirs had led to the most disa-trous his duties, and unequal to the present crisis, results, and produced that poverty and distress who could look at a measure of that nature which had been adverted to. It was only by without being convinced that it demanded the the resolution of bis Majesty's Ministers since most calm reflection. A love of change and the Government had been changed that serious a fondness for political experiment were not evils, had been averted from this country. characteristic of the people of England. They He would only refer to the state of this coun were, on the contrary, remarkable for a tetry in the mouth of November last, and nacious adherence to the institutions of their ask what it now was; and ask if Ireland ancestors, and their aversion to innovations, would now have been tranquil, except from They formed a striking contrast to their the measures of his noble Friend at the head" neighbours on the continent, to whom allu- of the Home Department? He would suped sion had been made, and who boasted of the pose that the late Ministers had remained in newness of their institutions, while the Eng office, and that they had adopted all the mea lish were proud of the antiquity of theirs. In sures for tranquillizing Ireland which had general it had been found difficult to effect been adopted by the new Ministers; and he the changes that were recommended by the would then affirm that they could not have! greatest advantages. These laws, which succeeded, because they had not the confi posterity would regard as the finest motiu dence of the country. (Cheers) Not having inents of legislative wisdom, were only wrung public opinion with them, their best resolu from the reluctant people of England after tions would have been paralysed. It was this many a hard-fought battle. The laws which strong expression of public opinion that made restored the Catholics to the constitution, and a change necessary, and that forced the House the laws which put an end to the traffic in to consider and devise measures to cure the flesh and blood, were only carried after a co-defects in our representation, and win "back" test of many years. The public voice now the confidence of the people. It was asked called for a change-it demanded innovation whence sprung this great desire for change -and this had not been brought about by any What had caused this rapid growth of a wish long-winded orators; it was the calm and for reform? He would answer, it was not steady determination of the intelligent and from any intrigue of individuals, and not from well-informed people of the Empire. They any ordinary election manoeuvres. But when saw that the change was reasonable they almost every respectable man in the country saw that there were practical evils in the was convinced that some reform had become present constitution of the parliament, and necessary-and when laying aside their herethey sought a practical remedy. The hon. ditary reverence for the sanctity of the con Gentleman said that his right hon. Friends stitution, they came forward to demand a might restore the country to quiet, and make change of ancient institutions, it was impos the agitation cease. (Hear, hear.) He said sible not to feel that some other courte was that if the Government, and the Press, and become desirable, It was true that there the public would cease the agitation, we were some in the country and in that House, might retain our constitution; but might not who thought that things should remain as the hon. Gentleman suppose, when the Go. they are, and who wished for no change; and vernment, and the Press, and the public were there were many others who would now be all united, that his own opinion was fallacious? willing to make some concessions, when an (Hear, hear, hear) Public opinion called occasion offered for its being done in the way for a change, (Hear, hear! no, o.) If they desired it, or who would wait till they he were asked for a proof of it, he would refer were driven to the necessity of reform, by the to the fact, that the right hon. Gentlemen impossibility of continuing to resist the voice opposite were sitting there, while he and his of those who demanded it. (Hear.) The dime friends were sitting ou the seats they occu- however, was now gone by when such pied. The rock the Gentlemen opposite split could be safely entertained.If three years on was a rash neglect of public opinion. ago, the conviction on this subject, which, wasds (Cheers, They had been buoyed up with now so general, had been permitted to enter confidence in their own powers. They sprid be mijnds of the Members of that Houses abroad all the canvass of patronage. N hree years ago, when the great unrepresented

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towns demanded the concession, of their poli-I would tell those who attempted to point out tical right to return Members to the Com the particular policy adopted by Mr. Cannings mans House of Parliament; if, at that period, from quotations culled out of Speeches de the Legislature bad permitted itself to be in-livered at particular times, and in support of fluenced by those impressions, which were peculiar opinions, that they were ill able to now acknowledged to be so general; if the fathom the mind of the mau from whom they Government, instead of drawing nice equa, emanated. If ever there was a man who took tions of Parliamentary interest, and balancing a large and enlightened view of public events with dexterity between contending classes, and public policy, that man was Mr. Canning, had condescended to attend to the claims then If ever there was a statesman who polarised put forth if the cry for reform, even on so his public course by an extended and liberal limited a scale, had then received the attention principle of action, and whose gigantic views which it deserved, he was confident that the it was impossible to bow down to any of the House would not at that moment have been ordinary Lilliputian comprehensions of his occupied with discussing that large and more species, that man was Mr. Canning; and he comprehensive constitutional change, pro-was satisfied, that had he lived to mark the posed to the House by the Paymaster of the signs of the present times, and to bring his Forces, under the sanction of the Ministers of great and comprehensive intellect to an exthe Crown (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Pal-amination of the difficulties ao be overcome, merston) had supported the proposition for he would have been as ardent a supporter of giving representatives to those towns, because the measures now proposed by the Govern-" he considered the principle which it involved ment, as any of the friends he saw around him. was a wise, a just, and a salutary one, aud (Hear, hear.) If any man wanted a real key because he felt, that if it was refused, they to the opinions and policy of Mr. Canning, he would speedily be compelled to give much would find it in the memorable speech demore than the House was then called on to livered in the month of February, 1826, on the concede. His predictions were, at that time, question of the proposed alteration in the Silk condemned and disregarded; and the conse- Trade, and particularly in that concluding quence was, that they were now placed in sentence, where he declares, in elegant and that very situation which he had warned them emphatic language, That those who resist would be the consequence of the course they improvements because they consider them to adopted. (Hear.) For reasons precisely simi-be innovations, may be at last compelled to lar to those which induced him to vote for the limited reform then proposed, he was now prepared to support that larger and more ample change of the system of representation on which they were about to pronounce an opinion Taunts had, in the course of the discussion, been unsparingly thrown out against some of those who supported the present measure, and who were, like him, admirers of Mr. Pitt, that they had abandoned the principles that great man professed, and which they made the guide of their political career, Hear Events might, he thought, have saved the admirers of Mr. Pitt from a charge of this kind, and taught those who accused them to form a humbler and jäster estimate of the value of political consistency. He should have thought that they might have found by examples, the merit of which he would be the last man in the country to contemu, that a public man might change his opinions without being influenced by any grosser motive than the honourable and truly noble desire to promote the good and the wel fare of us country. (Hear, hear.) He should have thought that they might have been taught, by experience, ou more points than one, that a public man should not carry the puerile vanity of consistency on one subject to an extent which would endanger the safety of the greater and more important interests that are mixed up with the relations committed to his care. (Heat, hear.) Of Mr Cauning he entertained as high an opinion as any of those who professed to be guided by his sentiments, or to follow his dictation; but he

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