ان a dissolution became, absolutely ne-" honesty and singlemindedness of cessary at once, without going into a "Lord Grey us no doubt of his committee. My Lord JouN RUSSELL" immediate adoption of one alternative. Be the people assured that Reform "will be consequent on either course. Revolution may yet be avoided, but the events of the next twenty-four "hours will determine the crisis." says that the Ministers regarded the decision on the second reading as conclusive that the measure should be referred to the committee." How they came to regard it as thus conclusive, it would puzzle the wit of man to discover, It ought to have been conclusive that the bill could never be carried with the present House of Commons, without being chipped away to" next to nothing. 66 As After this, the Editor of the Chronicle adds the following: "A great deal too " much importance has been attached to reports of the supposed feelings of Royalty with regard to Reform. It "has again been stated broadly that the They now acknowledge that it can- King will not dissolve Parliament; not be carried with the present House," and the declaration of Earl Grey on without such chipping away; and my "Monday night, that with respect to Lord JOHN RUSSELL says, that the con- one threat, he had formerly dissequences must now be either a disso-" claimed it, and had stated that he lution of the Parliament, or a resigna"" had neither the inclination nor was tion of the Ministers. The Morning "he armed with the authority to make Chronicle hus, upon this subject, the use of any menace,' is cited as confollowing article, which appears to me firmatory of this resolution. to be of a demi-official character. It "Ministers are determined to stand or has been observing (20th April), that" fall with the bill; as Reform was we are still in the dark as to the inten-"made a condition of their acceptance tions of the Ministers; for, though the" of office; as the plan of Reform was bill is ordered to be committed on "submitted to the King; and as disThursday night, it was generally be-"solution, in case the bill should be lieved, in the House, that the result of" materially damaged in its progress, is the vote must be either a dissolution or the only means by which effect can a resignation; but that the opinion that" be given to the plan, we hold it for the Ministers would resign was the pre-" certain that the report of the King's vailing one. Then follows the demi-" unwillingness to dissolve is a base official article in these words. "The "calumny." Oh, no! It is not a base "twenty-four hours following the pub-calumny; or, at least, I do not believe lication of this Journal, will be the it is; and so I said on the 26th of most eventful in the history of this March. It is said here that "the plan empire, if not of the world. Minis- of Reform was submitted to the King." “ters have been defeated in a division Why, so was the plan of Catholic "on the English Reform Bill, by a Emancipation in 1807; Lord GREY dismajority of eight, on a question which, tinctly stated that in the House of Comaf in discussion, they deemed of vital mons at the time; but his opponents import to the great Constitutional denied this. They allowed that a meaReform, the basis and pedestal of sure of emancipation was submitted to their political existence as a Cabinet. him; but they positively denied that The impossibility of maintaining their that measure had been submitted to station by means of the present House him. And Lord GREY could not call of Commons, long predicted, is now upon the KING to make a declaration “demonstrated. It is useless to dis- upon the subject; nor can he call upon cuss the judgment or policy of pa- the KING to make a declaration upon ftiently testing this result, by the di- the subject now. This is a thing which Svision on General Gascoyne's Motion. all due subordination to the Chief Now Ministers have but two elections Magistrate forbids; it is a thing which M÷Dissolution, or Resignation. The decency forbids it cannot be done แ a tention now, is, Whether the Parlia- bability have to experience second ment will be dis dissolved or not? At every chapter of 1807, that is to say, accusastep, Lord GREY has experienced the tions on the part of his opponents of inconvenience of not having followed not having fully apprised his Majesty my advice. Instead of vague assurances, of, and obtained his acquiescence in vague second-hand assurances, and the measure which he has proposed to these, too, in very general and qualified the Parliament. This is the rock on terms, of the King's hearty approbation which he split, with intentions equally of the measure, I recommended the good, in the year 1907. His opponents, beginning of the work by a MESSAGE too, have this great argument, or, rather, from his Majesty; and if that course this strong ground, which they had not had been pursued, the bill, without a at the period just mentioned, namely, single alteration, would have been passed that he (Lord GREY) did not at first long and long enough ago. Instead of contemplate a measure to any-thing like all the uncertainty, and all the turmoil; the present extent. Now, then, if he all the suspension of business; all the have brought forward a measure much suspension of purchases, whether com- more extensive than that which he conmercial or landed; all the suspension of templated when he came into office, his contracts for time of every description, opponents may, upon his own showing, which have taken place throughout the contend that this, at any rate, was not whole kingdom, and which have been the measure which he proposed to the productive of injury to hundreds of KING as the basis of his Ministry thousands of individuals; injury admitting of no adequate description from tongue or pen; instead of an incessant and universal agitation, approaching to a dislocation of society itself; instead of three months of this sort of confusion pervading the affairs and the minds of so many millions of people, all would have been settled quietly two months ago; for had the Ministers had this message to lay before Parliament on the 3d of February, when it met, the whole matter would have been settled in the course of that month of February. But the great question with the people is, What is now to be done? It was manifest to me, and I urged it in the Register of the 26th of March, with all the force of which I was master, that this bill never could be carried with the present House of Commons. Many of my readers were astonished at what I said in that Register; for in it I expressed my doubts of the King's readiness to dissolve the Parliament; yet it was clear as daylight that the bill could not be carried without a dissolution. There were, out of three hundred and two who voted for the second reading, many who expressed themselves determined to oppose parts It is perfectly true, because my Lord GREY has said it, that he had the sanction of his Majesty to bring for ward a bill for the reform of the Par-of the bill in the detail. These liament. This is true; but then there wanted a more formal sanction to destroy at once the hopes of the enemies of reform. It is also true that the KING has kept these Ministers in place with this bill before the House; but the enemies of reform had no assurance that the KING would make use of all the prerogatives with which he is invested, in order to cause this bill to be who vote carried. Now if the Ministers had pro-and wa ceeded by message from the KING him- me J self, all this would have been implied in that message; and for want of the message, Lord GREY Will in voted for the second reading in order to mo without levelling the dignity of the the crown with the earth; and, in this respect, Lord GREY must be content to endure in silence the taunts which he had to endure in 1807. WHAT IS NOW TO BE DONE? If I am to judge from the language of the Morning Chronicle, and from what one hears in the streets, RESIGNA- ' TION is the course that the Ministers This writer tells us that it is now must pursue. Indeed, it is the only broadly asserted, "that the King will course that they can pursue, unless the not dissolve Parliament." Why, I gave KING consent to a dissolution. I it as my opinion that he would not, so ascribe no fault to the KING: he is, as long ago as the 26th of March. It ap- I said in the Register so often alluded peared to me manifest; it appeared to to, though a KING, still but a man ; me clear as daylight, that he would not and, as a man, he must have his opinidissolve the Parliament, unless strongly ons, his doubts, and his fears, as well urged to do it by the unanimous peti- as other men. It is clear to me, intions of his people; and, therefore, Ideed, that his interest is, above that of urgently recommend such petitions to all other men, involved in the passing be immediately sent to him. On the of this bill; but still, it would be to evening of the day when that Register make the kingly office a burden that no was published, several gentlemen came man could bear, to hold that he is not to me, and, in strains of great exulta- to exercise his judgment, and act action, related to me the result of the cording to that judgment. It is clear grand meeting of the merchants and as daylight, that the reform cannot be bankers at the Mansion-house. To made by this present Ministry without their utter astonishment, I very coolly a new Parliament; and, therefore, for observed, that, instead of petitions to them to proceed with their Committee the Parliament, and an address to the is only to plunge themselves deeper KING, those merchants and bankers and deeper in inextricable difficulties. should have petitioned the KING to They are now beaten on a point which, dissolve the Parliament. When they according to their own avowal, they had read the Register, they were asto- deemed of vital importance to their meanished at my doubts with regard to the sure. "The basis and pedestal of their poreadiness of the King to dissolve the "litical existence as a cabinet, is, accordParliament, if necessary, to carry the " ing to their own confession, knocked bill and they told me that Mr." from under them." To attempt to Alderman Wood had declared, at cling to office after that would only be the meeting at the Mansion-house, to re-act the miserable drama of 1807. that the Ministers would be able to Well, but what is to happen if they recarry the bill without a dissolution of sign? The Edinburgh Review, in its the Parliament. From that moment, I last number, evidently anticipates this regarded the bill as lost, for the present, result. They anticipate that another at any rate, and dreaded all the conse-faction will come in, whom they denoquences of the severe and cruel disap-minate "the HERRIESES, the PEELS, pointment to be experienced by the and the GOULBURNS," whom they call people. It was manifest to me that" miserable tricksters." It is very curithe KING was not disposed to dissolve ous that this is precisely the appellation the Parliament; and, while nobody which these Reviewers gave to PERCE-* who had any regard for the observance VAL and his set in 1807! The Whigs, of the laws of the country could deny his perfect right to refuse to dissolve it, the only course left for the people was to pour in their prayers upon him, so to exercise his prerogative as to ensure the success of a measure which they had so much at heart. But, again I say, the question is, when taunted by their opponents for endeavouring to cling to office after they had withdrawn the Catholic Bill, apologised for their conduct by saying that it was their duty to remain to keep a set of tricksters out of power.' Those tricksters got into power, however, and held it snugly for twenty-four 1 eg the reader to pay years, excluding the Whigs as com-" that without some such calculation," pletely as if they had been a set of" they are worse than frantic if they foreigners. The cases are very different, attempt to break up the existing I allow for the Reform Bill has the "Government, wholly incapable as whole nation at its back; and, if Lord" they are of forming any other, except. GREY could but have been brought to " by coming round to the principles of add the BALLOT to the other parts of " reform." This is, to be sure, pushing his plan, he might have resigned with speculation to a great extent; but, the certainty of petitions to the KING the thing is by no means impossible. from every county, city, town, and vil- There were some passages in the speech lage in the kingdom, to recall Lord of the Attorney-General which seemed GREY, and dissolve the Parliament. to indicate a most horrible degree of I think that the result would be the misgiving. Soon after the beginning same now; for there is so much of real of his speech (the Chronicle observes), good in this bill, that all men who do great impatience was manifested from not live on the abuses; all men, in all several parts of the House. After the ranks of life, are eager for its adoption. noise had subsided, the report makes Before this paper will reach the eve of him proceed in the following curious my readers, the decision of Lord GREY manner. may have been taken, and may be puo-attention to his words: licly known; but, be that decision what "He had a solemn and important it may, and be the intrigues and the" duty to discharge, and he would not workings of factions what they may, "be deterred from discharging it by any the cause of reform cannot go back: the "manoeuvring, let it proceed from what country feels the good of it by anticipa- quarter it might, on an occasion such tion it is a feast prepared; they smell" as that he was not to be cried down, it from the kitchen; and woe to them" or coughed down. Clamour out of who would come and announce to them" doors had been spoken of, but if a conthat there is to be no dinner. "tinuance of the interruption to which The Edinburgh Review, the brains" he was exposed were continued, he of whose writers always run upon the" would not hesitate to call it clamour ;. comforts of place and emolument," he would not hesitate to designate it manifestly entertain fears, that the op- as a measure to keep the House from position, having beaten and turned out" coming to a vote, and getting rid of the Ministers, will come in themselves; "the motion for the present. Now, supand, as in the case of the Catholic Bill," posing they succeded in getting rid of bring in this very bill themselves, and the measure in its present form, and call upon the Whigs to support them." prevented a reduction of more than The words of the Reviewer are those: " twenty Members, leaving the whole "Another thing must be also reckoned" number 658, they would still have upon in the prospects of these enemies" left to them a variety of perplexing "of the bill. They have found by "considerations, which might really 66 experience that the present Ministers" prevent their coming to a satisfactory "are utterly incapable of opposing," conclusion upon the subject during "while excluded from office, the mea- "the present session, and that result, in 66 sures they had themselves recom- "the hands of an enemy, might be mended while in power. So that we "made the means of defeating the bill. "verily do believe the men we are "He therefore conceived the friends of "speaking of, if they entertain any "the measure could not adopt a course "serious thought of power, look for- "more unwise and imprudent than to "ward to carry the bill now in pro-" give the slightest sanction to a progress, if they can do no better, with" position which should have the "the aid of the present Ministers, only" effect of embarrassing the operations "changing sides in the two Houses of" of the committee. Very possibly the "Parliament. Sure we are of this," gallant General, the Member for Li |