VOL. 71.-No. 9.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 26TH, 1831.

FRENCH REPUBLIC

AND

ENGLISH REFORM.

To the Readers of THE REGIster.

Kensington, 22d February, 1831.

[Price 1s. 2d.

merable advantages to the people, which the English would see the French enjoying only in consequence of having destroyed a kingly government, and erected a republic in its stead.

That republic; that result of the heroic exploits of the three days of July, is now just upon the eve of taking place; and curious it is, that the decision of the Ministers and the Parlia-* ment in England is also just upon the eve of taking place. It is therefore now my duty, my friends, to submit to you my opinions upon these two sub-" jects, in order that, if you concur with me in opinion, you may, in your My Friends, ̧‹ spheres of life, act agreeably thereunto. In another part of this Register I In another part of the Register you will shall notice the INDICTMENT which find two letters from Mr. William Cobhas been so much talked of; but which, bett, written at Paris, and also extracts in point of importance to you and to the from the French newspapers, detailing country, is of consequence, beyond all the events subsequent to those letters. measure, inferior to the two subjects I beg you to look at paragraph 6, of placed as the title to this paper; the letter of the 15th of February, relanamely the REPUBLIC OF FRANCE, tive to the atrociously cruel treatment which is manifestly upon the point of of some of the bravest of the men who being established; and that REFORM shed their blood in the month of July; in England for which every one is now but of this I shall speak more particulooking with a degree of anxiety not in larly by and by, it being my intention the power of me, or of any man, ade- first to give you my opinion, accomquately to describe. These two sub-panied with reasons, with regard to jects are so closely connected with each what is likely to take place in France other; they bear upon each other so in a very short space of time. directly, and in a manner so forcible, Let me call to your recollection a that it is impossible to separate them in passage in the Register of the 18th of the mind; it is impossible that one September last. It was in an address to should be in the mind for a' single mo- the brave people of Paris, in consement without the irresistible intrusion quence of the "citizen king" having of the other. In my arguments in fa-sent Talleyrand as Ambassador to Engvour of a real reform of the Parlia- land. In that address I stated all the ment; in my plan of that reform; in circumstances which made me believe every statement almost that I have that those who had succeeded Charles made upon the subject, since the month the Tenth in the governing of France, of July last, I have called upon the Mi- were, in fact, the friends of Charles, nisters to think of the danger that there and were secretly sorrowing for the would be to the whole frame of Go- events of July. I stated all these cirvernment in England if they persevered cumstances, concluding with the folin refusing to make a reform here, while lowing words: "It would have been the French proceeded to make a repub-" impossible to look well at these cirlican government, and in introducing" cumstances without perceiving that all that cheapness, and all those innu- the great object of most of the men

K

66

66

-516

words, that kingly Government and Christianity were inseparable. Those who call the brave Parisians a mob, omit to notice this circumstance; and they omit to notice, also, that the

Archbishop of Paris, took all the gold and plate and jewels that they found, and scrupulously DELIVERED THEM UP TO THE PUBLIC AUTHORITIES, to be applied by them to the public use. This, then, is a sensible and honest, as well as brave, people; and such a people will never be enslaved.

"in power was to make no real change, "either in the government or the dy"nasty; and that, whatever might be "the intention of the Duke of Orleans "himself, the intention of others was, "that he should only keep the place" mob," who gutted the palace of the warm for the other branch of the "Bourbons, when circumstances might "favour their return! And, if to the weight of all these circumstances we "add the glaring, the unequivocal "proof afforded by the appointment of "Talleyrand as Ambassador to the English Court, it is impossible not to "be convinced that foul play of sorne "sort is intended towards the people of "France. I am certain that this second plot will succeed no better than the "first; but it is necessary now to be 66 upon our guard, and to judge by ac❝tions, and not by words."

The

French nation, with the exception of The truth is, that the whole of the those who lived upon the taxes, were for a republic in the month of July; and for that it was that the Parisians fought and bled and thousands of them The second plot has not succeeded. They were then tricked by the taxdied. But they were then cheated. It has just been blown into air; and, eaters. The cry of generous forbearperhaps, before even the article that I ance, of public order, of peace: these am now writing shall come from the cries were set up, arms were put into press, news may arrive of the establish- the hands, as much as possible, of those ment of a real republic in France, go- who thought they had an interest in verned by a President, a Senate, and a preventing any great change. The House of Representatives. Look, I friends and advocates of republicanism pray you, at the works of the people of were marked out for, and made to enParis; look at their cutting out the dure the effects of, vengeance. fleurs-de-lis (that great emblem of laws against the press were made, in royalty); look at their scratching them fact, harder instead of softer; and while off from the coach of the King; look, I the royalists were every-where favourpray you, at all their deliberate proceed-ed, the republicans were treated like ings against the very appearance of dogs and like mad dogs too. Pray look royalty. Our newspapers call these the at the 6th paragraph of Mr. William proceedings of a mob: they are the Cobbett's letter of the 15th of Februproceedings of the people of France. ary. The people are represented as having basket" is, a caravan to convey maleWhat he means by the "salladan enmity to religion; as being profli-factors in, the shaking of which is so gate and Atheists, because they have violent as to resemble the shaking of a pulled down the crosses from the tops salad in one of those baskets in which of the churches. Those who make this the French shake it, after washing, to charge against that brave and virtuous make it dry, previous to the application people, omit to inform us of that most of the oil and other ingredients. Into important circumstance, noticed in the these horrid things, in company with letters of Mr. William Cobbett; name- thieves and murderers, these gallant ly, that Charles X. had had the beastly young men were put, and carried and stupidity and insolence to cause a flower- lodged in the same prisons by the de-luce to be put at the end of each government of the citizen king; and arm and at the top of these crosses, this, too, while the partizans of Charles thereby asserting, in fact, that the ador- X. were permitted with perfect impunity ation of the Bourbons was to accompany to violate not only public decency but the the adoration of Christ; or, in other very letter of the law. In short, every

ing to affairs at home or abroad, clearly showed that the new Government was, as I had said in September, intended to keep the place warm for the return of the old one.. To this point tended all the movements of foreign despots; to this pointed all the negotiation with foreign States; to this point have tended all the recent intrigues with the Congress of Belgium; but to this point the thing has been prevented from arriving by the vigilance and valour of the people of Paris.

art of the Government, whether relat- for a republic. Their manners! What manners? They are industrious, ingenious, enterprising, brave, love good eating and drinking and good dress. Just as the Americans are and just as they do. If there be frivolity; if there be dissipation; if there be shameless prostitution; if there be profligate squanderings; if there be gambling hells without number; if there be luxury without bounds existing by the side of misery which no pen or tongue can describe, to what are these ascribable but to the example and to the fiscal There have been rumours, and there oppressions of that very Bourbon Go may be more before this goes to the vernment which is represented as the press, of the abdication of Louis- necessary effect, and not as the cause, of Take away PHILIPPE. Whether with or without these disgraceful evils? foundation, at present, I am convinced that Government completely; put in its that the fact will be such before many place a cheap government, by men of months have passed over our heads. I sense; and away would go in an inagree perfectly with the French cor-stant all the frivolity, all the stinking of respondent of the Morning Chronicle, prostitution, all the corruption that if he refuse to govern France as the morals, all the luxury and all the squalid chief of a republic, “ France will most misery. respectfully invite him to retire." No Another objection is, the great extent man of common sense, not blinded by and population of France. Great as is some most powerful interest, can fail to the extent of France, it is not, after all, see that this last must and will be the one half so great as that of the settled, result; for as to his governing France the inhabited, the regularly governed, as an hereditary king, without an heredi-extent of the United States of America. tary aristocracy, and a priesthood paid The population of France is at present by the public, the thing is impossible; more than double that of the United and to suppose that the people of France States; but with the sole exception of will suffer these to exist is really very Paris, the great towns in France are little short of madness. In short, it has nothing compared with those of America, been manifest to me from the first hour in point of population; and who has that I heard of the defeat of Polignac, ever heard of a riot in an American that the establishment of a republic city? Who has ever heard of danger would be the result; and my opinion is, to the public peace in those immense that before many months have passed towns of America? Then again with over our heads, we shall see Belgium regard to commerce: all the foreign and France united in one republic, go-commerce of France put together, verned by a CONGRESS resembling that scarcely equals that which, under the of the United States of America. scarcely heard of government of AmeAnd, WHY NOT? What are the ob-rica, is carried on through the single jections to this? this? All sorts of objections port of New York. Another objection are made by those who share in MoNs. is, that France being a continental LAFITTE'S Civil List of twenty-eight power, is surrounded by powerful neighmillions of francs a year; but not one bours, and therefore needs a governsingle objection that can be urged by ment capable of carrying on war. any man who desires to live upon his And is not the American government Have not own property or his own earnings. The capable of carrying on war? blood-sucking crew tell the people of the United States powerful neighbours, France that their MANNERS unsuit them and such as hate them too; and is not

England drained of its treasure and Land to defray other expenses connected fruits of its toil to make that neigh- with his field sports; aye, twice as bourhood dangerous to the United much as the American people pay for States? And did not those United the support of the whole of their civil States, single-handed, when not half so government! Is not this enough to powerful as they are now, face Eng- make a Frenchman broil with rage? land in a war, and make her submit to Yet the government of Louis-PHILIPPE terms of peace dictated by themselves? has diminished none of these expenses; Did not England by its negociators lay and, as the people have complained, and down a sine qua non; and did not the do complain, there has been no change cheap government of America send forth other than those merely of names and an armed vessel, named, in derision, the of men: the tyranny, political as wel sine qua non; and did not England make as fiscal, has remained unabated, and peace, giving up that sine qua non? even new shackles have been imposed What, then, becomes of this tax-eating in many cases. pretence, that republican government However, the cheat has not succeedcannot carry on war? But, what impu-ed: it has been detected, exposed, and dence must those have who put forward rendered of no avail. The example of this pretence, while they have before France has stirred up work for her dethem the record of the glorious achieve-spotic enemies; and we shall now see ments of the republic of France herself! her, though sneered at, as the newsTo waste one's time in refuting such papers tell us, by some of our sagacious objections would be blameable. To begin legislators, as "a country governed by and pull to pieces a kingly government, a mob," giving another example to the long established, is one thing, and to world of a great and happy people re-erect such government in the country under a cheap government. We, therewhere it has been pulled to pieces is fore, have next to consider what effect quite another thing. The people of this prospect ought to have on those France are wholly a different people who have the power to make a real, a from those who existed in that country peaceable, and effectual RFFORM IN fifty or sixty years ago. There is a ENGLAND; and I have to offer my new mind in France; and, as the public opinion with regard to what they are spirited writers of Paris so frequently express themselves, " Coute qui coute, la France veut un gouvernement qui coute peu." That is to say, Cost what it may to get it, France will have a cheap government. And so said the Belgians; so say the Poles; so say the Italians, and so say all those who pay heavy taxes, in all parts of the world.

It is impossible for me to say what annual sum would suffice for carrying on good government in France, and for maintaining the rights and the glory of the country; but I can see no reason why a tenth part of the sun now raised upon the French people might not be amply sufficient. Is it not scandalous, is it not an infamy, is it not enough to make the blood of a Frenchman boil, to reflect, that that imbecile creature Charles X. had twice as much of the nation's money allowed him yearly to pay his gamekeepers, to keep his dogs,

likely to do in this respect. Next Tuesday will be the first of March; on that day we are to learn the intentions of the Ministers in this respect. Before that day they will, if they choose, have read this paper, a copy of which I shall send to each of them on Friday; not with any hope (for hope must have something to rest on) that they will pay much attention to what I say, but in order that I may have the satisfaction to reflect that I have performed my duty.

Before they proceed to what I have to say upon the subject, suppose I give them a few words from BURKE, the great defender of the orders of kings, nobles, and established churches. In the year 1789, the French Revolution had begun. The French people had abolished the order of nobility; they had taken the property of the church and applied it to public uses, leaving allotted stipends to the officiat

ing parochial clergy they had reduced "Your Government in France, though the king to be merely the chief magis-" usually, and I think justly, reputed the trate of the country, but not taking" best of the unqualified or ill-qualified away his hereditary titles or rights; they" monarchies, was still full of abuses. had left the executive government, "These abuses accumulated in a length in his hands: they had placed the le-" of time, as they must accumulate in gislative power in the hands of a single " every monarchy not under the constant legislative body, called the NATIONAL " inspection of a popular representative. ASSEMBLY; and in this state matters But the question is not now of the stood in 1790, when BURKE wrote his vices of that monarchy, but of its REFLECTIONS ON THE FRENCH REVO-" existence. Is it then true, that the LUTION. The CAUSE of this change, "French government was such as to or revolution, had been the pecuniary" be incapable or undeserving of reembarrassments of the Government, "form; so that it was of absolute arising from wasteful wars and pro-" necessity the whole fabric should be fligate expenditure of every description." at once pulled down, and the area These had plunged the Government" cleared for the erection of a theoretic into DEBT: to pay the interest of this" experimental edifice in its place? debt, the people were so ground down" Al France was of a different opinion by taxes that they could endure the" in the beginning of the year, 1789. burden no longer. Scheme after scheme" The instructions to the representawas resorted to, to lighten these bur-" tives to the States-general, from dens; new ministry after new ministry every district in that kingdom, were came in, each with their new project." filled with projects for the reformation Till at last the king called together "of that government, without the rethose ancient assemblies called the "motest suggestion of a design to destroy States General, which had not been" it. Had such a design been then called together before for a century or even insinuated, I believe there would two. One of these bodies were the "have been but one voice, and that representatives of the nobles, another" voice for rejecting it with scorn and the representatives of the clergy, and the "horror. Men have been sometimes third the representatives of the people." led by degrees, sometimes hurried, To this last body the people sent their" into things of which, if they could instructions, which were called cahirs," have seen the whole together they or sheets of paper put together. The "never would have permitted the most three bodies soon disagreed; but many "remote approach. When those inmembers from the two first soon joined" structions were given, there was no the third body, which then went to " question but that abuses existed, and work and made a new government, "that they demanded a reform; nor abolishing the order of nobility, and "is there now. In the interval, beseizing on the property of the church; "tween the instructions and the revoselling the real property belonging to "lution, things changed their shape; the church, and applying the proceeds" and in consequence of that change, the to public purposes, and totally abolish-" truc question at present is, whether ing the tithes. "those who would have reformed, or This was the state in which things "those who have destroyed, are in the stood in 1790, when, as I observed be-" right?"-Burke's Reflections on the fore, BURKE wrote, under the form of a French Revolution (Published in 1790), letter to a gentleman in France, his p. 233. "Reflections on the French Revolution," from which I am now about to take a short passage, which I beseech all my readers, and particularly the ministers, to read with an uncommon degree of attention.

Pray, Ministers, read this forty times over; especially the last sentence. In this passage from Burke, to whom and to whose executors we have been paying a pension from 1795 to this day; this passage, for the writing of which this