H but they smellintos offer they were the community, were of ɗ nature so turnedødtsAgain andhowhite on they terrific that they compelled then" of saile not go word about parliamentary property to trace back the evil to its reforms Bath the truths is that their true cause, and that cause they found fault was not saying nothing about par to be the want of f representation of the liamentary & reform; but going into people in their own House of Parlia office with those who would not let them ment. Hence only the innumerable say many thing abinitsit They made petitions for parliamentary reform. a coalition with the GRANVILLES and My writings and my lectures, the with the AnbiNGTONS; nay, they put latter delivered in several towns in themselves under these Lord GRAN-almost every county, had a great deal VILLE was the First Lord of the Trea of effect in making men think about sury and Prime Minister; WYNDHAM, the cause of the distresses of the counLord SPENCER, Lord FITZWILLIAM, all try, and particularly of the misery of the sworn enemies of reform, were in the labouring people; a subject on which Cabinet. As if these were not enough, I never failed to dwell, to the utmost ADDINGTON, HOW SIDMOUTH, and EL-powers of my mind, always predicting LENBOROUGH, the Lord Chief Justice, that if a remedy were not applied in were stuffed into the Cabinet too. Lord time, those miseries would lead to some Grey, who was then Lord Howick, was terrible convulsión. Therefore, when the part of the time First Lord of the Ad-riots and the fires began, these preachmiralty, and the other part Secretary ings of mine urged people of property of State for Foreign Affairs. How was to think of the grand remedy which I hej a member of such a cabinet, to bring had constantly pointed out; and made forward this reform bill?// His fault was them cry aloud for Parliamentary Renot the not bringing forward of the bill; form. But I might have written and but his consenting to tarnish his high preached till my fingers had been reputation by belonging to such a Cabi- cramped with old age, and till my neuando this I have told him five tongue could hardly have been heard haudred times over. From the year from between the small space that the 1807, when he was in place, up almost absence of my teeth have left be to the present time, there has been no tween nose and chin; I might have opportunity amtil now for him to bring written and have preached to the last forward this bill with a chance of im-moment of my life, without producing mediate success. During the Jubilee a ten-thousandth part of that effect years of paper-money and Waterloo-which was produced in one single week feats, the nation was absolutely drunk. by the riots and the fires. In 1817, merchants and bankers and BARING, the loan-man, who was so manufacturers and yeomanry joined the active at the Special Commissions at nefarious boroughmongers in calling for Winchester, is, in the report of his dungeons for those who most humbly speech on the Reform Bill, represented petitioned for parliamentary reform as having said, that the petitions in Then followed the events of 1919. favour of reform arose chiefly from the Distress after distress in England, fa- speeches made by persons who went mine after famine in Ireland; but still, about the country for the purpose. No expedient after expedient; false hope insolent expressions are, in this case, after false hopey so far deluted the ascribed to the loan-man; and, theregreat mass of the middle class of so fore, I shall only say that he greatly ciety, and particularly the richer part of overrated the effects of those speeches. them that there was nothing like a The speeches had been made for six loud and unanimous call for parliamonths, or thereabouts, and yet the mentary reform, until the labourers of middle classes had not been roused to England would no longer endure their petition. The speeches had produced intolerable sufferings. The acts of this just thoughts in the minds of the middle formerly tractable and peaceable part of class. I quitted no county without leaving these thoughts implanted all potatoes and water, if they had done over it. Intelligence flies swifter in the this, it was not all my writings and all my country, where men not given to gabble preachings that would have brought one. are thinly scattered; and where they single petition from a body of farmers or remember what they hear, and relate any other body of the middle class, or what they hear with great exactness. induced them to come forward with I sowed the thoughts; but it was the those petitions, or with any one of those operations of poor Swing that made petitions, which have finally emboldened those thoughts spring up into action, my Lord Grey to do that which he so and to produce those petitions, which anxiously wished to do four-and-thirty have finally enabled Lord Grey to bring years ago. To the acts of those laforward that very bill which he has bourers, therefore, criminal as those had lying by him for three-and-thirty acts were, and ever must be considered years. My speeches had no effect, and to be, in the eye of the law; to those could have no effect, upon the labourers. acts, we owe the present measure, or, In the whole of my six months of tra- rather the adoption of it at this time, velling and of speech-making, I never and, I trust, before it be too late. spoke to one single labourer, except to The events in France, in the month ask them about their gardens, or little of July, had some effect on all sensible fields, or their families, and to give men of property, who had before been them a share of my money. The terms opposed to reform; but, they had no of admission to my speaking necessarily effect on the labourers of England. excluded them from a hearing. It was The demolition of threshing-machines, to their employers to whom I addressed and even the fires, had begun amongst myself. I was every-where anxious to the labourers of Kent long before the get together bodies of the farmers; fall of Charles X. It was touch-and-go and I never quitted them without warn-in that county and in Sussex, during the ing them of the danger of keeping winter of 1830. The poor labourers in silent themselves upon the subject of many cases went and collected the reform until the weight of the taxes poor-rates themselves; in many cases should compel them so to pinch the la- they took the money by force from the bourers as to drive them to despair. overseers; when fires took place they When, therefore, the desperate deeds of stood by and would not help to extinthe labourers came, these awful warn-guish them. Those two counties afforded ings of mine came with full force into the minds of the employers, and led them to resort to those petitions which I had so strenuously recommended. every indication of approaching convulsion many mouths before the Revolution at Paris was thought of; and, as it has always been seen, the example But, if the labourers of England had would naturally expe westward remained quiet under their sufferings; into those counties which the people in if they had still submitted to see their the east denominate the "shures," so it ged fathers and mothers and helpless happened now and I would pledge my brothers and sisters compelled by a life that there is not one labourer out of hired overseer to draw carts, like one thousand, who knows or cares anyeasts of burden, as was, on the late thing at all about what bas taken place rials, proved to have been the case in in France, or what is likely to take place Tampshire; if the able-bodied labour- there. Oh, no, the origin of the dreadrs of England had still remained appa- fal tumults, was purely domestic. It ently content under the allowance of bad, its foundation in want; that want he Magistrates of Wiltshire, a pound had its foundation in the intolerable nd a quarter of bread and a halfpenny burden of taxes; that intolerable day for food and clothing; if the burden had its foundation in wasteful bourers of England had, in short, expenditure; that expenditure had its een still quiet while they had nothing foundation in a parliament not chosen by Osave them from death but miserable the people; the riots and the fires told 19 311031 Sur OT the proprietors this; and they therefore approach of a republic in that country, called for a parliament to be chosen by bringing two back to almost the hea people. Several of those who have opposed the bill, have ass asserted that this bill was not agreed on by the Cabinet until the eleventh hour; that is to say, that they precisely the relative situations in which they stood in 1793, with this additional argument in favour of Reform, that the landowners and industrious classes of England had just been, in the plainest and all or said they were prepared manner, told by the monied aristocracy J to return to his original plan, to call upon the king and the country to stand by him in carrying that plan into execution, or to retire from his post. and all of a mind on the 3d of February, in possession of the boroughs, that they they really had not decided upon the should go on paying the fundholders measure until the Sunday before the double or treble interest, 'till not one Tuesday when the bill was proposed. man of them had an inch of land left, I have shown you that the bill was or a single ship, or loom, or bale of drawn up by Lord Grey thirty-four goods, that he could calf his own; that years ago; but, though I pretend not to now, seeing all this, my Lord Grey have, but, on the contrary, declare that determined to do the thing effectually, I have not, any information on the subjeet, other than what is furnished by the reflections of my own mind, my belief upon the subject is this: that Lord Grey would, if he had thought himself strong This, I believe, to be a pretty true enough, have proposed this measure as history of the matter. The plan was soon as he came into power; that he kept wonderfully secret; and well it would have had with him Lords Hol- might; for I verily believe; that until land and Althorp, and, perhaps, Sir Sunday, the 27th of February, 'no mán James Graham; that, however, there knew what was to be proposed; not were ten or eleven besides himself in the even the Prime Minister himself. There Cabinet, and that of that ten or eleven, never were more decided enemies of there were six or seven, if not eight, Parliamentary Reform than Lord Melwho would by no means, at that time, bourn, Lord Goderich, Lord Palmerhave concurred with him in this mea- ston, and two or three others of the sure; that it was, nevertheless, abso- Cabinet. I do not say that they are to be lutely necessary to pledge the Ministry accused of what is called inconsistency, to a Parliamentary Reform, seeing because they now propose what they that the Duke of Wellington had no- formerly reprobated; for a total change toriously been put out because he had of circumstances must, in every sane declared against a Reform; that, there- mind, produce a change of opinion fore, in order to hold his Cabinet toge- as to measures to be adopted. But, ther, Lord Grey had, at first, given his there cannot be the smallest doubt consent to a miserable measure which that Lord Grey has had difficulties would have destroyed no rotten borough, enormous to overcome; and that, and have merely extended the corrup- if this measure be carried into full tion around a borough, and have given members to, perhaps, nine or ten great towns; that it was, at this period of the business, determined on to send forth the special commissions in the hope of subduing the mind of the country and moderating the demands for Reform; that the moment the parliament met, this his was found to have failed; that, upon the heels of this came the failure of the plot of the Chamber of Deputies and the rest of the things in France, and along with this every appearance of the effect, the country will have to ascribe " victory to Lord GreyThe whole of load of rags to be chopped up to manure his Cabinet may take their share, as the his hop garden, containing more and officers of a fleet do but let them have better garments than the whole two or it in the lump. The plan of a battle is three thousand of you ingenious, inalways ascribed to the Commander, let dustrious, honest and excellent working the real author of it be who he may; people then had upon your backs and but here we have indubitable proof that you will remember that I then told you the plan sprang out of the mind of the that the people in Sussex would perish Commander himself; and to him, to the last man rather than submit to therefore, our gratitude is due. gius such degrading beggary! of ton 97% Now, my friends, with regard to the We are all convinced that this suffereffects of this measure, it is, as I saiding, and that all the dangers to which before, impossible for the mind of any it must finally lead; that all the risks man, however comprehensive that mind to property and life, arise from the may be, to suggest a description of all weight of the taxes. We not only the advantages which will arise from it know that these taxes have been laid to us all, high and low, rich and poor. on by the Parliament, but we know It will effectually put a stop to every that they never would have been laid species of waste of the public money, on if the Parliament had been chosen which waste has been the curse of our by the free voice of the people, as it country for nearly a century, and es-must be, if this measure be carried into pecially within the last forty years. full and fair effect. Look at the army; The cause of all our miseries is the look at the navy; look at the three weight of the taxes, and, on what are generals to every regiment, and the two they expended; on these things prin- admirals to every ship of the line; look cipally, the debt, the standing army in at the sixteen or seventeen thousand time of peace, the dead weight, the military officers on full and half-pay; eivil dist, including every thing coming look at the wives and children of these, under the name of pension, sinecure, for whom pensions are provided after grant, allowance, and God knows the death of the husbands and fathers, what; and here we are with this mon-thus making us pay enormous premistrous burden of sixty millions a year, ums for the breeding of idlers, while it instead of the fifteen millions, which is proposed to mortgage the poor-ratés, was the total amount of the state taxes in order to send the working people out when Lord Grey presented his petition of the country. Look at the military pin 1793; and instead of the eight mil-academies; look at all these things; you will find them in the rotten boroughs and corrupt corporationsïon of when Lord Grey and the present King were born. Here we are with the country covered with jails and poor- And how is any minister, be he ever houses, with every fourth man a pauper so wise and honest, to diminish these amongst all the labouring classes; here expenses? It would be perfectly we are, instead of a labouring people, equitable to reduce the interest of the such as you will find described in national debt, if the other expenses another part of this Register, and such were first reduced; because fifty or as England proudly presented to the forty, or even thirty pounds a year, world when I was a boy; here we are, would be more valuable to the funda set of degraded miserable beings, such holder than hundred pounds dre as you will in that same paper find nost now, but, with a borough Parliament, faithfully described. When I addressed what minister will dare attempt to do you from the window of the Ion in your this act of justice to the peopleThe Down town, on a bitter cold and snowy Minister must do as this Parliamet day, in the month of January last but pleases, or he must cease to be Minister. Pone, I told you, that, when I was a boy, Mr. Pirt, before lie was minister, said, I had seen my father purchase a wagon- that without an efficient reform of the " G 1 Another Tand, most important effect will arise from this Reform Look, my friends, at the Civil List, and, for the present, ats that part of it which contains the list of ambassators, charges d'affaires, consuls, &c. Look at the names of them, whether in present employ, or in retired list. See who they are; see whom they are related to, and then you will clearly see, in nine cases out of ten, the cause of their being upon those lists. its Parliament, no honest man could be a Minister in England, an assertion which he afterwards, appears to have done his best to make good Lord Grey has been accused of having done nothing to lessen the expenses of the enormous Civil List, the bare sight of which has filled the tax paying part of the community with, feelings of disgust and of rage not to be described. It is true that he has done nothing to lessen the expenses of this list; and very pru-The expense of them is perfectly enordently he has acted in this respect; for, mous, but that evil, great as it is, is a if he had attempted to lessen this ex- mere nothing when put in comparison ✓pense, he would have found himself in with another consideration; namely, a minority, and compelled to quit his their probable unfitness for the office. post. He has acted very wisely in Now, my friends, figure to yourself, if leaving this matter to be dealt with by you can, a more painful situation than real representatives of the people. Lord that of a minister of great talents and JOHN RUSSELL, who, by the by, though perfect integrity, auxious to do every to be regarded, in this particular case, as thing in his power to promote the hapmerely the agent of the, Minister, per-piness of the country, to preserve i formed his task with great ability as power, and maintain its character in well as spicit, and is entitled to great the world, imagine, if you can, anypublic confidence, from having been the thing more painful than the situation of b person chosen by the Minister for the such a minister, who is compelled (if performance of this task: Lord JoHN he choose to retain his place) to appoint RUSSELL said, in the course of his ambassadors, consuls, generals, aduispeech that without a reform of therals, and indeed every thing else, picked Parliament, the Government could out by others, and not chosen by himnot go on tom opponents have af-self. As to the King, as several of the fected to laugh at this; but nothing petitioners have declared, he has been Was ever more literally true. Why despoiled of his real power as well as Could it not go qub It could not the people. The King must be guided exist without lightening the burdens by his council, as long as he keeps them; of the people, and the borough- but the boroughs have a power superior Parliament would never have suf- to them both. In such a state of things, fered those burdens to be lightened how is it possible that the affairs of a to any extent to be sensibly felt. This nation can be well carried on? A king is the reason why the Government could of England has not a tenth part of the not go on. LORD ALTHORP made an power of a president of the United attempt to lighten the burden of the States of America. There, where the s debt. It was seen that that would lead people really choose their representaEsto lopping off of pensions and sinecures; tives, there is never any interference and, therefore, Lord Althorp was com- with the President, with regard to the pelled to desist. JOHN SMITH told the appointment of persons to be employed -minister that Mr. BARING, lifted up his by the government. Such a thing was hands and his eyes, when he heard the never heard of in the country. He has proposition; and that was enough.,, The all the talents of the whole country at of Boroughs of Callington Westloge and his command he takes them where he Thetford, lifted up their bands and finds them and he apprehends no optheir eyes at the proposition, and down position from the legislature on account ib fellydend as a lump of clay. How of this choice. Accordingly, the ten could a government go on with a power ambassadors sent from America to like that to thwart it in its measures ? Europe, far surpass any other, ten am 9 Ja " |